CHAPTER-I INTRODUCTION. Lokmanya Tilak was one of the main architects of India s Freedom

Transcription

1 CHAPTER-I INTRODUCTION 1. General Introduction Lokmanya Tilak was one of the main architects of India s Freedom movement. Lokmanya Tilak, in his long political career, organized massmovements, and involved people in different struggles against the British. When there was famine in Maharashtra, in 1986, he organized the peasants and pressurized the British government to give relief to farmers, according to the Famine Code passed by the Government. When Bengal was partitioned by Lord Curzon, Tilak, alongwith lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal, converted the agitation against the injustice to Bengal into an all-india struggle. In order to enable the common man to participate in this struggle. Tilak gave the nation his famous four-point programme: Swadeshi, Boycott, National Education and Swaraj. The British Government leveled the charge of sedition against tilak, and he had to suffer two terms of imprisonment one of eighteen months and the other of six years. Tilak s unflinching courage and great sacrifice made him a symbol of India s aspiration for freedom. After his release from prison in 1914, Tilak organized the Home Rule Movement. He toured the whole of India and carried the message of Swaraj to the homes and hearths of millions of Indians. Tilak was a man of action. Eminent writers have written books evaluating his contribution to India s Freedom Struggle. Much has been written about Lok Tilak. There are available about a score of full-length biographies of Tilak. Of these, biographies written by N.C. 1

2 Kelkar, N.R. Phatak (in Marathi), and by Pradhan-Bhagwat, Ram Gopal, S.L. Karandikar, Dhananjay Keer, Stanley Wolpert (in English) deserve a special mention. But, by their very nature, these biographies do not attempt to review critically Tilak s social and political thought. There are also many a critical works on Tilak; but these are basically studies of his leadership, of him as a freedom fighter, a nation-builder 1. To mention a few, in this context, one may refer to Cashman: Myth of Lokamanya Gordon Johnson: Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism Goldberg and Reisner: Lok. Tilak and Indian National Struggle N.R. Inamdar (ed). : Political Thought and Leadership of Lok. Tilak Vasant Paishikar: Lok. Tilakanchya Nefritvachi Ubharani (in Marathi), Govardhan Parikk Bharatya Rashtravadache Shilpkar (in Marathi) Y.D. Phadke: (i) Tilak ani Krantikarak (in Marathi), (ii) Shahu Chhatrapati Ani Lokmanya (in Marathi) AJ. Karandikar: Krantikarak va Tyancha Kal (in Marathi). Theodore Shay s Legacy of Lokamanya turns out to be a critique of the Extremist School in general. There are also a large number of articles on Tilak. And, therefore, it is nearly impossible to review them. Some of these articles form part of the studies of political thought in Modern India. One may refer to Thomas Pantham and Kenneth Deutsch (ed): Political Thought in Modern India K.K. Gangadharan (ed): Growth of National Consciousness in India V.P. Varma: Modern Indian Political Thought 2

3 K.P. Karunakan: The Renaissance to Militant Nationalism in India Daniel Agrov: Extremists and Moderates Sankar Ghose: Modern Indian Political Tradition Acharya Jawadekar: Adhunik Bharat (in Marathi) and many others. Such articles, by their very nature, cannot be comprehensive. Entire writings and speeches of Tilak were published in the form of Samagra Tilak (seven volumes) between 1974 and Unfortunately, analytical studied introductions were not attached to these volumes. One has to say that a very good opportunity of doing so was missed 2. As a result, a cohesive study and critically-analytical interpretation of Tilak s social and political thought is not available today. Scholars have, thus far, high-lighted Tilak s role as an activist and agitator vis-a-vis his role as a thinker. It seems, Tilak s image as the Father of Indian Unrest, as an ardent freedom fighter who inspired people with the slogan, Swaraj is my birth-right and I will have it, as also an effective nationbuilder, has, in fact, obstructed such an analysis of Tilak. The conceptual, theoretical, approach of Tilak to various areas, and his positive and constructive contribution to political and social thought, as also its limitations, have retained untouched. As a result, the interpretation and analysis of Tilak s thought have remained narrow, incomplete and partial. Hence, the need of such a study 3. 3

4 The main difficulty that any student of modern Indian political I thought faces is the times in which the main political thinkers were functioning. Most of them, being men of action, had least interest in working out a systematic political and/or social philosophy and theory. Perhaps, this is more true of Tilak who practically, throughout his life, was mainly concerned with the mission of mobilizing the people for Swaraj. Such thinker has, necessarily, to react to the situations as they develop. At times, even contradictory statements are made. It becomes difficult to weigh arguments correctly so as to follow the intended logic 4. Irrespective of these apparent contradictions, one can always find a basic continuity in Tilak's argument. He was a keen and perceptive observer of men and events. His thoughts, ' with his profound intelligence, were not mere reflections. Tilak was bound to take a deeper view of the situation and to give serious consideration to the basic issues involved 5. Besides, prevailing impressions and interpretations might act as impediments to one's understanding of Tilak. Further, Tilak was actively involved in the Indian national struggle and was at the centre of many a heated debates and controversies. A scholar meets with an additional difficulty: Many a times, one comes across observations and statements made by Tilaic wherein. one clearly feels what he (Tilak) wanted to convey something more than what his words would mean, if literally translated. As Pattabhi Sitaramayya rightly observed, When Lokamanya Tilak spoke, there was as much that was left unsaid as was actually said. That is how, his speeches and writings were understood. 4

5 While interpreting Tilak, one need always keep in mind that he uses the same terms, such as Rashtra (literally translated Nation ), Dharma (literally translated Religion ), to convey different shades of meaning. Thus, Rashra may mean a nation, nationality, a culturally, identifiable group etc. The term Dharma may mean attributes and qualities, duties, social laws, religion, religious sect, search for the Ultimate Truth etc. For a correct understanding of Tilak s thought, such terms should be interpreted in their appropriate context 6. This work is mainly intended to be a study of Tilak s social and political thought. That is why many a specific issues such as-lucknow Pact, Age of Consent Bill, the Vedokta issue, are not discussed here. Wherever some of the social issues are referred to, or are discussed, it is only to understand the theoretical framework of his strategy, to get a glimpse of his thinking process. Tilak s political and social thought could, properly, be understood only against the backdrop of the political-social scene of his times. The British conquest of India brought in a phenomenal change in the Indian way of life. Though it was not for the first time that India, in her long history, was confronted with the outside forces, never before was it shaken to its very core. Muslim invaders were not considered to be culturally superior, nor did they introduce any new political set-up. Muslim domination, likewise, did not have any fundamental impact on the economic life of India 7. The British impact, however, proved to be of a totally different kind. Tilak gives a very graphic picture as to how the Indians were daizlcd by what they were exposed to. 5

6 The whole of Europe had undergone a sea-change. Various movements like the Renaissance and Reformation had brought about a total transformation of mood. The Individual came to be established at the centre of all human activity, giving birth to a completely new world-view. New inventions in the field of Science and the Industrial Revolution enhanced the economic and military power of the West. The West, as a result, was full of buoyancy, eager to expand and assert, and arrogantly conscious of its cultural superiority, was itching to guide the uncivilized. Due to its peculiar geopolitical position, England had an additional advantage: It was the first country to emerge as a nation-state. AU this got reflected in its interests abroad. So, when, by the end of the eighteenth century, it became apparent to the authorities of the East India Company in India, that a policy of neutrality and non-intervention was unworkable and that intervention would rather protect their commercial interests better, they were materially in a position to assert themselves 8. The end of the eighteenth century witnessed a sort of confrontation between two opposites, two dissimilars in every respect. It was not just on the political front that the Indians lagged behind. More important was the social stagnation. India, for ages, had chosen to be a closed society. Any intercommunication with alien cultures was not looked upon favourably. It presented a picture of social stagnation, cultural decadence, political apathy, technological backwardness, and suffered from the loss of all initiative. It was no wonder that the fight between two such nations proved to be unequal. The important thing was that in this process, India was compulsorily exposed to 6

7 modernizing forces, though this was, in no way, an outcome of the philanthropic considerations on part of the British imperialists 9. The impact of this contact with the foreigners-the British Imperial rule was multi-faceted. The British brought to India an effective, organized central government. The political instability that ranged over a time, had been a major threat to the law and order situation. When, with the emergence of the British Raj (pax Britanica), an end was put to the reigning chaos and anarchy, not only the common masses but the educated as well, breathed a sigh of relief, and highly appreciated the British Raj for its blessings of peace and order. The British rulers also constantly sought to impress upon the Indian mind that they had rescued India from chaos and anarchy, lest the Indians forget its significance. It took some decades for the Indians to realize that, as expressed by Dadabhai Naoroji, the British prevented the Indians from plundering each other, in order that the British themselves might exploit the wealth of India. Military-strategic requirements of the government, as also the urgent needs of, British industrialists the necessitated the construction of railways and development of road transport. These improved methods of transport and the introduction of Post and Telegraph, provided a ready market for the fmished products of Great Britain. These made mobility easier. The educated could, henceforth, come easily together, compare their notes, and establish a national platform. These also affected the caste barriers and also played active part in bringing India on the world economic map. Yet the emerging economic 7

8 system, essentially, remained a colonial relationship-the fiscal policies of the imperial rulers contributing towards economic deterioration. India was virtually converted into the backyard of industrialized Great Britain 10. One of the important things that impressed the educated Indians about the new civilization with which they came into contact, was institutional life. The experience of individuals coming together for secular purposes, articulating their grievances with the expectation of influencing governmental decisions, was a novelty-a thoroughly new and exciting phenomenon for the Indians. It is difficult to give a count of all the emerging associations, in short. It may just be mentioned that it gave a new character to India s social and political life. This new pattern made possible reflections and inquiry into social issues, political problems and economic matters, and helped change the whole pattern of Indian life. The British introduced in India a legal system, based upon the modern principle of Rule of Law and Equality before Law, which has had the most abiding revolutionary impact upon Indian society and social thought. Introduction of this norm generated a new consciousness among the masses who had, never before, envisaged any such possibility. The Indians were soon to realize that this did not give them a fair chance against the British. None-theless, this principal imparted a sense of dignity even to the down-trodden. It also gave rise to a craving for equal social status 11. Perhaps the most important contribution of the British rule in India was the introduction of Western knowledge through English. This was undertaken 8

9 with mixed motives, not all of them equally laudable and honourable. Some of the British were sincere in their professions and favoured such introduction even when aware that Western education would be our high-road back to Europe. Yet, it was introduced mainly with a view of meeting the political and administrative needs of a foreign government. The Britishers also believed that the enlightened (English-educated) Indians would come to appreciate the benevolent character of the British rule, and pray for continual connection with England. This hope was not belied. On the whole, the early English-educated welcomed the British regime. Whatever opposition there was, was from traditional India 12. On their own, the Indians were quick to appreciate the worth of Western knowledge and English language. It was no wonder that the early-educated like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Lokabitwadi Deshmukh and others who looked upon the British as their Gurus and saviours, were totally in favour of English education when arch nationalists like Vishnushastri Chiplunkar described it as Milk of the Tigress. The introduction of English education achieved three major things: Firstly, India was joined to the world-body of Thought. It told them not only about the scientific advances and technological progress but also of the various cultural movements that brought about the metamorphosis in the West. Secondly, adoption of English as a vehicle to impart Western knowledge, facilitated the emergence of an all-india English-educated elite. Thirdly, 9

10 acquaintance with the modern trends made secular inquiry possible. It set in motion a rethinking process which helped emergence of Indian renaissance. English education played a double, a somewhat self-contradictory, role. It made British contact welcome in the eyes of the Indian patriots; it also helped Indian nationalism in its struggle against the foreign rule. The Britishers, settled in India, as was their wont, started their own newspapers. The educated Indians were quick to take their clue. Thus cropped up the question of free press in India. There was a heated debate on the pros and cons of allowing the native press to operate freely. There were two opposite opinions even among the British liberals; ultimately, it was decided to let the press act as ventilators of grievances in the absence of representative institutions. The Indian leaders found in the press an effective weapon for educating the masses and spreading new political and social ideas. They attached great importance to the Press, which is borne out by the fact that each and every one of the Indian nationalist leaders was connected with the Press one way or another. The Free Press was an additional facet that endeared the British Raj to the Indian heart. The Indians, however, were soon to discover that the Imperial rulers were reluctant to extend real and effective freedom to the Indian (Native) Press. What struck the Indian people most was the concept of a Government based on the consent of the governed, the notion of a Government by participation. Indians began to associate Englishmen with representative institutions. They hoped to learn the art of Representative Government at the 10

11 feet of the Britishers. Indians highly appreciated the principle. In fact, establishment of Democratic Government was accepted to be one of the major tenets of Indian national movement. Political activity, on these new lines, started taking shape by 1850 through the (1) British India Association, Calcutta, (2) Bombay Association, (3) Madras Native Association. The Sarvajanik Sabha, Pune was started in The Indians hoped that they would be encouraged and guided by the benevolent imperial rulers. Although not with any altruistic motives; the British rulers exposed Indians to new trends like Individualism, Liberalism, and Democratic thought. Acquainted, thus, with the West, the educated became aware of the glaring difference between the Western and Eastern ways of life and thinking. The first generation of the English-educated, convinced that conquest is very rarely an evil when the conquerors are more civilized than the people conquered, instead of resenting the foreign rule, came to welcome it. They looked upon it as a God-given opportunity-divine Dispensation-to improve the Indian (Hindu) way of life. They believed that the all-merciful Providence had chosen Great Britain to preside over India s destiny. The English-educated were so much enamoured that they failed to take count of the fact that the relationship between 1ngIand and India was a relationship between the victor and the vanquished, and not that of a willing Gun (benevolent teacher) and a receptive disciple. They developed a faith in the professions of the conquerors, and were so much taken in as to believe that Great Britain could not enslave others for her own benefit

12 The English-educated felt as if a new world of ideas had revealed itself. A new world-view was opened up for the Indians. They received a new criterion with which to judge the validity of their religious traditions, social institutions and ethical norms. Their first concern was intellectual and social emancipation of India. They toiled against ignorance and superstition, social stagnation and cultural decadence. A serious and sincere effort was put in to rejuvenize the Indian society. This set, in motion, a welcome trend of intellectual inquiry-the Indian Renaissance. India social and religious matters were interwoven. Social query was, thus, always accompanied by religious inquiry. Many a socio-religious movements came to be initiated-the Brahmo Samaj and the Prarthana Samaj being the most prominent of these 14. Initially, the educated social reformers had their face turned towards the West. The new generation felt it necessary to rediscover the true spirit of India. Serious studies of the Hindu past and philosophy, undertaken by the Western scholars-oriental studies-contributed in a major way for this change of direction. This change was reflected in the religious movements such as the Arya Samaj and neo-vedantism. There was also a trend of thought which endeavoured to seek new light from the old shastras, believing sincerely that the Hindu Culture was basically liberal. The Indian Renaissance, as it developed, had its limitations. India had lost her political freedom and economic initiative. In contrast, in the West, trader and industrialist classes had played a positive role by supporting the 12

13 emerging new forces of Renaissance. The Indian conditions were bound to weaken the drive, the vitality of the forces of inquiry. It need be added that there was a constant undercurrent of Christian influence. The Christian Missionaries were not the only ones to hope that the population of India would be saved for Christ. As is well-known, the British liberals like Macaulay and Trevelyn were among those who enthusiastically welcomed such prospect. The Indians, naturally, feared and also resented such influence. Many an Indian social reformers, it may be recalled, had come under the Christian influence 15. The response of the English-educated-especially of those belonging to the earlier generation-was that of imitation. The Indian renaissance as such developed under the shadow of foreign culture. Everything Indian came to be looked upon with disdain. The unique conditions of the situation-comparison with the culture of alien conquerors-gave rise to a feeling of inferiority on the one hand and loss of identity on the other. The imitation was so evident that people like Macaulay hoped that as a result of English education, there would emerge a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour of their eyes but English in taste, in opinion, in their language. With the emergence of the nationalist school on the Indian scene, this attitude on the part of the early-educated came to be looked upon as a denationalizing tendency. By 1870, a mood of disillusionment slowly but definitely set in, and a vague feeling became perceptible in the air that something was wrong with the British regime. 13

14 The first factor to antagonise the Indian people was the display of racial arrogance on the part of the rulers towards the Kala Admi. Secondly, about the same time, attention of the English-educated leadership came to be drawn to the issue of India s appalling poverty. This emerged as a major plank of the argument of the Indian nationalists against the imperial rulers. A majority of those who came to be known as the Moderates retained their faith in their British mentors, in the benevolence of the British rulers, and wished for continued political association with them. They believed that, if properly informed, the British Imperial rulers, at least the liberals among them, would amend their economic policies. Yet, poverty emerged as the major plank of the argument of the Indian national leadership against the imperial rulers. 16 By 1875, a new school of nationalists emerged in Maharashtra, as a reaction to the Moderates. This school not only challenged the bonafides of the foreign rulers but came to believe that the root cause of India s deprivation was foreign subjugation. The school of thought started looking upon the social reform movement with suspicion and hesitation. It was apprehensive that any such movement, on the lines prescribed by the social reformers, would have a demoralising effect. It would result in the people losing faith in their own worth, thus giving rise to a defeatist mentality. Perhaps, the fact that those who were engaged in social reform movement looked towards the West for inspiration and were willing to accept the foreign rulers as their Saviours and Gurus, shaped the views of these new group of nationalists

15 The Seventies of the nineteenth century had witnessed two important happenings: first, the severe famines of which displayed the callous attitude of the foreign rulers and second, the attempt of armed revolt by Vasudeo Balwant Phadalce. It must be remembered that Phadalce did not want to re-establish Peshwai but looked forward to establishing a democratic republican form of government 18. Tilak must have been affected by these incidents. He also took notice of the fact that the British Government did not respond to the honest demands of Indian politicians as they had hoped. Points of reference on which Tilak s assessment of the situation was based could be cited as (1) a feeling of general despondency, (2) deteriorating material conditions-increasing poverty, (3) dwarfing of the educated, and (4) apathy and rude behaviour on the part of the British rulers. Tilak felt the need of exploring the myth of benevolent imperialism. Instead of accepting the British contact as Divine Dispensation and putting his faith in the bonafides of these generous imperial rulers, Tilak though, it necessary to investigate the true character of the basic relationship between Great Britain and India. This brought him face to face with many a basic political and social issues 19. Tilak thought it pertinent to begin with an inquiry into the phenomenon of Political Independence and its significance for any nation-the issue of sovereignty-as also the issue of Imperialism and imperial Relationship. More importantly, Tilak s approach to Swaraj being basically rational as also positive, he developed a total and comprehensive philosophy of Swaraj taking, 15

16 within its purview, alongwith the justification of Swaraj, the obilization for and connotation of swaraj. A total view of Tilak s approach convincingly brings out the need of taking cognizance of his role as the philosopher of Swaraj rather than merely as an agitator 20. This study, therefore, begins with Tilak s views on and approach to his treatment of the issue of Swaraj. The first three chapters deal with these aspects i.e., justification, Mobilization and connotation, respectively. The next chapter to follow is Tilak: Nationalism. Impressed by Tilak s contribution to the Indian national struggle, scholars, generally tend to assess Tilak s view on Nationalism only on the basis of his strategy for nation-building. In Indian Nation, and Attempt is made in this chapter to interpret his strategy of nationbuilding. In order to correctly understand Tilak s views both on Nationalism and Indian Nation, and attempt is made in this chapter to interpret his strategy of nation-building in the context of his theoretical perception of the concept and phenomenon of Nationalism 21. Tilak s investigation about the issue of Imperialism and Imperial Relationshhip led him to extend his field of inquiry and apply his mind also to the issue of forces operating on international relations in general. In this chapter, International Relations: Tilak s outlook, an attempt is made to state, critically, Tilak s Approach and contribution to this field. 16

17 It was thought proper to examine critically Tilak s social thought in two different chapters. The first of these, Social Debate concentrates on the debate between Tilak and the social reformers, in the contents of 1. The issue of precedence of the political over the social 2. Tilak s views about change in socio-religious field and 3. The issue of strategy to be adopted. The second chapter reviews, critically what may be called his Social Philosophy. His philosophy of Karmayoga which is a wrothy critique both of Western Liberalism and traditional Hindu outlook of life. The concluding chapter takes an, overall, critical review of tilak s Social and Political thought Statement of the Problem The present study entitled The Role of Lokmanya Tilak in India National Freedom Movement is undertaken to create the awareness among the masses. It is also undertaken to understand his concept of Swaraj and its value. Further to understand his political and religious ideas the present study is undertaken. His concept of Swadeshi is equally given importance in our study 23. Undertaken the demand for Swaraj thus becomes morally imperative freedom these emerges not merely as a Natural Right but a moral necessity ideas. Tilak observed that this did not mean that they had changed their rule nature: A nation loving both justices and liberty. Whether a liberal or a 17

18 conservative everyone barring with the spirit of imperialism. It not humane nature to do so. Self reliance thus emerges in Tilak s logic as participation and involvements. Tilak, Swadeshi: boycott and National Education, The effective, one should if possible, resistant evil minded person through need necessarily be answered by evil. Tilak claim that Swaraj is my birth right his piority to swaraj is rational and not emotional, tilak gurantee of good human life, ideas. Tilak was the first Indian leader to understand the full importance of organized public opinion, moral justification for the struggle. For Swaraj-Political Emanicpation, contribution be lost. Tilak his own programme for building up the freedom struggle. The ideas tilak the Ganesh and Shivaji festivals helped. In the bringing the politically conscious class indirect contact with the masses to people. Tilak through understand selfless dedicated handwork and establish creditability. Tilak suggested that the leadership of the National Movement should take up issues of public importance and organize peoples movement he hoped thereby to firstly kindly feeling of Nationhood and a will to resist and to teach them to ventilate effectively. Tilak awareness undertaken the common people are willing to associate with such a movement. Tilak concept as self realization is the surest way of self salvations national education. Political independence or individual salvation self realization. Create the awareness among the study. Concept equally, an unjust king loses his moral his divinity and becomes demon. Self 18

19 government is better than good government this approach constituted the major difference a dividing line between the old and new political theories it is important to note that Tilak thought it proper this point further. This observation is quite significant as many a times. People even educated ones, have a latent attraction for the apparent efficiency of an authoritarian government. Under a democratic self government that grants them liberty explained on the scale of human being as liberty holds the top-most position nothing natural right of the people to have a government of and by their consent. What gives a government the moral right to claim allegiance of the rightful basis of a state. Why should one obey the state tilak tooked upon nation as one form of secular social organization among many other such organization nationalism the ultimate goal universal brotherhood. The ultimate aim of human life as he observed elsewhere this scale of understanding is helpful, Welfare of humanity as the ultimate goal his romantic ideas about nationalism he looked upon nationalism a means of material improvement and not as some mystic. Spiritual phenomenon nationalism. Multiplicity of languages however was not the only hurdle facing the Indian nation builders India was and still continues to be a land of multiple religions the problem more difficult a feeling multi religious country the use of certain secular forces. Tilak wanted to restore Hindustan to Hindu and Muslim rule that is reestablish Swaraj. Nationalism is both valid and relevant even today must importance working the people. In India Tilak said Religion ad 19

20 practical life are not different. Tilak opposed the moderate views Tilak started the marathi weekly, kesari, tilak said I regard India as my motherland and my goddess the people in India my kith and kin loyal work. For their political is my highest religion and duty Suggest that Hindi written in the Devanagari script be accepted as the sole national language of India, tilak adverse tilak Concept study Problems. The Imperial rulers today are keen to totally subjugate the subject-people and exert to a mass wealth to the maximum at the cost of the subject peoples. Tilak observed wanted to focus attention on indias totally dependence on England. In the economic field resulting in her complete emaciation, the earlier the Indians grasp in the better tilak the English people were known for their love of individual liberty of democracy of individual liberty were taken by the imperialism. Tilak observation which international relations are conducted real politic, and insisted that any nation can forget this truth only at its own peril. That imperialism inelination towards empire building is nothing close but Review of Literature D. Mackenzie Brown holds that, Lokamanya Tilak ( ) represents the full tide of ideological activity in the Indian Nationalist movement. Long overshadowed by his younger contemporary, Gandhi, his life and thought are only now, a third of a century after his death, receiving due recognition. Prior to his entrance upon the political stage, Indian leadership 20

21 afforded the spectacle of a rather polite debating society which accepted British ideals and values as almost axiomatic. Protests against government policies consisted of thoughtfully worded petitions calculated to appeal to the sense of reason and fair play of officials. Tilak saw little profit in such method, but his rivals in the Nationalist Jeadership, particularly G. K. Gokhala, were wedded to the traditions of British parliamentary procedure 24. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Bal Gangadhar Tilak (bat gung gedar telak), , Indian nationalist leader. He was a journalist in Pune, and in his newspapers, the Marathi-language Kesari [lion] and the English- language Mahratta, he set forth his nationalist ideals. He sought a Hindu revival based on Maratha traditions and independence [swaraj] from Britain. After the Indian National Congress was founded (1885), Tilak became the acknowledged leader of the extreme wing. He fought the moderate measures of Gopal Krishna Gokhale and advocated resistance to British rule; he was arrested (1897) by the British and imprisoned for 18 months. In 1907 a split took place in the Congress, and Tilak led his extremist wing out of the party. The next year he was again imprisoned, this time for six years. Unlike Mohandas Gandhi, hç welcomed the Montagu-Chelmsford Report (1918), which conceded a substantial 25. Gayatri Pagdi, Bal Gangadhar Tilak ( ) was the first national leader of the Indian freedom movement who transcended provinces, communities, and languages to establish himself in the hearts of millions. Tilak was a fierce advocate of swarajya (self-rule) and his famous quote, Swarajya is my 21

22 birthright, and I shall have it! is well-remembered even today. Tilak s life touched millions. He was a warrior-hero and a scholar-philosopher, a man who lived a life of action with total selflessness in the pursuit of freedom for his motherland. He was a soul steady in reason, a sthithapradnya. As he stood, rock-solid and consistent amidst the ocean of turmoil, he earned the love and admiration of the people and came to be identified as Lokmanya, the admired one. This book explores the multi- faceted personality of Gal Gangadhar Tilaksocial reformer, scholar, and national Leader-through the eyes of the people, convincingly portraying a man of the people and the people of his times. 26 Christopher Pinney, Gandhi was obliged to negotiate the central objem of Gal Gangadhar Tilak s dominance of Indian politics through the first two decades of the twentieth century and the astonishing symmetry between many of their concerns. This article explores the distáncé that separates Gandhi and Tilak ethically and politically but also attempts to highlight the troubling deeper intimacy that conjoins their philosophies. 27 Shruti Kapila, in giving a historically specific account of the self in early twentieth-century India, this article poses questions about the historiography of nationalist thought within which the concept of the self has generally been embedded. It focuses on the ethical questions that moored nationalist thought arid practice, and were premised on particular understandings of the self. The reappraisal of religion and the self in relation to contemporary evolutionary sociology is examined through the writings of a diverse set of radical 22

23 nationalist intellectuals, notably Shyamji Krishnavarma, Bal Garigadhar Tilak and Har Dayal, and this discussion contextualizes Mohandas Gandhi, Over three related sites of public propaganda, philosophical reinterpretation and individual self-reinvention, the essay charts a concern with the ethical as a form of critique of liberalism and liberal nationalism. While evolutionism and liberalism often had a mutually reinforcing relationship, the Indian crdque of liberalism was concerned with the formation of a new moral language for a politics of the self. 28 Raminder Kaur, questions our understanding of the construction of histories based on a variety of sources. It critiques the power of the word and the fetish of the archive in the construction of histories and alters the focus by placing the material remnants of the past at centre stage, with oral narratives and archival texts as supporting illustrations. It does this by focusing on Bal Gangadhar Tilak s purported role in mobilizing a festival in tribute to the god Ganapati as part of the incipient anti-colonial struggle in the 1890s, It argues that colonial, nationalist and scholarly discourse converge to perpetuate the notion that Tilak was the pioneer of the public festival, when ethnographic work of material culture reveals that there were in fact other community leaders who pioneered the politicized festival. Tilak was more a publicist: he wrote about the festival in the press giving it his wholehearted support as well as helping to disseminate the phenomenon across the region. The article seeks to demonstrate how academic discussions in scholarly articles and books, however critical of 23

24 hegemonic formations, have unwittingly perpetuated the views of not just colonial discourse, but also contemporary nationalists in India. 29 Parimala V Rao, says peasantry in the Deccan suffered from widespread indebtedness during the 19th century. In March 1881, after touring the rural areas of Poona and Ahmadnagar districts, which were still recovering from the devastations caused by famine and the credit crunch followed by the peasant revolt of , Mahadev Govind Ranade proposed the establishment of agricultural-shetkari banks. The nationalists led by Bat Gangadhar Tilak oppcised the proposal. This article explores the debates on peasant indebtedness and the intervention of nationalists on behalf of the moneylenders to oppose even limited measures to assist peasants in the rural economy 30. Dr.(Mrs) Sathe Tilak s position on Political reform. I wish there should have been a more critical analysis on the position of Lokmanya Tilak on various controversies in the social life of Maharashtra, such as Vedokta Issue. Lokmanya Tilak was ahead of his times in matters political. But in social matters, he had the limitations of his time and particularly of the social stratum to which he belonged. It is necessary to point out the contrast between Tilak and his close friend, in the first phase of his activities, agarkar who had taken a radical position both on political and Social issues. Agarkar fervently advocated a basic change in the structure of Hindu society. In contrast, tilak always took a legalistic and status quoits position whenever there was a controversy on some important political issue. It is argued that tilak wanted to devote all his energies to political matters, and did not want any rift in society. 24

25 I am not inclined to accept this justification. Even when tilak wanted to give top priority to political activity, he should not have sided with the orthodox section in society. Tilak was not neutral. He took every opportunity for ridiculing those who stood for social reforms. In this respect, it is also necessary to point out that two of his colleagues-lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal-were social reformers, and their progressive ideology and active participation in social reforms did not interfere with their radical political activities. It was unfortunate that Tilak was influenced by the dominant orthodox section in Maharashtra Objectives of the Study The main objectives of the study are mentioned below 1. To know the multi-faceted personality of Tilak. 2. To study his concept of Self-government as the basis for social, economic, cultural and spiritual reforms. 3. To understand as to how Tilak carried the message of Swaraj to the masses. 4. To understand the Tilak concept of Re-marriage, female education etc

26 1.5. Justification of the Study The present study is justified on the following grounds. 1. To know and study the Tilaks role in the Indian National Freedom Movement. 2. To Justify as to how Tilak Contributed in Nation-Building. 3. To know the Democratic foresight and Spirit of Tilak. 4. To elaborate his concept of self-reliance Hypothesis The present research is based on following hypothesis. 1. The uniqueness of Tilak approach lies in creating awareness among the people. 2. Tilak preached the national revolution. 3. His Inferences are practically applicable. 4. He carried the message of Swaraj among the masses. 5. Tilak appreciated the spirit of self-sacrifice of the revolutionaries Methodology The present research is a historical and descriptive. It is based on secondary data. In our research researcher intended to collect the information from primary sources also. Besides, news papers, journals, books, magazines, reports are also intended to refer for the present research. The research material available in the internet, website would also be used in the present study

27 1.8. Chapter Design 1. Introduction 2. Swaraj Justification 3. The role of Tilak in Freedom movement. 4. Tilak on Mobilisation 5. Tilak on Connotation 6. Tilak on Nationalism 7. Tilak on Internationalism 8. Summary and Conclusion 9. Select Bibliography 27

28 NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. IV, p Dhananjay Keen Lokamanya Tilak p. 101 (2nd Ed.), Popular Prakashan, Bombay, Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. IV, p. 230, 7th Jan Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. IV, p ,12th Nov Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. V, p Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. V, p. 680, 28th July, Lok. Tilakanchi Geli Aath Varshe, Abaji Kulkarhin, p Geli Aath Varshe: p , Athawani Va Akhyayika: Vol. No. Ill, English Sec., p Aathawani Va Akhyayika: Vol. No. I, p (B) Samagra Tilak, Vol. No. VI, p Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. VI, p. 926, 7th June 18%. 10. Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. IV, p Aathawani va Akhyayika Vol. No. I, p N.C. Kelkar: Lok. Tilak Yanche Charitra. Vol. Ill, Part 8, p Aathawaniva Akhyayika. Vol. No. II, p S.M. Mate: Kesari Prabodh. Vol. III, p. 19, Pune, Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. VI, p th Feb Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. VI, p. 925, 7th June V.R. Shinde: Mazya Athawaniva Anubhav, p. 285, Shrec Lekhan Vachan Bhandar, Poona,

29 18. R.C. Majumdar: History of Indian Freedom Movement. Vol. I, p Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, Cited in Tilak and Indian Struggle for Freedom. Ed. J M. Reisher and KM. Goldberg, p. 68, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, Ibid, p Cited by Ram Gopal: Lokamanya Tilak, p. 88, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, R.C. Majumdar: History of Freedom Movement in India. Vol. I, p R.C. Majumdar: History of Freedom Movement in India. Vol. I, p Pradhan Bhagwat: Lok. Tilak, p. 95, Jaico Publishing House Bombay, Refer to the Chapter 'Nationalism' for detailed discussion of this point. 26. Bipin Chandra Pal: Life and Uttcranccs-"New Movement," p. 29, Gancsh & Co., Madras. 27. Bipin Chandra! Pal: Life and Utterances. 'New Movement': p Please refer to Chapters, 'Nationalism' and 'International Relations' for Tilak's elaborate argument. 29. Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. Ill, p Please refer to Chapter, Swaraj: Justification. 30. Bipan Chandra: Rise and Growth of Eco. Nationalism in Indian, p Bipan Chandra: Rise and Growth of Econ. Nationalism in India, p Samagra Tilak. Vol. No. IV, p. 225, 24th Dec

30 33. R.P. Masani: Dadabhai Naoroji,. p. 49, G Allen & Unwin, Rajni Kothari: Politics in India, p. 150 Orient Longman, Reprinted,