Twists and Turns of the Egyptian Revolution

Transcription

1 Twists and Turns of the Egyptian Revolution

2 Book title: Twists and Turns of the Egyptian Revolution Publisher: Arabic Network for Human Rights Information 2 Behlar Passage, off Kasr El Nil Street, floor 5, flat 39, Downtown, Cairo Telephone/fax: Website: info@anhri.net Prepared by: Ahmed Hassan Translation: Sally Sami Cover and Technical Preparation: Hussein Mohamed First Issue: Deposit No: Printing: All rights are reserved to the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI) 2

3 Prelude This book does not carry opinions as much as it narrates facts reminding us of the main stages of the Egyptian revolution that erupted on 25 January The large amount of political events and crimes that Egypt has witnessed since the eruption of the massive popular protests in January 2011, nearly made us forget these stages, Some of them need to be documented further and others need investigations and fair trials for the restitution of rights and to dignify the martyrs. These stages also confirm the noble purpose of citizens whose first demands were social justice and human dignity. The Friday of rage and hundreds of martyrs; prison breaks; the battle of the camels; virginity tests and their victims; sectarian violence; the Balloon Theatre battle; Maspero massacre; Mohamed Mahmoud and Cabinet battles; Portsaid Stadium massacre; the National Guard; the Rab'a dispersal massacre; etc. These are examples of the stages we should not forget. We should not even allow those who are seeking to cover them up or erase them from the memory of Egyptians to succeed. At the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information we were seeking to published legal book documenting these stages and twists and turns, to be a the starting point of the thread and the key for when the time comes for transitional justice and rule of law. Each of these points needs a legal, judicial, and human rights committee to re-investigate the facts and publish the truth, for the criminals to be punished and for restitution for the innocent and for these facts to be positioned in the right place in the memory of this people. However, the researcher who wrote the book, preferred to present these fats, or some of them, in their political contexts, linked to what had preceded it and related to what came later as a result or the introduction to another new event that is still not over. 3

4 The truth has many faces. This book presents one of these faces expressing the vision of one of the witnesses to the revolution. We could agree or disagree on the events and the crimes committed and the size of their impact. However, they occurred. When we talk about hundreds of martyrs on Friday of Rage, on 28 January 2011, the most the skeptics can do is talk about the causes of the killing of so many people; or argue who opened the gates of prisons; or claim that the Muslim Brotherhood attacked police stations. This is the most they can do. However, the most skeptic people of the revolution and its events can never question whether an event actually took place or not or the necessity of a serious judicial investigation into these events. This is what this book seeks. It seeks to remind the reader of the events and their details, even if they are narrated in the eyes of the researcher of this book. At the end, this book, which is similar to a documentary or a narration of four years of the life of the Egyptian people, does not claim that it owns the absolution truth. It only seeks to remind the reader and re-activate our memories, hoping to fight forging and manipulating our consciousness. It is an attempt to give credit to events that the Egyptian people as usual were the victims. This book remains, despite its shortfalls, and despite that it expresses the characteristics of the twists and turns of the revolution from the opinion of the writer, is a book that wide opens the door for seekers of the truth and justice, for them too to tell their story and their vision of the events of the revolution from another angle; another window looking onto the squares of protests. Gamal Eid 4

5 Introduction We are standing before the most important event of Egypt's modern history, as Egypt challenges one of the most oppressive regimes in Africa and the East. It is the regime of Hosni Mubarak, who remained in power for thirty years using all imaginable tools: lies; prison; suspension from posts; direct oppression; liquidation of opposition; unchecked powers to security services; and suffocating political parties by not allowing them to communicate with the masses, perform any activity amongst the public, or hold popular conferences, thus transforming them into impotent administrative offices. The Mubarak era is infamous for corruption, forgery, confiscation of freedoms, and the continuous state of emergency. He was doing all he can do to bequeath power to his son. This ignited anger amongst several sectors and most of the political elite. The birth of a new and different opposition had started to appear. This was stimulated by new possibilities of communication, through the digital space, outside the control and monitoring of the state. Bloggers appeared. Then, the Kefaya (Enough) movement appeared. It clearly announced that thirty years were enough. Out of Kefaya came derivatives of student unions, workers, professionals, intellectuals and politicians. All raised the slogan "For Change". On the other side, a social movement, of workers and poor in popular districts and rural areas, began to rise in the form of waves of large and consecutive protests against the regime's policies, demanding work, housing, medical care, agricultural inputs, land, etc. All of this was against the regime's neoliberal policies. Concurrently, another case was enlarging day after day and getting ready to explode. It was the case of systematic and organized torture and killing in police stations by the police. This case was vigorously adopted by the new youth 5

6 movements and activists on social networks. Protests against torture reached a hardcore when the young man Khaled Said was unduly killed by police informers, who claimed that he had died for swallowing a roll of drugs. Khaled Said became the headline of campaigns and mobilization against police practices that had increased in brutality. There was also Sayed Belal's death as a result of torture. But the focus on Khaled Said, as his age and status was similar to that of the young protesters, became a turning point in the struggle against torture and the crimes of the Ministry of Interior against citizens. On the other hand, there was the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), which was getting ready for elections and arrangements with the regime. It did not give attention to the brutality of the Ministry of Interior and torture. It only started to protest as a result of the rigging of the parliamentary elections in None of its members won despite them winning 88 seats in the previous elections. The ruling party, masterminded by Ahmed Ezz, had planned in coordination with security services and corrupt judges to oust the Muslim Brotherhood completely from the Parliament. Many protests - social, political, and democratic, were erupting everywhere awaiting the signal to explode. The point when all the enraged gathered was the moment of challenge. It was 25 January, the national annual holiday for the Egyptian police. It was decided on that day that the largest possible protests against the police would go out. This was the moment of mobilization. Obviously, anti-torture digital pages that refused humiliation by the police played a large role in mobilization. The leading page was "We are all Khaled Said" Other derivatives gathered to join the protests, including those enraged by the forgery, lack of labour rights, restriction on student activities, etc. Also, from within the regime there were those who were angry for being marginalized or because the 6

7 Gamal/Ezz elite were unilaterally taking power and privileges. There were also state bodies that sought to stop the bequeathing plan, which would have reduced the privileges and the position of the army. These were stuck between the fear that the popular movement would develop and the opportunity to completely end the inheritance project. The preliminary steps to 25 January were strong and stumbling at the same time. The Tunisian revolution inspired opposition elite and gatherings in Egypt and gave them hope. The inspiration by Tunisia reached the extent that some individuals have tried to imitate Bouazizi by setting themselves on fire. Tunisia was the signal for revolution and its spark all over the region, and maybe the world. But Egypt was not aware that it can actually revolt. The main opposition political parties announced that it won't participate. The Muslim Brotherhood was occupied with what had happened to it in the elections. Outside this circle, the momentum was building up, mysteriously. Participants and advocates for the protests did not expect that a day of protests would transform into an uprising, and that the uprising will become a revolution. This document seeks to re-draw the most important twists and turns of the Egyptian revolution throughout four years, a number of governments, three presidents, and the intensive presence of the military, its limited withdrawal, and then its return and domination of the Egyptian political scene. This is to document the memory of the revolution against those who are seeking to erase its details from the memory of Egyptians. The narrative about the revolution changed from being an accomplishment that was planned for by the army in another story the Muslim Brotherhood - to being a Zionist-American conspiracy or Qatari and Muslim Brotherhood or by dividing the events and considering 30 June a revolution and the first a conspiracy. 7

8 To resist the erasing of our memory and the systematic smearing of our revolution we must recall it and fix it in our memory, so that we can start from a heritage we made and not one that was made for us. It is impossible to document all the events of this period for several reasons. First, they were a lot and intense and extended throughout Egypt, and of course not all the events are of the same importance. Second, to document everything needs tens of researchers to collect and document the necessary material, and still, most probably, it will not be comprehensive. Third, this documentation seeks to draw the main twists and turns of the revolution and which have clearly affected its path, and thus it's more of a panoramic document, so that the reader can see the events within a context. This way, the reader can collect the pieces of this alive and dynamic event. I admit that any error in this document is definitely my mistake alone. Any success in this document is a success that the images of martyrs, discussions with friends, and efforts of researchers have contributed to. Finally, I hope that this document is a suitable and acceptable dedication to the souls of Mina Daniel the Christ of popular alleys, to Omar who sold sweet potatoes and to all the unknown heroes of the revolution dead or alive. 8

9 Chapter 1: 2011 The critical 18 Days 9

10 11

11 Chapter 1: 2011 The critical 18 Days The beginning: 25 January The 25 th of January is considered the beginning of the Egyptian Revolution that opened the way for following events to take place. It did not cross the mind of the most optimistic participant or observer that the events of the day would evolve into something more than wide scale protests against the crimes of the Ministry of Interior and the regime policies. The period between 25 January and 11 February is considered the most important stage of the revolution. There were violent clashes with the police. The army went down into squares and streets with its tanks. Demands escalated to insist on the ousting of Mubarak, his party and his rule. Each step led us to the next. Every obstinate move from the regime would be met with higher demands. Each compromise the regime had to make was preceded by escalation form the masses. Until the day Mubarak stepped down. This was the beginning of temporary celebrations and a series of maneuvers with regards to the administration of the state and power. The revolution dug its path with blood from the first day. With each new blood spilling, the determination for the goal would strengthen and the willingness to sacrifice would expand. These were days in which all political and social equations flipped. Young men were accompanied by young women throughout the first nights in Tahrir square. There wasn t one incident of sexual harassment or annoyances of any kind. Young women broke the barriers that kept them at home 11

12 during such times. They went out without hesitation to the arenas of deadly confrontations. Women fell martyrs, became leaders, and presented amazing heroic models. The colour of blood accompanied the paint brushes of artists. On the walls of Mohamed Mahmoud and over the banners slogans and demands were written. Egypt was full of popular defense committees that became spaces for debate and sometimes platforms for revolutionary popular administration of their districts. The reality was not always rosy. Conspiracies assailed onto the demonstrators. The square was cordoned to prevent food and medication from reaching the protesters. Gangs were pushed to work against them, blockade them and harass them. These gangs were previously used by Al Adly and police officers. The tanks and armored vehicles played a role in the cordon even in facilitating the passage for thugs. This became apparent during what we call the "Battle of Camels". On the first day, protests flooded from several places, mostly in Cairo. Protests erupted also in some governorates. These included Portsaid, Suez, and Alexandria. On Ramses street there were two gatherings. One was cordoned inside the Bar Association and the other was in front of the High Court. In the second gathering, we find some leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood denouncing forgery. Hundreds of people gathered chanting different slogans. They are surrounded by security. At around 1 PM, the protesters managed to break the cordon in front of the High Court building. Confusedly they started to move towards Tahrir Square. Security that was mobilized in different areas on that day was not able to organize their lines and shut Ramses St quickly in the face of the protest. Some officers tried to form improvised lines to prevent the march but the protesters managed to overcome the security and entered Tahrir square chanting "Bread Freedom Social Justice". Quickly, marches coming from different areas such 12

13 as Imbaba, Mohandessin and other areas, were arriving too into the square. As the crowds increased, security used speakers and sound bombs to scare the protesters away. In the evening, orders were given to the security to disperse the protests in any way. This meant using pellets and bullets. Planes hovered on top of the protesters. On the ground, teargas bombs were pouring like rain. One can hear the sound of shots. News of protesters falling dead in Suez arrived. The killings gave new momentum to the crowds in Tahrir, and suddenly everyone was chanting "The people want to topple the regime". This was the beginning of the 18 days that toppled Mubarak and shook the grounds beneath the feet of the regime. During these 18 days freedoms were taken. Despite attempts and plans to terrorize the people and despite the bullets, the protests did not stop. Egyptians showed legendary courage and unprecedented willingness to sacrifice. The regime might have not fallen, but it had to maneuver and battle so many times to be able to set its foundations again. 28 January: a people's uprising, the Friday of Rage Sporadic protests continued in a number of governorates, particularly Suez, throughout 26 and 27 January. However the real milestone was Friday 28 January which has been dubbed by political forces "The Friday of Rage" after a number of martyrs fell in Cairo. Large masses of people went out to the streets in Cairo, Alexandria, Suez, Mansoura, Ismailia, Damietta, Fayoum, Minya, Damanhur, Sharqiya, Portsaid, North Sinai and others. What makes the Friday of Rage so special is the participation of such huge numbers of people across the country. The first days, were relatively small. Each popular district had to 13

14 revenge from the police station because of ill-treatment and torture and occasionally murder. People took to the streets, venting out their anger mainly on police stations. They went into violent clashes with security forces that led to the exhaustion of the security forces and their withdrawal from in front an uprising of popular anger. On that day, the power of the Ministry of Interior was broken, and it withdrew from all its posts and positions not leaving a single guard or presence. The people burnt a large number of police stations and cars and Central Security trucks. Criminal detainees were released from their detentions. Weapons were stolen from the police stations. In the afternoon of that day, protesters had succeeded in taking complete control of Alexandria and Suez. All police stations in Alexandria were burnt. Security forces had to withdraw from the city after it has failed to oppress the protesters. In Suez, protesters took control of the weapons in the Arbein police station. They used teargas against officers. In Cairo, the main building of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) in the center of the city was burnt. Other officers in several cities, including in Kom Ombo and Damietta, were also destroyed. Protesters also destroyed all pictures of Mubarak in his hometown, Shebin al-kawm, in Monoufia. At the end of the day, the military armored vehicles came out into the streets in accordance to a request from the President to support the police forces that no longer was able to face these pressures alone. The Ministry of Interior in a bizarre and unwarranted manner released prisoners from all prisons. The army had to intervene. On that day a large number of protesters were killed (ANHRI estimates there were 551 deaths), and a large number were arrested. 14

15 At the beginning, the military forces provided logistical support to the police force in terms of ammunitions after they ran out. These attempts did not succeed especially after protesters took notice of them and stood against them. As a result the military retreated from this kind of intervention and started a policy of a flexible siege on the protesters without any apparent conflict. Some announced that the army is joining the revolution. The slogan "the army and the people are one hand" came out. A car with diplomatic license plates ran over tens of protesters, killing at least 15 and injuring tens of people. This was on Kasr El Aini Street near the US and British Embassies. Later it was discovered that the car belonged to the American Embassy. Two other similar cars that passed through the street in the same manner were destroyed. Central Security trucks ran over masses of protesters killing and seriously injuring them. And this is how the popular uprising opened the way for revolutionary forces to reach Tahrir Square. The curfew did not succeed to prevent people from the streets. The thugs and attacks also failed to let people leave. The Muslim Brotherhood on that day joined as an organization and not in the form of individuals. It announced that to the protesters in Tahrir Square after the strength of the uprising became clear. The regime was seeking to make them responsible for the events of the day. They had no choice but either to oust Mubarak or have their heads on the line. On the following day, 29 January, Mubarak tried to absorb the anger with a political maneuver. He appointed Omar Suleiman as his vice president and asked Ahmed Shafik to form a new government. Omar Suleiman's nomination was a demand before the revolution by some of the nationalism oriented opposition in Kefaya as a plan to defy the bequeathing of 15

16 power to Gamal Mubarak. His appointment as vice president by Mubarak on 29 January 2011 was provocative for all the trends participating in the revolution. The plan to create terror was now being implemented to make stability, without fulfilling any of the demands, the goal of the masses. Gangs spread everywhere and unidentified cars were randomly shooting at citizens. The armed forces arrested a number of the fugitives and looters. Despite that, the protests and the sit-in in squares in most governorates continued. Mubarak's First Speech On 28 January, President Mubarak made a speech. It was the first since the eruption of the revolution on 25 January. He said that the protests are legitimate to improve the standards of living which he stands by, but he disapproves violence. He had asked the government led by Ahmed Nazif to submit its resignation, and appointed Ahmed Shafik the new Prime Minister. However, the protesters continued to protest and refused the new government. Mubarak's Second Speech- 1 February Mubarak seemed to be unaware of the power of this popular uprising and its transformation into a revolution. He thus ignored giving a worthwhile compromise especially that so much blood was spilt and hasn t yet dried. He did not give a statement for four days that have seen bloodshed in most governorates and cities of the country. He had to go out of his silence to give his second speech on 1 February. The angry masses were not standing behind one revolutionary 16

17 organization. Most participants were participating in a protest action for the first time in their lives. It wasn t clear to the majority what the slogan "bring down the regime" entailed. And so it seemed to them that it was enough for Mubarak to leave to achieve the goal. Mubarak's team prepared a speech that he would deliver perfectly. It was directed to the spontaneous emotions of the people and the terrified people in districts and governorates, and so he took on an emotional tone and language. Mubarak manipulated the emotions of the people when he appeared as an injured lion, when he gave up his satirical tone completely. His speech was focused on a number of factors: 1 He wants dialogue around the demands and goals 2 There are political forces that are seeking to damage the calls for dialogue and only keen to implement their own personal agendas. To confront this he is reaching out to the factions and sectors of the people with his speech. 3 He will ask the Parliament to amend articles that were the center of criticism. Also he will implement the court verdicts with regards to the forging of election results in some districts. 4 The new government will work on implementing the demands of the people and the youth 5 He is not thinking of running again for elections after his term is over. 6 He must continue in power to ensure a peaceful transition through elections 7 If that doesn t happen, chaos will occur 8 He will prosecute the corrupt and the vandals (threatening statements) 17

18 He ended his speech with emotional statements, confirming that he had served Egypt and will die on its land, etc. The speech had an impact. It did play on people's feelings and large sectors of the society empathized with him. Parents pressured their children to withdraw from Tahrir. Actually large numbers actually withdrew. Mubarak won the empathy of a critical mass. The sit-in was on the verge of collapsing. However, the stupidity of the ruling party and its men changed the game once again. They preceded the events and prepared to attack on those who stayed in Tahrir Square. The second day immediately, the regime's men incited sectors of the people against those in Tahrir. They mobilized thugs from nearby districts. Ahead of them were people from Pyramids who work in tourism. They came with their horse s and camels. All of this is orchestrated by the regime's men to get rid of the protesters, especially that their business was harmed as a result of the revolution and the protests. 1 The Battle of the Camels 2 February Starting the day, news were flowing that there are preparations by NDP members to attack Tahrir Square. These preparations were being made from the moment Mubarak ended his speech. Pro-Mubaraks gathered in Mustafa Mahmoud Square and in front of Maspero carrying pictures of Mubarak and chanting supportive slogans. 1 Logged in on 5 October 2015 YouTube a rare video showing the entry of camels and horses under the protection of the army during the January Revolution 4 October

19 Some anti-mubarak protests were confronted violently in some governorates. Later, a fact-finding committee was formed to look into the day. The committee reported several factors: The first report of the committee showed that member of parliament, Abdel Nasser Al Gabry, of Haram (Pyramids) district, with the assistance of Youssef Khattab, Shura Council member of the same district, have incited to kill protesters on the day of the Battle of the Camels in order to force them out of Tahrir Square. The report also accused the former NDP Secretary General, Fathy Sorour, of inciting the attack against the protesters. The circle of indictment expanded to include a number of the symbols of the former regime, including ministers, such as Aisha Abdel Hadi, the former Minister of Labour Force, and Hussein Megawer, former head of the Trade Union Federation. Also, the list included businessman and member of the NDP's High Council, Ibrahim Kamel, and the lawyer Mortada Mansour who claimed that such an accusation was a form of "trap" as he had intended to run for the coming presidential elections in Egypt. The march of camels and horses was able to surpass the military checkpoints so easily and without any resistance. There is a famous video broadcast revealing how the national guards paved the way for the attackers in front of Maspero. This shows at the very least that the military forces did not mind if not a partner to the attack. The only exception was a military officer, Captain Maged Boules, who stood against the attackers in front of the Egyptian Museum and tried to stop them. This Captain was named "Tahrir's Lion" for his bravery. This is an extract of the report that was prepared by the national fact-finding commission on the Battle of Camels: 19

20 On 19 April 2011, the fact finding committee issued its report on the violations committed during the 25 January revolution. This report, which was submitted to investigative authorities with evidence and recordings, is focused on the Battle of the Camels. The report of the committee which was headed by Adel Koura stated: "On the morning of Wednesday 2/2/2011 and until the dawn of Thursday 3/2/2011, bloody events took place in most of the governorates of Egypt, especially in Tahrir Square, which has become the symbol of 25 January, and the point of assembly of revolutionaries from all over the land. Since the morning, a number of regime supporters gathered in Mustafa Mahmoud Square on Gameat El Dewal Al Arabiya Street. This was based on directions from some of the leaders of the National Democratic Party during an intervention by one of the party's leaders in a TV program" The Report confirmed that supporters of the former President have gathered from all over Cairo's districts. They assembled in the streets leading to Tahrir Square to prevent anti-regime protesters from reaching the square. At the same time, supporters of the regime from the secret police infiltrated amongst the protesters inside the square. Some occupied the roofs of buildings looking into the square. The report mentioned that in the middle of the day large numbers have tried to storm into the square particularly from Abdel Moneim Square and 6 October Bridge. At the same time, the police shot rubber bullets, pellets, and teargas on protesters. Snipers from on top of the buildings started shooting at them. The report confirmed that a group of men on horses and camels attacked with sticks and metal pieces. Mostly came from Nazlet Al Semman and gathered at Mustafa Mahmoud Square before heading to Tahrir Square. They have broken 21

21 through the metal barriers that the army have placed to protect the protesters. They beat the protesters, causing injuries and some deaths. The pro-regime supporters continued to attack by throwing heavy material, rocks and granite on the protesters. In order to protect themselves, the protesters started breaking the pavements and throwing the stones on the attackers. The situation continued like this until the early mornings of 3/2/2011. The report stated that the protesters were able to detain some of the attackers and infiltrators. When they inspected their identification cards, it was discovered that they were policemen in civil clothes or NDP members. They were handed to the armed forces to take all necessary legal procedures against them. The report added, "The committee requested from the armed forces information on their identification and the procedures that were taken, and the committee did not get any response". According to the report, the committee heard a number of witnesses that confirm that some symbols of the NDP, Members of Parliament and Shura Council from the NDP, police officers especially from the criminal investigations and local administration officials have masterminded the pro- Mubarak protests on 2/2/2011 which were launched from Cairo and Giza districts and directed to Tahrir Square. These protests were armed with sticks, stones, inflammatory material, and white weapons. A number of NDP members and civil clothed police officers have participated with hired thugs and horse and camel riders in the attack on the protesters in Tahrir Square in the manner described above. 2 2 AlMasry Alyoum Newspaper published the full report in Arabic, 19 April

22 It is known that this report had disappeared completely from the documents of the case of the killing of protesters during Mohamed Morsi's term, according to statements by members of the committee. According to a news website, Mohsen Bahnasy, one of the members stated the following Member for the fact-finding committee on the Battle of the Camels, Mohsen Bahnasy, revealed that the committee's report that had mentioned names of new individuals linked to the events of the battle has disappeared intentionally and no one knows where the signed copy is until now. He pointed out that a copy of the report was submitted to President Mohamed Morsi, and the former Public Prosecutor, Talaat Abdullah, and that no one knows who has this report and its supporting documents now. Bahnasy's press statements were made on the 3 rd anniversary of the Battle of the Camels that observers consider to be the greatest crime committed in Egypt in the last period. Bahnasy held the Public Prosecutor Hisham Barakat t the responsibility as he just found it sufficient to put the request to investigate in the drawers despite the importance of the case. The committee's member pointed out that the report included a list of indictments that included many names supported with evidence confirming their involvement in the masterminding and execution of the Battle of the Camels. He accused Barakat of "wasting the rights of martyrs and the injured because he did not take any serious steps regarding this matter, 22

23 and thus the Public prosecutor must be fully accountable for this" 3 According to the published article, the fingers point at Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, the head of the Intelligence Services at the time, and to the Minister of Interior. The article said "Activists have wondered about the fate of the fact-finding committee's file, after Public Prosecutor Abdel Meguid Mahmoud resigned, and the current prosecutor who ignored an investigation into the file or even mention it. Activists are worried that the file would be destroyed as it reveals the crimes committed by senior officials in security services and confirms that they have been seeking to abort the revolution since it was ignited; fearing what the revolution would do to their interests and the interests of the deep state pillars in Egypt, which include security services, judges, media and journalists, bureaucrats, and others. " Haytham Mohamedin's statement confirms: The lawyer Haytham Mohamedin re-published his statement regarding the trial of the "Battle of the Camels", in which he confirmed that Al-Sisi came to Tahrir Square and asked protesters to evacuate the square so that pro-mubaraks don t attack them. Mohamedin describes, on facebook, the session saying "I was the lawyer of one of the martyrs in the Battle of the Camels for the plaintiff's civil rights. The lawyer of the defendant Fathy 3 News piece on Waraa Elahdath website in Arabic with the statements of the Committee Member Mohsen Bahnasy, 2 February 2015, elahdath.com/index.php/%d8%a3%d8%ae%d8%a8%d8%a7%d8%b1- %D9%88%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B1/item/

24 Sorour requested the court to question the prosecution witness, Mohamed Al Beltagy, who had stated the following: I was part of team of national forces in Tahrir Square. On 1 February 2011 while I was in the room of Safir Tours Company a person came and introduced himself as General Abdel Fattah from the military intelligence and asked me to evacuate the square in order to prevent blood from spilling, because Mubarak supporters are coming to the square to protest. I told him: if you are so keen then prevent Mubarak supporters from reaching the square and protect the protesters" 4 This is a paradox raising question marks around the reason for Mohamed Morsi to appoint Al-Sisi as minister of defense after Tantawi resigned, especially that he is also someone accused of the virginity tests incidents and the Egyptian Museum prison incident. Negotiations Omar Suleiman called upon political forces to negotiate conditions for withdrawal from Tahrir. When the attempts to break into Tahrir square on 2 February failed, Omar Suleiman actually started to hold official meetings with the Muslim Brotherhood and others. It was an attempt to win some time by giving promises. The most important issues raised during this 4 Article on masralarabia.com about Haytham Mohamedin's statement, 19 January 2015, %A7%D9%84-%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A7/ %D9%87%D9%8A%D8%AB%D9%85- %D9%85%D8%AD%D9%85%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86- %D9%8A%D9%86%D8%B4%D8%B1- %D8%B4%D9%87%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%AA%D9%87- %D8%B9%D9%86-%D9%85%D9%88%D9%82%D8%B9%D8%A9- %D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85%D9%84 24

25 meeting was cancelling the state of emergency, amending the constitution, implementing court verdicts regarding forged electoral districts. The Muslim Brotherhood seemed willing and flexible to reach and understanding. They actually reached an agreement with him as was repeated that they have had private closes meetings in which they agreed to withdraw in return for the release of Shatter and other matters. In reality, the square had surpassed the point of negotiations or just cancelling the state of emergency. The demands have increased and passed that low limit and everyone was holding onto the ousting of Mubarak first. But Mubarak was not ready to let go of power. As a result, no practical impact came out of these negotiations. On 6 February, in an attempt by the regime to absorb the effect of the sit in, they decided to open the roads for cars to pass through Tahrir square, and asked the banks to go back to work. But the protesters slept below the tanks and held on to the closure of the square in the face of anyone who was not participating in the strike. Actually, some military officers had asked the protesters to sleep beneath the tanks so that they fail to follow the orders to withdraw. The protesters continued throughout the week that was named "the week of resilience". In that week the siege and harassment continued. There were cases of arrest and killings. On 6 February something big happened. After the prayer for the absent over the souls of the martyrs, the Christians held a Coptic Mass in the heart of the square over the souls of the dead for the first time. 25

26 And this is how he stepped down: The protests were expanding, and the numbers participating were exceeding the millions. Battles and killings were continuing. But all of this did not affect the demands of the revolution. It has become inevitable that Mubarak must leave to save the regime. On 10 February, the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) issued its first statement, saying: Based on the responsibility of the Armed Forces, and its commitment to protect the people, and to oversee their interests and security, and with a view to the safety of the nation and the citizenry, and of the achievements and properties of the great people of Egypt, and in affirmation and support for the legitimate demands of the people, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces convened today, 10 February 2011, to consider developments to date, and decided to remain in continuous session to consider what procedures and measures that may be taken to protect the nation, and the achievements and aspirations of the great people of Egypt. It was noticed that Mubarak did not attend the meeting that he is supposed to attend as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. The meeting was headed by the Egyptian Minister of Defense, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi. This meant that the army might have actually taken power and that there is a will leaning towards the ousting of Mubarak's rule. The Egyptian Prime Minister, Ahmed Shafik, had said in a TV interview that the President Hosni Mubarak had stepped down and that the situation in the country will soon be revealed. 26

27 Mubarak's 3 rd Speech 10 February That day was fraught with events. SCAF issued its first statement after it convened in the absence of the President. Mubarak delegated his powers to Omar Suleiman and made his third speech to the people. The speech was characterized with being emotional and closer to begging, saying that he won't run again but will not step down and that he seeks to avoid chaos and is keen to fulfill the demands of the people and that he will amend five articles of the constitution not only two. The speech: In the name of Allah, the merciful, the compassionate, dear fellow citizens, my sons, the youth of Egypt, and daughters, I am addressing you tonight to the youth of Egypt in Tahrir Square, with all of its diversity. I am addressing all of you from the heart, a speech from the father to his sons and daughters. I am telling you that I am very grateful and am so proud of you for being a symbolic generation that is calling for change to the better, that is dreaming for a better future, and is making the future. I am telling you before anything, that the blood of the martyrs and the injured will not go in vain. And I would like to affirm, I will not hesitate to punish those who are responsible fiercely. I will hold those in charge who have violated the rights of our youth with the harshest punishment stipulated in the law. I am telling families of the innocent victims that I have been so much in pain for their pain, and my heart ached for your heartache. 27

28 I am telling you that my response to your demands and your messages and your requests is my commitment that I will never go back on to. I am determined to fulfill what I have promised you in all honesty, and I m determined to execute and carry out what I have promised without going back to the past. This commitment is out of my conviction of your honesty and your movement and that your demands are the demands legitimate and just demands. Any regime could make mistakes in any country, but what is more important is to acknowledge these mistakes and reform and correct them in a timely manner, and to hold those responsible for it accountable. I am telling you, as a president of the country, I do not find it a mistake to listen to you and to respond to your requests and demands. But it is shameful and I will not, nor will ever accept to hear foreign dictations, whatever the source might be or whatever the context it came in. My sons and daughters, the youth of Egypt, dear fellow citizens, I have announced, without any doubt, that I will not run for the next presidential elections and have said that I have given the country and served the country for 60 years in public service, during wartime and during peacetime. I have told you my determination that I will hold steadfast to continue to take on my responsibility to protect the constitution and the rights of people until power is transferred to whomever the people choose during September, the upcoming September, and free and impartial elections that will be safeguarded by the freedom the call for freedom. 28

29 This is the oath that I have taken before God and before you. And I will protect it and keep it until we reach we take Egypt to the safety and security. I have given you my vision to get out of this current situation, to accomplish what the youth and the people called for, within the respect for the legitimacy and the constitution in a way that will accomplish security, and security for our future and the demands of our people, and at the same time will guarantee a framework of peaceful transition of power. Through a responsible dialogue between all factions in the society, with all honesty and transparency, I have given you this vision under commitment to take the country out of this current crisis, and I will continue to accomplish it. And I m monitoring the situation hour by hour. I m looking forward to the support of all those who are careful about the security and want a secure Egypt, within a tangible time, with the harmony of the broad base of all Egyptians that will stay watchful to guard Egypt and under the command of its military forces. We have started a national dialogue, a constructive one, that included the youth who have called for change and reform, and also with all the factions of opposition and of society. And this dialogue resulted in harmony, and preliminary harmony in opinions that has placed us on the beginning of the road to transfer to a better future that we have agreed on. We also have agreed on a road map a road map with a timetable. Day after day, we will continue the transition of power from now until September. This national dialogue has has met and was formed under a constitutional committee that have looked into 29

30 the constitution and what was required - and looked into what is required, and the constitution reforms that is demanded [inaudible]. We will also monitor the execution the honest execution of what I have promised my people. I was careful that both committees that were formed - to be formed from Egyptians who are honorable and who are independent and impartial, and who are wellversed in law and constitution. In addition to that, in reference to the loss of many Egyptians during these sad situations that have pained the hearts of all of us and have ached the conscience of all Egyptians. I have also requested to expedite investigations and to refer all investigations to the attorney general to take the necessary measures and steps decisive steps. I also received the first reports yesterday about the required constitutional reform reforms that was suggested by the constitutional and law experts regarding the legislative reforms that were requested. I am also responding to what the committee has suggested. And based on the powers given to me according to the constitution, I have presented today a request asking the amendment of six constitutional articles, which is 76, 77, 88, 93 and 187, in addition to abolishing article number 79 in the constitution, with the affirmation and conviction that later on we can also amend the other articles that would be suggested by that constitutional committee, according to what it sees right. Our priority now is to facilitate free election free presidential elections and to stipulate a number of terms in the constitution and to guarantee a 31

31 supervision of the upcoming elections to make sure it will be conducted in a free manner. We I have also looked into the provisions and the steps to look into the parliamentary elections, but those who have suggested to abolish article number 179 in the constitution will guarantee the balance between the constitution and between our security and the threat of terror, which will open the door to stopping the martial law, as soon as we regain stability and security and as soon as these circumstances circumstances assure the stability. Our priority now is to regain confidence between citizens among themselves and to regain confidence in the international arena and to regain confidence about the reforms that we have pledged. Egypt is going through some difficult times, and it is not right to continue in this discourse because it has affected our economy and we have lost day after day, and it is in danger it is putting Egypt through a situation where people who have called for reform will be the first ones to be affected by it. This time is not about me. It s not about Hosni Mubarak. But the situation now is about Egypt and its present and the future of its citizens. All Egyptians are in the same spot now, and we have to continue our national dialogue that we have started in the spirit of one team and away from disagreements and fighting so that we can take Egypt to the next step and to regain confidence in our economy and to let people feel secure and to stabilize the Egyptian street so that people can resume their daily life. I was a young man, a youth just like all these youth, when I have learned the honor of the military system 31

32 and to sacrifice for the country. I have spent my entire life defending its land and its sovereignty. I have witnessed and attended its wars with all its defeats and victories. I have lived during defeat and victory. During the victory in 1973, my happiest days were when I lifted the Egyptian flag over Sinai. I have faced death several times when I was a pilot. I also faced it in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and elsewhere. I did not submit nor yield to foreign dictations or others. I have kept the peace. I worked towards the Egyptian stability and security. I have worked to the revival in Egypt and the prosperity. I did not seek authority. I trust that the majority the vast majority of the Egyptian people know who is Hosni Mubarak, and it pains me to what I have what I see today from some of my fellow citizens. And anyway, I am completely aware of the what we are facing and I am convinced that Egypt is going through a historical a historical moment that necessitates we should look into the higher and superior aspirations of the nation over any other goal or interest. I have delegated to the vice president some of the power the powers of the president according to the constitution. I am aware, fully aware, that Egypt will overcome the crisis and the resolve of its people will not be deflected and will [inaudible] again because of the and will deflect the arrows of the enemies and those who [inaudible] against Egypt. We will stand as Egyptians and we will prove our power and our resolve to overcome this through national dialogue. 32

33 We will prove that we are not followers or puppets of anybody, nor we are receiving orders or dictations from anybody any entity, and no one is making the decision for us except for the [inaudible] of the Egyptian [inaudible]. We will prove that with the spirit and the resolve of the Egyptian people, and with the unity and steadfastness of its people and with our resolve and to our glory and pride. These are the main foundations of our civilization that have started over 7,000 years ago. That spirit will live in us as long as the Egyptian people - as long as the Egyptian people remain, that spirit will remain in us. It will live amongst all of our people, farmers, intellectuals, workers. It will remain in the hearts of our senior citizens, our women, our children, Christians and Muslims alike, and in the hearts and minds of all those who are not born yet. Let me say again that I have lived for this nation. I have kept my responsibilities. And Egypt will remain, above all, and above any individuals Egypt will remain until I deliver and surrender its it to others. This will be the land of my living and my death. It will remain a dear land to me. I will not leave it nor depart it until I am buried in the ground. Its people will remain in my heart, and it will remain its people will remain upright and lifting up their heads. May God keep Egypt secure and may God defend its people. And peace be upon you. This speech had lost its effect even before it was delivered. After the Battle of the Camels no one was willing to believe him. The blood that was spilt hardened the stance of the revolutionary forces and attracted popular support to it. 33

34 Neither his speech nor his continuation was acceptable any longer. Large numbers marched to the presidential palace in Masr Al Gadida to protest his speech. Others headed to Maspero. Calls to head to the presidential palaces the following day were made and that Friday was dubbed "Friday of Departure" with an insistence either to force him to step down or to arrest him. The Friday of Departure 11 February: 11 February 2011 came on a Friday which was first known as the Friday of Crawling to the presidential palaces. Millions of people in Cairo and Alexandria and other areas gathered with an intention to march to the Presidential palaces, especially the Kasr Al Qobba Palace in Cairo and the Ras El-Tin Palace in Alexandria. After the escalation of events and protests and the continuation of the strike in Tahrir Square, Omar Suleiman, the Vice President, announced at 6 PM that Mubarak had given up the office of the president and instructed SCAF to manage the affairs of the country. It was clear that it was impossible for Mubarak to stay in office until the end of his term and with the passing of each day, the risks grew and the costs of protecting him increased. SCAF issued two statements that day. Before Suleiman's announcement of Mubarak stepping down SCAF issued its second statement: Due to the consecutive developments in current incidents and which define the destiny of the country, and in context of continuous follow up for internal and external incidents, and the decision to delegate responsibilities to the vice president of the country, and in belief in our national responsibility to preserve the stability and safety of the nation. 34