I [ 1overnents, and Pcacebu I IdI ng

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1 I - Othe titles fom Syacuse Studies on Peace and Conflict Resolution A Place We Call Home: Gende, Race, and Justice in Syacuse G K. Animashaun Duce Back Channel Negotiation: Sececy in the Middle East Peace Pocess SocIa A Band of Noble Women: Racial Politics in the Women s Peace Movement The Boken Olive Banch: Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and the Quest fo Peace ut Cypus. Vohune One: The Impasse of Ethnonationalisni Hay Anastasicu Conflict and Coopeation: Chistian-Muslim Relations in Contempoay Egypt I0baI izatioii I [ 1ovenents, and Pcacebu I IdI ng Ed!ted by Jackie Smith and Enesto Vedeja 41 Shots.. and Counting: What Amadou Diallo s Stoy Teaches Us about Policing, Race, and Justice Beth Roy Global Libealism, Local Populism: Peace and Conflict in Isael/Palestine and Nothen Ieland 4) Guy Ben-Poat -.1 / National Minoity, Regional Majoity: Palestinian Aabs Vesus Jews in Isael Yitzhak Reite Re-Centeing Cultue and Knowledge in Conflict Resolution Pactice May Adams Tujillo, S. Y. Bowland, Linda James Myes, Phillip M. Richads, and Beth Roy, eds. Westen Sahaa: Wa, Nationalism, and Conflict Iesolution Stephen Zunes and Jacob Mundy Syacuse Univesity Pess

2 278 Bibliogaphy Wallestein, Immanuel The Decline of Ameican Powe: The U.S. in a Chaotic Wold. New Yok: New Pess. Walls, Michael The Emegence of a Somali State: Building Peace fom Civil Wa in Somaliland. Afican Affais 108, no. 432: Wande, Andew The Speading Somali Piate Theat. Aljazea.com, Mach 25, Wapne, Paul Envionn,ental Activist,, and Wold Civic Politics. Binghamton: State Univesity of New Yok Pess. Webste, Linda, and Douglas A. Pekins Redessing Stuctual Violence against Childen. In Peace, Conflict, and Violence: Peace Psychology fo the Twenty-fist Centuy, edited by D. J. Chistie, R. V. Wagne, and D. A. Winte, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Pentice-Hall. Wehenfennig, Daniel Conflict Management and Communicative Action: Second Tack Diplomacy fom a Habemasian Pespective. Communication Theoy 18, no. 3: Weisbot, Mak, Dean Bake, Ego Kaev, and Judy Chen The Scoecad on Globalization : Twenty Yeas of Diminished Pogess. Intena tional Jounal of Health Sciences 32: West, N This Neighbo Is Not My Uncle!: Changing Relations of Powe and Authoity on the Mueda Plateau. Jounal of Southen Afican Studies 24, no. 1: Westen Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign Solidaity: Standing with the Poo Peoples Alliance at the 2010 U.S. Social Foum. /2010/07/07/solidaity-standing-with-the-poo-peoples-alliance-at-the us-social-foum /. WIDE New Aid, Expanding Tade: What Do Women Have to Say? Repot of the WIDE Annual Confeence, Madid, June Bussels: Women in Develop ment Euope. Williams, Jody New Appoaches in a Changing Wold: The Human Secu ity Agenda: In Williams, Goose, and Waeham, Banning Landmines, Williams, Jody, Stephen D. Goose, and May Waeham, eds. Banning Landmines: Disamament, Citizen Diplomacy, and Human Seosity. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Wood, ELisabeth Insugent Collective Action and Civil Wa in El Salvado. New Yok: Cambidge Univesity Pess. Young, T Readings in Afican Politics. Bloomington: Indiana Univesity Pess. I Contibutos James Bohman is Danfoth Pofesso of Philosophy and Pofesso of Intena tional Studies at Saint Louis Univesity. He is the autho of Democacy acoss Bo des (2007), Public Delibeation: Plualism, Complexity, and Democacy (1996), and New Plulosophy of Social Science: Poblems of Indeteminacy (1991). He is cuently wok ing on a book on why democacies have difficulties in solving paticula kinds of poblems, including obligations to futue geneations and to noncitizens. Catheine Bolten is Assistant Pofesso of Anthopology and Peace Studies at the Univesity of Note Dame. He book, I Did 11 to Save My Life: Love and Suvival in Siea Leone, was published by the Univesity of Califonia Pess in He aticles appea in Ameican Anthopologist (2012), Jounal of Moden Afican Studies (2009), and Jounal of Political Ecology (2009). Rebecca Bums is an assistant edito at In These Times magazine. She holds an MA in peace studies fom the Koc Institute fo Intenational Peace Studies, Univesity of Nofe Dame, whee he eseach focused on global land and housing ights. Neil Coope is Pofesso of Intenational Relations and Secuity Studies at the Univesity of Badfod. He is coedito of the efeeed jounal Intenational Peace keeping as well as coautho of Wa Economies in a Regional Context (2004), coedito of Whose Peace?: Citical Pespectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding (2008), and also coedito of a special issue of Coiiteupoay Secuity Policy: Ams Contol fo the 21st Centuy (2011). The latte has also been published as Reconceptualising Ams Contol: Contolling the Means of Violence (2011). He is cuently engaged in eseach fo a monogaph on the histoy of ams tade egulation. Dia Pa Costa is in the Depatment of Global Development Studies, Queen s Uni vesity, Canada, developing eseach and teaching at the intesection of political 279

3 280 Contibutos 1 Contibutos 281 economy and cultual studies. She is the autho of Development Damas: Reimagin ing Rual Political Action in Easten India (2010) and has aticles in Thid Wold Qua tely (2010), Globalizations (2007), Signs (2008), and Contibutions to Indian Sociology (2007). She is woking on a second book tentatively titled The Wok of Theate in an Age of Pecaious Labou. Isaac Kamola is cuently an Assistant Pofesso of Political Science at Tinity College in Hatfod, Connecticut. His scholaly wok has appeaed in Thid Wold Quately, The Bitish Jounal of Politics and Intenational Relations, Intenational Polit ical Sociology, Polygaph, Tansitions, and the Jounal of Highe Education in Afica. He eceived his PhD in political science fom the Univesity of Minnesota in Cecelia Lynch is Pofesso of Political Science at the Univesity of Califonia, Ivine. She is the autho of Beyond Appeasement: Intepeting Intenva Peace Move nients in Wold Politics (1999), coautho with Audie Klotz of Stategies fo Reseach in Constuctivist hitenatioial Relations (2007), and coedito of Law and Moal Action in Wold Politics (2000) and On Rules, Politics, and Knowledge: Fied ich Katochwil and the Study of Intenational Relations (2010). Jackie Smith is Pofesso of Sociology at the Univesity of Pittsbugh- She is the autho of Social Movements fo Global Democacy (2008), coautho of Social Move ments in the Wold-Systeni: The Politics of Cisis and Tansfomation (2012), and coedi to of seveal books on tansnational activism, including Coalitions Acoss Bodes (with Joe Bandy, 2005) and A Handbook of Wold Social Foum Activism (with Scott Byd, Ellen Reese, and Elizabeth Smythe, 2011). Enesto Vedeja is Assistant Pofesso of Political Science and Peace Studies at the Univesity of Note Dame. He is the autho of Unchopping a Tee: Reconciliation in the Aftemath of Political Violence (2009), and coedito of volumes on genocide and mass atocities. He has published aticles in Pespectives on Politics, Constellations, The Review of Politics, Contempoay Political Theoy, The Euopean Jounal of Political Theoy, Genocide Studies and Pevention, Metaphilosophy, Res Publica, and Contempo ay Politics. Rachel Mille holds an MA in peace studies fom the Koc Institute fo Intena tional Peace Studies, Univesity of Note Dame. She is a Senio Infomation offi ce with USAID s Office of US Foeign Disaste Assistance (USAID/OFDA), whee she epots on humanitaian emegencies, focusing on Sudan, South Sudan, and the Democatic Republic of the Congo. Rachel has also woked on land ights and gende justice issues in Uganda and the West Bank, envionmental justice with indigenous communities in Latin Ameica, and food secuity in Bolivia. Valentine M. Moghadam is Pofesso of Sociology and Diecto of Intenational Affais at Notheasten Univesity. Pio to this she was Pofesso of Sociology and Women s Studies, and Diecto of the Women s Studies Pogam at Pudue Univesity. She is the autho of Modenizing Women: Gende and Social Change iii the Middle East (1993, 2003, 2013); Globalizing Women: Tansnational Feminist Netwoks, winne of APSA s Victoia Schuck Awad fo best book on women and politics (2005); Globalization and Social Movements: Islanfism, Feminism, and the Global Justice Movement (2009, 2012); and coedito of Social Policy in the Middle East: Economic, Political, and Gende Dynamics (2006).

4 Intoduction Jackie Smith and Enesto Vedeja In the wake of the Cold Wa, the attention of much wok in peace e seach shifted to the poblem of postwa peacebuilding. This was lagely in esponse to the effots of United Nations Secetay Geneal Soutos Boutos-Chali to expand the wok of the United Nations beyond its ta ditional peacekeeping functions. It also was a esponse to the polif eation of new democacies duing this time. Intenational intevention was seen as an impotant tool fo helping establish duable democatic institutions in states affected by the Cold Wa thaw. The effect of this has been a tendency in the field to focus on violent conflicts and postwa settings, with less eseach on othe phases of conflict (including so cial movements), a neglect of the poblem of stuctual violence, and an uncitical acceptance of the notion that neolibeal models of economic development ae best suited to advancing development and peace. This patten paallels the tendency of eseaches, in the wods of Rivage-Seul, to [accepti the politicians vision of the best possible wold, athe than to aticulate altenatives that confont unequal powe elations and focus attention on basic human needs. Quot ing Jonathan Schell, Rivage-Seul agues that the logic of deteence dete[edj debate about itself, placing shap limits... on the defi nition of espectable [and] so-called ealistic thinking about nuclea stategy (1987, 153). In a simila way, the maket ideology of neolibeal globalization has seved lo dete debate about itself thoughout most of

5 2 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding the 1980s and 1990s} Citics of global makets wee maginalized fom majo policy debates as the global financial institutions took on moe in fluential oles in national and global economic policy duing the 1980s and 1990s. A maket epistemology has infected disciplines such as development studies and intenational elations (Da Costa and McMi chael 2007, 588). Indeed, a key element of the neolibeal globalization poject was the depoliticization of coe questions about economic and social policy (Bunelle 2007). This was accomplished lagely though the establishment of an appaent homogeneity of discouse about global economic policies (Dagnino 2008, 69), leading to the discusive demo bilization of a wide ange of social movements (see Lynch 1998). Fol lowing Fetheston (2000), we ague that effective peacebuilding needs to tansfom discouses and modes of thinking, and it must begin with a igoous citique of the dominant social and political ode. In the academy, neolibeal appoaches in economics displaced othe theoetical tendencies, theeby silencing altenatives to global makets by channeling esouces towad gowing and legitimating business schools and by puging economics depatments of scholas who ventued outside neolibeal othodoxy (Sklai 1997; Hayes 2007). Within national and inte national institutions, neolibeal-fiendly economists found moe employ ment pospects ove this time peiod (Makoff and Montecinos 1993; Montecinos 2001; Babb 2001). Even within the United Nations, attempts to addess pesistent povety and ising inequality though edistibu tive and nonmaket measues wee maginalized fom the key policy aenas including peacebuilding as the UN sought to cultivate moe coopeative ties with copoations (Smith 2008; Knight and Smith 2007). The influence of maket ideologies on both theoy and pactice is also evident in the field of peace eseach. While ecent wok in the field identifies some of the ways neolibeal efoms can exacebate conflict Intoduction 3 the ecommendations emeging fom this wok ae to meely educe the speed at which such policies ae intoduced in postwa settings, athe than to allow space fo altenative paths to economic development (e.g., Collie et al. 2003; Pais 2004). Moe stuctual citiques of the intestate system and its oientation towad makets ae lagely absent fom this wok. This may be due in pat to the fact that a good deal of this eseach is funded by govenments o integovenmental agencies (notably including the Wold Bank) and theefoe is lagely aticulated within existing policy discouses and famewoks. This book challenges dominant assumptions in much of the liteatue on peacebuilding, aguing that economic glo balization is a majo souce of the stuctual violence2 undelying most contempoay violent conflicts. While much of the liteatue in the field of peace eseach focuses on violent intestate and intastate conflict, it is becoming inceasingly difficult to addess the tansnational dimensions of conflict that ae often woking to affect localized conflict dynamics. As economic globalization shifts economic and othe impotant policy decisions to supanational institutions, the ability of local actos to affect conflict and peacebuilding pocesses within thei bodes is diminished. Moeove, as esouces such as enegy, land, and wate become inceas ingly scace, decisions about these esouces ae inceasingly shifted away fom local policy aenas. Thus, it is vital that scholas, analysts, and pac titiones engage in moe citical eflection on global stuctues of powe to impove ou undestandings of how these stuctues affect both inteand intastate conflict. We also contend that studies of peacebuilding and violent conflict can benefit fom geate dialogue with the extensive liteatue on social move ments. This liteatue has focused lagely on civil society and its elation ship to the state and, inceasingly, the intestate system (fo eviews, see, 1. This has been changing since the late 1990s as popula esistance to economic glo balization has expanded in intensity and geogaphic scope and as the wold witnesses multiple and successive cises caused by financial globalization and excessive eliance on intenational tade and finance as a means to development. The global economic cisis beginning in late 2007 has contibuted futhe to the delegitimation of neoliheal ideology. 2. Accoding to Webste and Pekins (2001,330), stuctual violence occus when polit ical and economic systems ae oganized in ways that oppess, exploit, and dominate cetain segments of a population while pivileging othes who hold powe and wealth. Fo Uvin, stuctual violence is the denial, though the distibution of esouces and oppotunity, of people s means of ealizing basic needs and potential (2003, 148). Scholas of economic globalization use the tem socialexclusion to efe to simila phenomena (see Munck 2002).

6 F 4 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding e.g., Snow, Soule, and Kiesi 2004; Taow 2011; McCathy 1997; Smith and Kutz-Flamenbaum 2010; Smith and Wiest 2012). While vitually all anal yses of peacebuilding pocesses stess the impotant oles civil society plays in building peace, much of the wok fails to adequately poblema tize the elationships between states and civil society o the opeation of powe within civil society. Social movement theoy addesses how state powe and pactices affect both the chaacte of civil society associations and the oppotunities divese actos have to affect social change. It also is concened with dynamics of conflict and coopeation within civil society itself, including the conditions (both national and tansnational) that con tibute to o obstuct effective alliance building and coodination among civil society goups. Both of these dimensions ae essential to unde standing what makes postwa peace pocesses duable and what sot of stuctues and policies can help pevent the outbeak of violent conflict in the fist place. Thus, a key aim of ou poject is to expand attention to social movement theoy in the field of peace eseach. Authos in this volume daw fom wok in multiple disciplines to uncove how the pedominant, global neolibeal models of economic development affect the dynamics of conflict and peace in a vaiety of local settings. While thee may indeed be elationships between economic lib ealization and the conditions that foste peace, and while open makets might be associated with moe open political systems, thee is conside able debate among social scientists about the natue of these elationships. Maket libealization can poceed in highly authoitaian contexts, and highly democatic counties may in fact limit thei paticipation in global makets in esponse to democatic pessues. Moeove, some analyses show that economic libealization can seiously undemine effots to ebuild social institutions and foste political libealization in wa-ton societies (Uvin 1998; Mccinty 2006; Pais 2004). In addition to questioning some basic assumptions in much of the mainsteam peace eseach liteatue, we also want to shift attention away fom the political pojects and discouses of elites and towad the effots of popula goups to espond to and edess poblems in specific contexts. Ou bottom-up appoach seeks to uncove the visions, demands, and political pojects being advanced in local settings in esponse to and Intoduction 5 often despite the constaints imposed by moe poweful goups (Kaldo 2003). The case studies in this volume demonstate how globalized mod els and noms can channel and constain popula movements in ways that undemine emancipatoy pojects. Although global noms such as human ights and disamament can legitimize challenges and povide oppotunities fo movements to mobilize tansnafionally, they can be a double-edged swod, fo they can lead movements to engage with insti tutional pocesses that eplicate powe asymmeties and ultimately ein foce the inteests of dominant powes (see Fetheston 2000). Ou pespective calls into question many assumptions about the natue of moden states. Peacebuilding missions have been descibed as tansmission mechanisms of neolibeal models of the state, assisting the pocess of tansfoming national states into entities that facilitate the tade libealization agenda of globalized capital (Pais 2002). In this sense, peace keeping opeations ae a pat of the evolution fom above, that helped expand the global economy in ecent decades (Robinson 2004). Unde neo libealism, states aound the wold have been estuctued to deemphasize thei welfae-poviding and egulatoy functions while simultaneously stengthening thei coecive capacity, paticulaly in egad to the potec tion of pivate popety and the disciplining of labo (O Bien 2004). The neolibeal state is thus lean and mean (Evans 1997, 85 86), timmed of its social welfae components but with stengthened militay, policing, and pison capacities (see also Havey 2005). This evolution fom above has been even moe butal fo people in the global South, whee states wee hollowed out befoe they had developed effective systems of epesentation and distibution (Feguson 2006; see also Tilly 1990). And its effects have been especially hash fo society s most vulneable goups, including women (Moghadam 2005; 2012). In moe ecent yeas, the wa on teo has intoduced new epessive tendencies in Westen states, and taditional ights to political paticipation and assembly have been eoded thee as well (della Pota et al. 2007). This has implications fo futue tajectoies of violent conflict and theefoe deseves moe atten tion by peace eseaches. Clealy, counties expeience diffeent foms of violence, and this equies attention to thei paticula needs. Some nations ae left with

7 6 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding little infastuctue following civil wa o genocide (such as Rwanda, the Democatic Republic of the Congo, and Siea Leone) and must commit significant esouces to ebuild thei economies and societies. Elsewhee, pevasive stuctual violence is a consequence of uneven intenational development and social and cultual pactices of discimination ove gen eations, even unde conditions of fomal democacy (fo example, India and Bazil). The specific needs of counties ae a consequence of thei pa ticula histoies and contempoay challenges, and cetainly thee is no univesal model of efom. Nevetheless, neolibeal pesciptions call fo a eduction of state capacihh sevices, and public welfae potections and fo the opening of national economies to geneate economic gowth. Fo counties with a long histoy of intenational exploitation and othe foms of stuctual violence, such policies may only exacebate social exclusion, making a etun to violent stuggle moe likely (Silve 2003). Neolibeal efoms tend to stengthen the powe of well-positioned domestic and intenational economic elites while poviding only tangen tial if any benefits to the poo. At the same time, these efoms tend to subject histoically disadvantaged goups to even geate economic vul neability Qagga 2001; Rajagopal 2003; Ruda 2002; Kingfishe 2003). Mea suing pogess only by looking at goss economic indicatos, common to many neolibeal economic development stategies, neglects the complex and einfocing pattens of maginalization that often accompany the apid scaling back of state sevices (Begman 2009; Babb 2005). Neolibeal policies may also destabilize fagile postwa societies. By equiing state estuctuing along neolibeal lines, contempoay fame woks fo peace ageements constain the policy space available to states ecoveing fom was. Take two common equiements fo extenal aid, pivatization and libealization. In theoy, pivatization inceases the effi ciency of coupt, unpoductive state entepises by subjecting them to new incentives of pofitability (which pesumably eflects thei account ability and esponsiveness to consume demands). In tansitional settings, howeve, pivatization may only widen economic dispaities, fo often the only domestic actos capable of puchasing newly pivatized businesses ae those who aleady enjoy significant economic and politica] powe, and fequently they contibuted to the violence in the fist place (Mani 2002, Intoduction ; Boyce 2002). Unde these conditions, pivatization may be impos sible o meely involve the enichment of senio govenment officials (Fitzgeald 2000, 58). In Siea Leone, fo example, pivatization esulted in placing many pofitable entepises in a few oligopolistic hands and deepening a popula sense of gievance (Keen 2000, 40), athe than expanding wealth to boade sectos of the population. Libealization focuses on educing estictions to foeign investment and minimizing baies to foeign tade. The goal is to stimulate the domestic economy by pemitting the intoduction of needed capital and geneating employment In postwa counties with fagile economies, howeve, libealization can be destabilizing. Libealization combined with a weakened state can depess wages and pomote expot-led gowth that leaves societies vulneable to fluctuations in wold pices of thei pi may expots (Cabonnie 2002; Uvin 1998). Most postwa settings equie extensive state intevention to povide fo social welfae and edistibu tion of land and othe souces of wealth, often an oiginal souce of the conffict. Geate state potection fom intenational maket competition is also vital to ebuilding local and national economies. Local wokes must have a stake in national economic ecovey. Yet, policies designed to attact intenational investment do not necessaily help and may even hinde effots to expand local economic oppotunities and theeby build loyalty and commitment to peacebuilding pocesses (see, e.g., Pugh and Coope 2004). Also, an active and paticipatoy state is often necessay to potect minoities and women and ensue the ule of law (Dagnino 2008). Neolib eal states cannot effectively achieve these aims, and theefoe undemine peacebuilding pocesses. In the aftemath of civil wa, whee political and ethnic divisions may un deep and populations enjoy little economic o mateial secuity, policies that limit social potections diminish the public s stake in peace ageements and can futhe exacebate tensions and conflict. Of couse, civil was have many causes, such as elite adicalization, ethnic factionalization, and pevasive povety in the face of gowing inequality and politicization. We do not deny that thee ae numeous souces of civil was, and that some of these ae national o local (Feaon and Laitan 2003; Wood 2004; Collie and Sambanis 2005). What is emak able, howeve, is the extent to which the peacebuilding liteatue focuses

8 8 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding on shot-tem and national-level causes and ignoes boade global factos contibuting to instability and violence. A citical eview of the peacebuilding liteatue suggests that much moe attention must be paid to questions of how the inequities of the global economic and political ode affect the pospects fo peace and peace po cesses at national and local levels. The dominant libeal peace fame wok, with its emphasis on conflict temination and the pomotion of individual human ights, fomal democacy, and a maket economy, fails to addess the deepe global economic and mateial causes of violence (Pais and Sisk 2009). Global institutions and pocesses have pivileged ich, Westen counties, leaving many without much stake in the existing global ode. As Pete Uvin obseves, cuent modes of globalisation povoke stuctual violence, and, as a esult, acute violence. At this level, stuctual efom of the wold economy is advocated including the establishment of majo edistibutive mechanisms (Uvin 2002, 19 20). Recent yeas have also dawn heightened attention to how envionmental devastation caused lagely by the development policies pusued unde neolibeal globalization can cause o exacebate violent conflict. In shot, the legitimacy and stabil ity of global ageements and institutions depends upon wok to integate moe equitably actos on the peiphey that is, non-westen states as well as civil society into policy agendas and decision-making pocesses. Some contempoay social movements have mobilized explicitly in esponse to the conflicts geneated by this lage wold economy and inte state system (e.g., Macdonald 1997; Paffenholz and Spuk 2006). Many have been woking at local, national, and tansnational levels to esist the neolib eal state and to pomote edistibutive and welfae policies. Movements in Latin Ameica in paticula have been successful in this egad, and have as a esult begun to challenge global powe elations. Movement actos have also developed tansnational netwoks and oganizations capable of fosteing communication and dialogue that can contibute to peacebuild ing (Kaldo 2003). The Wold Social Foum (WSF) pocess, fo instance, is a delibeate attempt to bing togethe multiple and divese movements to develop altenative visions aimed at addessing the most challenging con flicts of ou day. The WSF pocess consists of a linked seies of encountes oganized acoss space (fom local to global) and time. It aims to foste new Intoduction 9 foms of association and engagement that nutue mutual undestandings, solidaity, and collective identities based on notions of equity and shaed goals of a moe just and ecologically sustainable global ode. Such effots help anticipate and give voice to conflicts ove scace esouces befoe they escalate into oganized violence. At the same time, they build suppot fo nonviolent altenatives. Moe impotant fo ou puposes, the WSP pocess epesents one of the lagest and most sustained movements fo the sot of lage-scale systemic change that would addess the stuctual violence fueling most majo was. As such, it deseves consideation as an essential pat of the wok of contempoay peacebuilding. As noted above, most scholas of peacebuilding stess the cucial ole that civil society actos play in postwa peacebuilding pocesses (Daby 2006; Mason and Meemik 2006). But few seiously conside questions about how to ceate the long-tem stuctual conditions that can nutue stong and democatic (that is, toleant and nonviolent) civil societies both in postwa settings as well as in contexts whee conflict has not escalated into violence (but see Paffenholz 2010a). Indeed, pat of the difficulty stems fom the emphasis on what Michel Foucault (1991) efeed to as govenmentality, o the pocess by which the state and elites employ a host of stategies and techniques to make a society govenable. Such a pocess often equies depoliticizing civil society, o at the vey least einscibing the domain of politics to daw a shap distinction between legitimate and illegitimate policies and political ends. In these contexts, citical civil society goups ae edefined as spoil es, without caeful distinctions between movements calling fo geate democatic input and eactionay movements. This can exacebate the discusive demobilization (Lynch 1998) of goups making legitimate claims and/o wielding significant, though nonmilitaized, influence in local settings. By delegitimizing citical local actos, conventional peacebuilding appoaches undemine citical analysis and nomalize state and elite inteests (Fetheston 2000). As Neil Coope has agued, both the poblematisation of wa economies and the emphasis on the impeative of tansfomation can be undestood as speech acts that secuitise and pathologise the local in ode to legitimise the extaodinay measues deemed necessay to bing about libeal govenance (Coope 2006a, 87).

9 10 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding Intoduction II We examine in this volume the ways global institutions and pac tices affect the contexts in which contempoay peacebulldthg effots take place. In paticula, we conside how global economic and stuctual foces seve to facilitate o constain civil society actos, including human itaian nongovenmental oganizations (NGOs) and othe social move ments (see Paffenholz and Spuk 2010). We also exploe the elevance of a majo global mobilization of civil society actos, the WSF pocess, as a possible souce of ideas about altenative models of social oganization and as a space fo expeimenting with and developing pactices that sup pot peace and justice. What is equied, theefoe, is an altenative to the dominant libeal peace famewok, one that deepens its commitment to human ights and democacy while eschewing damaging demands fo pivatization, libealization, and weakened welfae states. A moe citical pespective on peacebuilding must be systemic: it must identify the undelying stuctual causes of violence, including thei local, national, egional, and global souces, while also fomulating a boade conception of peace that incopoates a wide set of actos. In this way, ou conceptualization of peacebuilding etuns us to Johan Galtung s oiginal aticulation of this idea in 1975, which focused on cultivating what he called positive peace athe than simply on ending violence, o negative peace (see Paffenholz 2010b, 43). Specifically, peace schol aship and pactice should move beyond its focus on elite, tansnational expetise and knowledge and esituate social movements and civil society at the cente of debates about duable and just peace. It is this junctue between peace studies, social movement theoy, and globalization that this volume exploes. Coe Popositions Based on the above analysis, we aive at a set of coe popositions that will guide the analyses that follow. Hee, we biefly sketch these. (1) The stuctual conditions that shape pocesses leading to vio lence o peace can be linked to the wold capitalist economic system, and theefoe attempts to pevent the outbeak of violence and to po mote sustainable peace in postwa settings equie attention to histoic and wold-systemic factos (see Smith 2010; Silve 2003; Pugh et al. 2008a). Appoaches to peacebuilding that focus stictly on the national level such as those addessing poblems of failed states, elite couption, eco nomic policies, and ams egulation do not adequately addess how those states elations to the lage wold economy and thei histoic ela tions with othe states ae shaping these dynamics (see, e.g., Fame 2004; Buawoy 1998; McMichael 1990). If peace eseach is to offe solutions fo long-tem peace, it must examine moe citically the global and systemic constaints that fagile, postwa societies face. This equies a close look at how these states ae embedded within the wold economy. Indeed, scholas such as David Havey (2006) have agued that the global capitalist economy is itself based on a political economy of vio lence, o accumulation by dispossession (see also Escoba 2004). It fol lows that local and national stuggles must be undestood within a lage netwok of local, national, and global elations that ae oiented aound this global capitalist logic. Effective peace pocesses thus equie a eve sal of the pocesses of dispossession that ae inheent in neolibeal poli cies and pactices. (2) The contempoay context is one in which the dominant model fo oganizing the wold-system is in cisis and is being challenged by vaious contendes. Glasius and Kaldo (2002) have usefully, if athe schematically, categoized these vaious actos as (a) neolibeals, who wish to acceleate the pocesses of tade deegulation, dismantlement of state capacity, and insetion of peipheal counties into the wold economy; (b) egessive antiglobalizes, who esist the pessues of economic and societal tansfo mation by eveting to taditional cultual pactices that may be explicitly hostile to human ights and democacy; and (c) democatic pogessives, who seek to expand popula paticipation and delibeation about the fun damental ends of society (see also Babe 1995). The fist two ae often coecive and pusue top-down policies on the population. The latte cos mopolitan and democatic appoach is lagely a bottom-up appoach to global integation. Ou poject pivileges this bottom-up vision of global integation, without pesuming any single outcome o model. The goal is to identify paths towad political and social emancipation while taking seiously the heteogeneity of needs and context-appopiate stategies.

10 12 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding (3) Institutional and stuctual factos pivilege poweful actos including states, hegemons, capitalists, etc. This affects how altenatives ae aticulated and advanced. If they ae to succeed at tansfoming social conflict, peacebuilding pocesses must disupt the means though which poweful actos can epoduce thei inteests despite challenges. lit othe wods, we must bette undestand pocesses such as discusive demobilization o the entenchment of powe in the deep stuctues (Rajagopal 2006) of the economy and political institutions. Pugh, Coo pe, and Tune (2008b) call fo a politics of emancipation that can yield new, ecologically infomed thinking about societal oganizing logics and goals. Concepts such as social emancipation, life welfae, and gen de justice seek to sensitize analysts to the opeation of powe and to oient ou thinking towad altenative stuctues that ae moe likely to geneate the sustained peacebuilding outcomes we seek. Because it lacks a vested inteest in the dominant institutional ode, civil society is a pi may locus fo thematizing, secuing, and sustaining these vaious foms of emancipation fom a wold economic system based in inequality and vioience (Alexande 2006; Bohman 2007; Habemas 1996). Concepts The book is oiented aound the exploation of a set of coe concepts, discussed below. The authos contibutions engage explicitly with these concepts, helping povide geate coheence to the poject and uniting the vaious chaptes in an ongoing and multipespectival analysis. The concepts wee oiginally chosen by the editos, but wee efined though convesations aid exchanges at an authos wokshop at the Univesity of Note Dame, Neolibealism We undestand the tem neolibealism as a set of economic policies advanced by leading wold economies and global financial institutions such as the Wold Bank, the Intenational Monetay Fund, and the Wold Tade Oganization beginning in the 1970s and continuing though the Intoduction 13 W90s and beyond. The pimay goal is to educe constaints on intena tional tade and expand oppotunities fo foeign investment, theeby integating national economies into the global capitalist economy. Key policies include tade and financial libealization, pivatization, deegu lation, and eductions of public secto employment and expenditues. An impotant effect of neolibeal policies has been the edistibution of wealth and political influence fom lowe income to highe-income goups within and acoss societies (Babb 2005; Havey 2006). Social Movements We undestand the tem social movements as collections of oganiza tional and individual actos who who engage in sustained political o cul tual contestation though ecouse to institutional and extainstitutional foms of action (Escoba and Alvaez 1992, 321, emphasis added). We stess that fo most analysts and fo ou puposes hee, social movements ae collective, sustained, populaly based engagements with authoi ties. They also may engage with fomal political pocedues whee these ae available, but typically combine fomal political actions with extainstitutional actions, including cime. While many movements cultivate explicit collective identities among paticipants, some movements ae uni fled and defined moe in tems of thei shaed social change goals. As will become clea in the following pages, not all movements ae pogessive o democatic. Futhemoe, some of the movements we will exploe in this book ae somewhat nascent and less self-consciously oganized. Examples of this sot of movement include the youth engaging in social leveling in Siea Leone and the piates off Somalia s coast Gende Justice Most analyses of postwa peacebuilding pocesses identify the vital impo tance of attention to gende inequities in sustainable peace pocesses. The tem gende justice indicates effots to efom legal institutions and pac tices to emedy gende inequalities and addess gende-based violence and wa cimes. It also includes stuctual efoms aimed at impoving

11 14 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding women s access to esouces and economic oppotunities. The pocess of secuing gende justice is a complex one that places a pioity on the ene gotiation of gende elations to pevent backlash against women in the aftemath of amed conflict (see Pugh, Coope, Tune 200). Given the significant edistibutions of powe equied, explicit attention must be paid to the question of how gende justice might be achieved in paticula contexts (both peaceful and postwa). Globalizing Pojects We might view ou poject as an exploation of contestation ove diffe ent visions of how the wold should be oganized. Phil McMichael (2006) agues that neolibeal globalization eflects a paticula globalization poject that favos wealthy counties, copoations, and individuals at the expense of pooe counties, wokes, and othe people. Pugh and his colleagues efe to neolibeal peacebuilding as a nomative poject, which imposes neolibeal policies on states attempting to ebuild afte amed conflicts. Moe ecently, vaious actos have been aticulating altenative glo balization pojects aimed at emedying the poblems linked to neolibeal economic globalization. Many social movement activists epesented in the WSF, fo instance, stess the need to eoganize fundamentally global elations aound the aims of inclusion, divesity, and paticipation. Elite globalization pojects ae eflected in UN-led initiatives such as Human Secuity. Pugh and his colleagues distinguish between pob lem solving 3 and paadigm shifting appoaches, noting that the human secuity appoach has been co-opted to justify militay intevention and to help e-legitimize neolibeal agendas in the wake of failed stuctual adjustment pogams (Pugh, Coope, and Tune 2008, 393). They show 3. A poblem solving appoach is likened to what Paul Roges (2010) efes to as liddism i.e., keeping a lid on, o containing the poblems emeging though the imple mentation of neolibeat efoms, without attention to the undelying causes of the pob lems. Pugh and his colleagues see analysts such as Joseph Stiglitz, Jeffey Sachs, Geoge Soos, and Amy Chua as offeing such poblem-solving appoaches. Intoduction IS how the language of human secuity has failed to addess the complexities of local geogaphies of powe while pivileging the atomized individual as the taget of policy. Instead of human secuity they call fo a politics of emancipation that helps ceate space fo a life welfae appoach that appeciates the impotance of social elations and the ecology. Fo them, peacebuilding effots must be unsecuitized and moe attentive to local voices and powe elations. In addition, they call fo a shift in paadigms of peacebuilding that ejects univesalism in favou of heteodoxy, econ ceptualises the abstact individual as a social being and limits damage to planetay life in shol, a life welfae pespective (393). Fom Empowement to Social Emancipation? Empowement is the pocess wheeby goups and individuals in a soci ety gain geate contol ove thei lives and destinies. Empowement is seen as a key to peacebuilding, since it helps expand popula commit ment to the peace pocess while also addessing some of the inequities that contibute to conflict escalation. Much of the eseach on peacebuild ing suggests that this is one of the moe neglected featues of postwa peace opeations (Paffenholz 2010a). Effective edistibution of the means of poduction and political influence aely occus, and this is clealy a pat of the explanation fo why so many peace ageements beak down. By undestanding peacebuilding within the lage global political and economic context, we have given attention to the ole that cultue, ideas, and institutions play in einfocing dominant powe elations, even whee actos aim to tansfom inequalities and elated conflicts. Thus, we daw fom the wok of Boaventua de Sousa Santos (2007a) to ague fo an appoach to conflict tansfomation and peacebuilding that emphasizes social emancipation athe than empowement The latte tem suggests that maginalized goups ae essentially the addessees, o ecipients, of efomist policies, and in many instances the tem has been co-opted by extenal elites and institutions pomoting neolibeal tansfomations (see ELiasoph 2011). We theefoe use the tem social emancipation, which attibutes moe agency and contol to those who ae excluded fom equi table paticipation in the economy, society, and polity. This emphasis on

12 16 Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding Intoduction 17 the agency of the maginalized also elicits diffeent stategies fo peacebuilding than does the tem empowement: As Pugh, Coope, and Tune have noted, the political economy of post-conflict peace and statebuilding in a libeal peace famewok has involved a simulaca of empow ement whee peacebuildes tansfe esponsibilities to society without tansfeing powe (2008, 391). Thus, the social emancipation famewok emphasizes the stuctual analysis of powe elations and examines the possibilities fo excluded goups to execise agency, in contast to less politicized foms of peacebuilding empowement that focus moe on chaity towad the dispossessed. Chapte Summay Pat one of the book develops analyses of how discouses ae used to einfoce dominant social elations, and how discouses ae mobilized by social movements as they wok to tansfom unequal social elations. Neil Coope s chapte leads off this discussion with a consideation of how the discouses suounding ams egulation, including those of human secuity, have focused attention on the egulation of weapons systems and have not significantly impacted conventional ams tade o boade human secuity. He agues that peace movements and thei suppotes must look citically at the histoy of ams contol campaigns in ode to devise stategies that can eoient multilateal peace agendas and gene ate ageements that go beyond the token effots to egulate intenational flows of weapons and move us moe clealy in the diection of geate human well-being. Cecelia Lynch exploes the specialized and globalized discouses chaacteizing the wold of humanitaian NGOs. Oganizations wok ing with gants o contacts fom govenments and integovenmental agencies ae inceasingly equied to document and demonstate the effectiveness of thei opeations in postwa contexts. This esults oienta tion, Lynch agues, has geneated a set of benchmaks and citeia that ae moe linked with expanding a neolibeal economic agenda than with advancing peacebuilding. Dia Da Costa s chapte demonstates how Janani, an oganization of the cultual and political left in India, has used steet theate to chal lenge dominant neolibeal discouses. She citiques the ways the goup has aticulated class within its satiical plays, uncoveing the challenges to movements that aim both to contest the lage debates ove neolibeal globalization and build unity among a divese aay of social and class actos. He analysis offes insights into the paticula stategies and tac tics movements use as they seek to tansfom elations based in lagescale stuctual violence. Pat two of the book examines how globalized models and concepts ae applied in local contexts, and consides thei implications fo the tans fomation of violent conflicts. Valentine Moghadam begins the section by identifying linkages between the wold economy and the stuctual vio lence that undelies violent conflicts. She agues that wa and militaism ae both fueled by and epoduce gendeed identities that help pepetu ate violence. She illustates this though an examination of the gendeed consequences of the was in Iaq and Afghanistan, developing an agu ment fo a moe explicitly gendeed appoach to the global human secu ity and peacebuilding agenda that pivileges the goal of gende justice. She exploes the oles that tansnational feminist netwoks have played in fosteing peace and gende justice, offeing insights into stategies fo impoving peacebuilding as well as peventing the escalation of conflicts into violence. Isaac Kamola uses the case of the Somali piates to uncove how the concept of failed states has been used to justify selective intenational inteventions that einfoce the inteests of Westen powes in contol ling access to natual esouces. Accoding to Kamola, the concept obfus cates the natue of conflicts, theeby inhibiting effective effots to addess undelying causes. He agues that piacy is not simply educible to local ized geed o state failue, but is also pat of a lage stuggle ove the govenance and policing of intenational commodity flows. Catheine Bolten then offes insights into how humanitaian aid gets tanslated into histoically stuctued social netwoks in Siea Leone. She examines the Pull-You-Down Syndome of social leveling employed by

13 lb Globalization, Social Movements, and Peacebuilding local big men to shape the social distibution of esouces. Lage pools of undeeducated and unemployed men ae eadily mobilized by wouldbe big men in the latte s effots to mobilize foeign aid esouces in ways that enhance thei powe. If aid is to contibute to peacebuilding, effots to undestand the local social context and counte these sots of intenally competitive dynamics ae necessay. Finally, in pat thee of the volume we conside the possibilities fo building peace fom below by cultivating movements and pactices con ducive to nonviolent conflict esolution. James Bohman exploes how po cesses of democatic delibeation enacted within social movements can pomote the aims of peacebuilding by enhancing tust among patici pants and stengthening the legitimacy of decisions. He exploes the pos sibilities fo constucting and sustaining public sphees that can pomote effective delibeation at a scale appopiate to the contempoay global ized context. Jackie Smith, Rebecca Buns, and Rachel Mille then povide an indepth look at the activities of activists woking within the WSF pocess, demonstating how the wok in that aena eflects the pactices and aims of peacebuilding, paticulaly those identified in Bohman s chapte. They conside the lessons the WSF pocess povides fo wok in a vaiety of contexts to tansfom conflict and educe violence. We offe this volume as a contibution to impotant debates on how we might eimagine the possibilities fo both peventing was and vio lence and fo secuing and sustaining a just peace fo fagile societies. We have endeavoed to bing togethe cetain scholaly liteatues that have emained lagely sepaated fom one anothe the social move ments, peacebuildthg, and globalization liteatues and thus geneate a povocative convesation that can efame the ways in which scholas and pactitiones undestand the wok of peacebuilding. Pat One DISCO u ses of Co nfl Ict and [ love nent