TO WHAT EXTENT HAS EUROPEANIZATION IMPACTED ON EU US POST COLD WAR RELATIONS?

Transcription

1 ROMANIAN REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, II, 1, 2010 TO WHAT EXTENT HAS EUROPEANIZATION IMPACTED ON EU US POST COLD WAR RELATIONS? Alexandra Nazarie* A more desirable international system is unlikely unless the US and EU take the lead, and define a common agenda within multilateral institutions 1 Abstract The pace of change induced by the European Union has accelerated beyond the expectations of its founders. Out of all the competing explanatory paradigms that attempt to capture the dynamics of the symbiosis between domestic policies of the state and the EU levels, Europeanization clearly distinguishes itself as the trendiest one. 2 Therefore, it is the purpose of my paper to explore to what extent the process of Europeanization has influenced the EU member states toward a renewal of the EU US partnership after the end of the Cold War. After defining the Europeanization concept I will try to explain to what extent the Europeanization process has shaped the transatlantic partnership. Moreover, the present paper will also include a brief discussion on the nature of the transatlantic relationship, the interests of the two partners and the bond that exists between Europe and its younger sister. I shall then go on to perform an analysis of the post Cold War transatlantic partnership using two main theories of International Relations, namely Neorealism and Liberalism, as reflected in the works of their promoters. Keywords: Europeanization, European Union, USA. *Alexandra Nazarie is PhD student at the Babes Bolyai University, Cluj Napoca, e mail: alexandra.nazarie@gmail.com 1 John Peterson, Europe and America: the Prospect for Partnership, London: Routledge, 1996, 2 nd Edition, p Zoe Onuțu, Romanian Interest Representation in Brussels: An Initial Assessment of Romania s Lobbying Potential in the View of EU Membership, Iași: Lumen, 2007, pp

2 54 Alexandra Nazarie Europeanization, a trendy theory Although the concept of Europeanization has gained widespread prevalence among European integration researchers, it has not endowed Europeanization with a clear cut meaning. The fact that Europeanization is indeed a multi faceted phenomenon is reflected in the multiplicity of definitions and the extremely vibrant debate surrounding this term. 3 On the one hand, Robert Ladrech 4 marks a very influential starting point in this conceptual endeavor by stating that Europeanization is an incremental process which entails the inclusion of EU dynamics in the domestic organizational logic and norms. On the other hand, a definition that best suits the pragmatic purposes of this paper is the one highly developed by Claudio Radaelli, 5 which considers that Europeanization refers to processes of construction, diffusion and institutionalization of formal and informal rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles, ways of doing things, and shared beliefs and norms which are first defined and consolidated in the making of EU public policy and politics All in all, Europeanization is a highly elusive notion which defies singular explanation but begs for clear conceptualization. Europeanization is seen as a circular process pertaining to the way in which the EU impacts on domestic politics, policies and polities, using a complex range of mechanisms and instruments which are dependent on the domestic environment in focus. Furthermore, rational and social institutionalisms have proved instrumental in delineating the multiple conditions needed for the emergence of Europeanization induced domestic change. It was that particularly domestic change that made the member states aware of the need to engage the interests of their countries, which become the interests of the Union, into an international cooperation framework. 6 3 Onuțu, op. cit., p Robert Ladrech, Europeanization of Domestic Politics and Institutions: The case of France, in Journal of Common Market Studies, Number 1, Volume 32, 1994, p Ibidem, loc. cit. 6 Onuțu, op. cit., pp

3 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US Transatlantic partnership and Europeanization To begin with, one can argue that, from a historical standpoint, the rules of the game for interest articulation in the Western sphere have been shaped during long periods of comparative political strength. The consolidation of democracy following the Second World War manifested itself in each state by the emergence of a functional democratic process, which gradually entailed the legitimization of trade unions, small firms and trade organizations. Therefore, this democratic renewal allowed these newly established bodies to actively participate in the redistribution of collective wealth and in policy formulation, and to clearly differentiate themselves from political parties, by finding a distinctive function in the political spectrum. The establishment of a coherent and legitimate national interest articulation system has been contingent on the peculiarities of the domestic political culture and arrangements. Moreover, empirical research shows that the national patterns of organizational culture are extremely diverse in what concerns the membership rates and the interplay between interest associations and the public decision making bodies. The Europeanization process was voluntary, as interest groups have almost immediately reacted to the political opportunity structures offered by the incremental creation of a supranational political centre. The statement above leads the discussion to a key question, namely to what extent Europeanization shaped the transatlantic relationship, given the particular domestic environment and the specific conditionality that the western states had to deal with after the end of the Cold War. In order to be able to formulate an answer to this question, I believe it is imperative that we take a look at the transatlantic partnership of the post Cold War era. In the New World Order that emerged at the end of the Cold War it becomes clear that the EU and US are the most influential actors in the international system and, as such, much more powerful if they act together than separately. 7 This new partnership that includes a complex network of 7 Peterson, op. cit., p. 7.

4 56 Alexandra Nazarie institutions in which the US and EU work together in the spheres of politics, security, economics and culture 8 showed a greater dynamism in the 1990s than ever before. Responding to distorted security realities, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was enlarged to encompass the states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) through the North Atlantic Cooperation Council in December 1991 and the Partnership for Peace (PfP), in January Even if the major transatlantic partners were also important players in the economic organizations within the West European realm, and that the transatlantic partnership was expanding, the US EU foreign policies were matters of intense debates. This is due to the fact that in a post Cold War world a more diverse and intense set of domestic pressures shape foreign policy making processes on both sides of the Atlantic. 10 The Europeanization process orientated the interests of the Western Member States towards the intra European affairs such as the enlargement process, the Balkans, the resources flow within the EU, the Turkish question, consolidation of democracy, the rule of law and with the stability and security of the European continent. Needless to say, America has its own interests and its highest aim is a planet on which pervasive democracy, free enterprise, tolerance and security 11 support the success of American ideals. Drawing on the American goal David Compert performs an analysis of the US interests. Firstly, he mentions as a key interest the continuing integration of the world economy on open terms favorable to American capital, wears, and ideas. 12 What is more, he argues that the centers of this economy are three main regions: North America, Western Europe and East Asia, which gather the world s wealth and innovation. Within this context, a policy network between Western Europe and America comes as a concept capable of capturing the new patterns of transatlantic collaboration. Secondly, 8 Jarrod Wiener and Dan Hiester, The Transatlantic Partnership in the 1990s, in The transatlantic Partnership, Edited by Jarrod Wiener, London: Macmillan Press LTD, 1996, p Ibidem. 10 Peterson, op. cit., p David C. Gompert, Introduction: A Partner for America, in America and Europe: A Partnership for a New Era, Edited by David C. Gompert and F. Stephen Larrabee, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, p Ibidem.

5 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US instability is seen to be the greatest danger for these core regions. Therefore, the security of the core economy and its flows of goods, capital, energy, and information from attack and disruption, 13 is second on the list of US interests. What is particular to this interest is the fact that Compert mentions Russia and the Greater Middle East as the main two regions that can prejudice the stability of the core, even though he acknowledges the fact that they contain most of the world s fossil fuel reserves. 14 Going beyond this dichotomy, Compert also mentions the interest that the US has for the success of young democracies and emerging markets, especially those struggling under the legacy of communism in Eastern Europe 15 Last, but not least, as policy choices are the result of bargains and pay offs between a set of public and non public actors, the US is mainly interested in a cooperation with the EU for the defeat of hard core outlaw regimes and the instruments they might use in desperation terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. 16 Taking all this into account, Compert concludes that these are European interests as well. On the other hand, as Robert Kagan argues, there are significant disagreements over what constitutes intolerable threats to international security and world order, and the case of Iraq is worth mentioning here. 17 Moreover, the disagreements reflect a discrepancy of power between the US and EU. In the great 1952 Hollywood classic High Noon 18, Gary Cooper in the role of the sheriff Will Kane, is unable to obtain the support of any townspeople, inhabitants of the same town that he had been protecting for years, when he is threatened by a former outlaw coming back to settle a score. Cooperʹs sheriff, the man with the gun in a town to which he had almost single handedly brought peace, is forced to unilaterally take it upon himself to protect the town. The townspeople are unwilling to help because they donʹt see the outlaw as a direct threat to themselves. To a certain degree, the townʹs inhabitants may have held that view because, as Robert Kagan describes in his assessment of the chasm that has emerged between 13 Ibidem, p Ibidem, loc. cit. 15 Ibidem, loc. cit. 16 Ibidem, loc. cit. 17 Robert Kagan, Paradise & Power: America and Europe in the New World Order, London: Atlantic Books, 2003, p Fred Zinnemann, High Noon, [U.S.]: MGM Home Entertainment, c2000, Film made in 1952.

6 58 Alexandra Nazarie the United States and Europe in the 21 st century, outlaws typically shoot sheriffs, not saloonkeepers. 19 On balance, the US EU relationship within the New World order is growing stronger; but the very density and complexity of interactions that exist among them almost assured that difficulties will arise. Nevertheless, the mechanisms for dealing with such difficulties also exist. America also has to be aware of the fact that, as Europe becomes more active and self confident on the global scale in many areas, it will have a natural tendency to distance itself from the United States on some issues in order to assert its own identity and perhaps to take advantage of US liabilities. 20 Taking into consideration on the one hand, the closeness of the American European relationship, and on the other, Europe s increasing capability, Europe can be seen as a strong partner by the US. However, the character of this affiliation is expected to vary, from issue to issue and region to region. As a result, the US has all the rationale to support initiatives by the EU that are aimed at stabilizing the regions that are close to the Union, namely Russia, Ukraine, Kosovo. Conversely, the Americans have seen the EU efforts to create a Mediterranean free trade area as prejudiced and directed against the US. The Americans would desire to have a seat at the table and to be involved in these agreements, but this is implausible to occur because if that will be the case, the very purpose of having Europe exploit its proximity would be undermined. 21 To conclude, a partnership between the US and EU already exists. Cooperation is the key concept upon which this partnership should be based, in both security and economic policies. What is more, on most matters of global importance, the US seeks and almost every time receives the support of the Europeans. Neo/Realism, Liberalism and the Transatlantic Relationship Political realism as an explanation of inter societal relations has a millennia old history, beginning with the works of the ancient Greek historian Thucydides. It has been the dominant orientation in modern 19 Kahan, op. cit., pp John Van Oudenaren, Europe as partner, in Gompert and Larrabee, op. cit., p Ibidem, loc. cit.

7 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US Western politics since the sixteenth century, when it was theorized by the diplomat and scholar Niccolò Machiavelli. The main reason why this particular type of theory has been so attractive to statesmen and philosophers alike is its emphasis on interest and power as the main drives of state behaviour. In the 20 th century, numerous political theorists have defined themselves as realists and since the discrediting of liberal institutionalism by the international crises of the 1930s, the field of international relations theories has witnessed a boom of realist ideas and nuances. The fact that many of these authors were also statesmen, often in high positions of power, such as Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State of the United States in the 1970s, has ensured the great influence of this set of theories over interstate politics until the end of the Cold War, and arguably to the present day. There is little disagreement on the salience of interest groups in the political decision making process within the realist realm. Wyn Grant 22, for instance, points to the fundamental link between the existence of pressure groups and the very survival of a system of democratic governance, while Thomas 23 contends that they are one of the most important institutions that define the character of the political system. The European Union, as a unique quasi plural polity, is not an exception to this general assumption, as organized interests are considered to be the natural constituency 24 of supranational institutions. This view is theoretically supported by the crucial role attributed to non state actors in models of multilevel governance and by various studies aimed at theorizing EU interest representation. 25 The international system is viewed by the realists as struggle for power, a war of all against all. 26 Moreover, this very system bred 22 Wyn, Grant, Pressure Groups and British Politics, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000, p Clive S. Thomas, Political Parties and Interest Groups: Shaping Democratic Governance, London: Boulder, Colo., 2001, p Justin Greenwood, Interest Representation in the European Union, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, p See, B. Kohler Koch, op.cit. 26 Gregory S. Kavka, Hobbe s War of All against All, in Ethics, Number 2, Volume 92, 1983, p. 291.

8 60 Alexandra Nazarie competition and insecurity because of the fact that the states primarily aim at the maximization of their power, first of all by military means. 27 One of the key theorists of neorealism, Kenneth Waltz, emphasizes the significant impact of the international system over the behaviour of states, and the interactions between them. This constitutes a major departure from the classical realist assumption, supported mainly by Morgenthau 28, that it is the flawed human nature which causes the conflicting relations between states. Waltz elaborates on the difference in structure between domestic politics, which has a hierarchic character, and the international system, which lacks comparable institutions, and is therefore deemed anarchic. His main argument for pushing forward the structure of the system as the main factor which shapes and explains international politics is the fact that, although the internal organizing principles of states vary immensely in time and space, the general pattern of interactions remains the same. The notion of a balance of power between states was a significant focal point of realism, but realists were vague on how such a balance might vary over time. 29 Keohane and Gilpin explained that the changes in international politics occur as a result of the impact of the international system s structure on the behaviour of its individual units. 30 In this sense, the Europeanization process has had an important role in shaping the member states attitude as individual unites, with regard to the transatlantic partnership. Waltz maintains the classical realist view that states are driven by the need for self preservation and the desire for domination, but acknowledges that these two basic needs, as well as the capabilities of each of the actors within the system and their number, can combine and give rise to various, intricate and especially dynamic arrangements. Furthermore, he argues that power is a means, not an end, and that, rather than seeking to maximize their power, states will prefer to balance it, as a 27 Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981, p. 131, cited in Peterson, op. cit., p Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, Revised by Kenneth W. Thompson, New York, 1985, 6 th ed. 29 Peterson, op. cit., p Robert Gilpin, The richness of the tradition of political realism, in International Organizations, Number 2, Volume 38, 1984, pp , and Robert O. Keohane, Neorealism and its Critics, 1986, in Peterson, op. cit., p. 25.

9 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US more efficient means of achieving the ultimate goal of security. With most of his academic work elaborated during the Cold War, in a world shaped by bipolarity, Waltz finds, unlike the traditional realist thought, that balance of power can work very well, perhaps even better, in a bipolar system as in a multi polar one, because it has the advantage of producing higher degrees of certainty in foreign politics. While acknowledging the growing importance of non state units, such as international organizations and transnational actors, Waltz does not find them powerful and influential enough to carry an impact over the issues of war and peace; he finds interdependence a myth 31, and concludes that the promoters of transnationalist and interdependence theories fall short of explaining the workings of the international system, while large scale communication and free trade continue to be powerless in preventing war. Therefore, nation states are the only actors that really matter in international politics, even if there is little interdependence between them. 32 This is why, the ability of transnational actors, such as EU, to impose even the impression of order in the midst of anarchy is more often than not denied by the neorealists. 33 The neorealist assumption that the concept of power in international relations is interchangeable, namely a state power in one area can compensate for weakness in another, 34 can not be ignored. A clear example of this assumption is the way in which the US uses its military power. Accordingly, American military power can be used to pursue US interests in the economic field. 35 Moving on to another representative neorealist author, Joseph Grieco, 36 we can notice that he moves further from the classical realist assumption that states finding themselves in a prisoner s dilemma type of 31 Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics, New York: Random House, 1979, p Ibidem, pp Peterson, op.cit., p Ibidem. 35 Ibidem. 36 Joseph M. Grieco, Anarchy and the Limits of Cooperation: A Realist Critique of the Newest Liberal Institutionalism in David A., Baldwin, Neorealism and Neoliberalism. The Contemporary Debate, New York: Columbia University Press, 1993, pp

10 62 Alexandra Nazarie situations 37 will choose to defect / cheat rather than cooperate; instead, he brings forth the issue of relative gains, which he sees as a crucial factor which influences state behaviour. Although he maintains the prisoner s dilemma view of the international world, he nuances it with the proposition that states will be inclined to enter mutually beneficial cooperation and comply with their promises if and only if the balance of capabilities will remain the same after the cooperation as it was before. This relates to the rational fear of every state that cooperation might result in an increase of power on the adversary s side, which could prove fatal to its existence. The prisoner s dilemma theory shaped the EU US relationship for many years. This is mostly due to the fact that both the EU and US evaluate risks and threats differently, they define security differently and they have different levels of tolerance for insecurity. 38 All the aforementioned arguments show that for the neorealists, international cooperation on specific issues between actors such as US and EU might be possible as long as they approach cooperation with no illusion about the relative distribution of power between them. 39 In his essay on liberalism 40 published in the reader The Globalization of World Politics, Timothy Dunne outlines the main varieties of liberal 37 Prisonerʹs dilemma presupposes that captives, when faced with the option of cooperating with or squealing on one another, will always choose the latter. Realists use this example to illustrate what they see as basic truths: The international system is anarchic, forcing states to rely on self help and the balance of power for protection. Since states exist in a security dilemma, they, like the prisoners, cannot trust one another enough to ʺcooperate.ʺ Liberals, in contrast, believe that the world is not purely anarchical. If the prisoners are able to build a relationship in jail, for example, they might be willing to trust each other. They believe that a number of factors, such as technological change, trade, and diplomacy, are able to substantially alter the nature of the prisonerʹs dilemma, thus making cooperation the most reasonable alternative. The identity perspective, meanwhile, is interested in the ideas that define the identities of the prisoners. If, let us say, both prisoners are members of the same gang, then perhaps they would be compelled to cooperate; likewise, states with shared identities might have an incentive to act cooperatively in international affairs. The reverse also holds: If the prisoners or states have greatly diverging identities, the chances for cooperation are slim Kagan, op.cit., p Peterson, op. cit., p Timothy Dunne, Liberalism in John Baylis and Steve Smith, The Globalization of World Politics. An Introduction to International Relations, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, pp

11 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US thought. As such he identifies liberal internationalism, developed by Jeremy Bentham and Immanuel Kant in the late eighteenth century and economist Adam Smith and political activist Richard Cobden in the nineteenth century; idealism, which evolved from the revelation that capitalism and laissez faire economic principles 41 alone would not bring about peace and, as its main representative American president Woodrow Wilson emphasized, what the world needs is an effective system of collective security, a concept which would later materialize in the establishment of the League of Nations and liberal institutionalism, a post war theory which acknowledges the mistakes made by idealism and advances concepts such integration and ramification as basis for effective transnational cooperation. One of the most widespread applications of liberal theories can be undoubtedly traced to the field of economics, in the form of the capitalist free market principles. In a very simplified manner, these principles uphold the minimal involvement of states in economic matters, and the free flow of trade across borders, as solid grounds for development. Furthermore, supporters of the free market compare the level of development within open economies to that of the closed, or centrally planned ones, and conclude that the advantages presented by the former system result in consistent financial gains. This is, however, the ideal form of capitalism, which allows the invisible hand of the market to determine the flow of economic activity. On the other hand, as Kegley and Wittkopf put it, the political controversies that comprise the high politics of great power struggles are often rooted in the quiet world of low politics the strong undercurrents in the later are reshaping the former. 42 What results is an increased level of interdependence, but also of competitiveness, not only between national economies, but between economic agents and governments. Therefore, as it can be clearly seen, liberalism offers a prevailing heuristic guide for the evolution of the EU US relations. Liberals argue that the very existence of the EU has shifted the preference of its member states towards embracing free trade more willingly because it has empowered 41 Ibidem, p Charles W. Kegley Jr. and Eugene R. Wittkopf, World Politics. Trend and Transformation, 7 th Edition, New York: St. Martin s Press, 1999, p. 208.

12 64 Alexandra Nazarie pro free trade forces in domestic politics. 43 What is more, from a topdown perspective, Europeanization has entailed several major transformations: at the micro level, groups have altered their strategies, activities and organizational structures as a response to closer integration, whereas at the macro level (domestic organizations), the significant changes pertain to the creation of new interest groups, and the evolution of the power relationship between policy bodies within the state and the policy bodies of the Union. Thus, the member states have embraced more general liberal values. As far as the transatlantic relations are concerned, the root cause of most bilateral conflicts has been deviation from the liberal prescription that each side eliminates barriers to economic exchange with the other. 44 However, despite the fact that fair trade school is of utmost importance for the liberals, one can not ignore the fact that it has inspired unilateralism in EU and (especially) US trade policies. 45 All in all, I would argue that within the new international context, the key factor in building a strong partnership between the EU and US is the very notion of security. Unsurprisingly, for the neorealists, such as Waltz, even if they do not dispute that economic power has become very important in shaping the international relations and even if economic issues are a more important characteristic of expanded foreign policy agenda, the outburst of war in the Middle East and Eastern Europe has proved once more that military superiority is the primary source of international power. 46 Waltz himself argues: as military worries fall, economic worries rise. Competition continues, and conflict turns increasingly on technological and economic issues. 47 For the liberal counterparts who argue that liberal economy require liberal politics, the consequence of the EU US partnership is that of an economic interdependence, political democracy, and nuclear weapons that will lessen the security dilemma. 48 Thereafter, the two major powers have no 43 Peterson, op. cit., p Ibidem, loc. cit. 45 Ibidem, loc. cit. 46 Ibidem, p Kenneth Waltz, The Emerging Structure of International Politics, in International security, Number 18, Volume 2, pp , in ibidem, loc. cit. 48 J. M. Goldgeier and M. McFaul, A Tale of Two Worlds: Core and Periphery in the Post Cold War Era, in International Organizations, Number 46, Volume , in ibidem, p. 175.

13 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US pressure for expansion. The result is a partnership consistent with a liberal model of international relations. 49 Conclusion Without a doubt, the Europeanization of the member states is a circular process having two dimensions: top down and bottom up. The former represents the adaptation of domestic interests and policy making at the European network of interests and the impact that the Union decision making process has on domestic policy, whereas the latter implies the participation of domestic political groups at the EU level by creating common European strategies and influencing the decision making processes at this supranational level. Therefore, Europeanization shaped the way in which the member states regarded the changes that took place in the international arena after the end of the Cold War. It becomes clear for everyone that the EU has an important role to play in international relations and that it has to reconsider its international policy making strategy. Furthermore, EU realized that, within the new context, it has to reconsider its partners and allies. It is common wisdom that when it comes to partners and allies, the EU would focus mostly on strengthening the ties with its younger sister, namely the US. For both, the idea of a new partnership seems appealing and tangential. Hitherto, it may be advisable that European and American leaders should think at some form of a partnership that would help them address their highest concerns. On the one hand, for the US, it would help sustain economic growth and produce a new national consensus on the terms of global engagement. For Europe, it would help reduce the instabilities and dangers to its south and east, motivate the EU with serious tasks, and anchor an American role in Europe in the new era, not as protector but as a partner. 50 As a final consideration I would say that, although neorealists recognize the potential influence of transnational organizations, such as EU, upon the international system, they do not acknowledge it as an 49 Ibidem, loc. cit. 50 David C. Compert and F. Stephen Larrabee, Conclusions: Institutions and Policies, in Compert and Larrabee, op. cit. p. 255.

14 66 Alexandra Nazarie actor, and they focus almost entirely on state interest as the main drive for state behaviour. For the neorealists the nation states are the only actors that really matter in international politics and, therefore, the main characteristic of the international system will always be the intense economic cooperation between sovereign national states. 51 Moreover, the Europeanization process will contribute to the strengthening of this intra nation states cooperation. Even if the liberals view the WTO as a fragile institution which the EU and US must look after, they also believe that a close relation of democracy and peace 52 will be a good starting point for a new transatlantic partnership. Bibliography BOOKS AND CHAPTERS IN BOOKS Baldwin, David, A. (1993), Neorealism and Neoliberalism. The Contemporary Debate, New York: Columbia University Press. Baylis, John; Smith, Steve (1997), The Globalization of World Politics. An Introduction to International Relations, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Caporaso, James; Cowles, Green, Maria; Risse, Thomas (2001), Europeanization and Domestic Change Introduction in 51 Peterson, op.cit., p Ibidem, p. 31.

15 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US Transforming Europe: Europeanization and Domestic Change, London: Cornell University Press, pp Clive, S. Thomas, (ed.), (2001) Political Parties and Interest Groups: Shaping Democratic Governance, London: Boulder, Colo. Compert, David, C.; Larrabee, Stephen, F., (eds.) (1997), America and Europe: A Partnership for a New Era, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dyson, Kenneth, H., F. (2000), The politics of the Euro Zone: Stability or Breakdown?, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Featherstone, Kevin, (2003) Introduction, in The Politics of Europeanization (eds. K. Featherstone and C. M. Radaelli), Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp Grant, Wyn, (2000), Pressure Groups and British Politics, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Greenwood, Justin, (2003), Interest Representation in the European Union, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hanf, Kenneth, Soetendorp, Ben, (1998), Adapting to European Integration: Small States and the European Union, London: Longman. Kagan, Robert, (2003), Paradise & Power: America and Europe in the New World Order, London: Atlantic Books. Kegley, Charles W.; Wittkopf, Eugene, R. (1999), World Politics. Trend and Transformation, New York: St. Martin s Press, 7 th Edition.

16 68 Alexandra Nazarie Kohler Koch, Beate; Eising, Rainer (eds.), (1999), The Transformation of Governance in the European Union, London: Routledge, pp Morgenthau, Hans, J., (1985), Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, Revised by Kenneth W. Thompson, New York: 6 th Edition. Onuțu, Zoe, (2007), Romanian Interest Representation in Brussels: An Initial Assessment of Romania s Lobbying Potential in the View of EU Membership, Iași: Lumen. Peterson, John, (1996), Europe and America: the Prospect for Partnership, London: Routledge, 2 nd Edition. Pridham, Geoffrey, (2004), Designing Democracy: EU Enlargement and Regime Change in Post Communist Europe, London: Palgrave MacMillan. Radaelli, Claudio, M., (2003), The Europeanization of Public Policy, in The Politics of Europeanization (eds. K. Featherstone and C. M. Radaelli), Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp Waltz, Kenneth, N., (1979), Theory of International Politics, New York: Random House. Wiener, Jarrod, (1996), The transatlantic Partnership, London: Macmillan Press LTD.

17 To what Extent has Europeanization Impacted on EU US ARTICLES IN ACADEMIC JOURNALS AND PAPER CONFERENCES Böerzel, Tanja, (1999), Institutional Adaptation to Europeanization in Germany and Spain, in Journal of Common Market Studies, Number 4, Volume 37, pp Ladrech, Robert, (1994), Europeanization of Domestic Politics and Institutions: The case of France, in Journal of Common Market Studies, Number 1, Volume 32, pp Schmidt, Vivien, (2001), The Politics of Economic Adjustments in France and Britain: When does Discourse Matter? in Journal of European Public Policy, Number 2, Volume 8, pp ARTICLES IN ACADEMIC JOURNALS AND PAPER CONFERENCES AVAILABLE ONLINE Böerzel, Tanja, A.; Risse, Thomas, (2000), When Europe Hits Home: Europeanization and Domestic Change in European Integration Online Papers, Number 15, Volume 4, pdf, 12 th February 2008; Falkner, Gerda; Leiber, Simone, (2004), Europeanization of Social Partnership in Smaller European Democracies? in European Journal of Industrial Relations, Number 3, Volume 10, 13 th February 2008; Howell, Kerry, (2002), Developing Conceptualizations of Europeanization and European Integration. Mixing Methodologies in Archive of European Integration Papers, 14 th February 2008;

18 70 Alexandra Nazarie Kavka, Gregory S., (1983), Hobbe s War of All against All, in Ethics, Number 2, Volume 92, pp , 16 th February 2008; Radaelli, Claudio M., (2000), Whither Europeanization? Concept stretching and substantive change in European Integration online Papers, (EIoP), Number 8, Volume 4, 008a.htm, 17 th February 2008; WEBSITES EuroCommerce, (2002), EuroCommerce Position on the 5th Enlargement of the European Union. Make Enlargement a Reality, February 2008; 22 nd of February 2008; 20 th Audio Visual sources Zinnemann, Fred, (1952) High Noon, MGM Home Entertainment, [U.S.], c2000.