Economic Development and Employment Division. The Moroccan Diaspora in Germany. Its Contribution to Development in Morocco

Transcription

1 Economic Development and Employment Division The Moroccan Diaspora in Germany Its Contribution to Development in Morocco

2 Published by: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Economic Development and Employment Division Migration and Development Sector Project P.O. Box 5180 D Eschborn Telephone: +49 (0) Contact: Responsible: Dr Irina Kausch Andrea Riester Author: Kirsten Schüttler Translator: Teresa O Connor Banderole pictures on the front page (top down): Björn Ketels, Goethe Institute Cairo Ralf Bäcker, ECBP, GTZ Ethiopia Graf Jaques de Lalaing, Collector for solar power plant, Afghanistan Ralf Bäcker, ECBP, GTZ Ethiopia Design: andreas korn visuelle kommunikation, Bad Homburg Printed by: Aksoy Print & Project Management, Eppelheim The views and opinions expressed in this publication are the author s and do not necessarily reflect the views of GTZ. gtz 2007

3 Foreword In May 2006 the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH launched the sector project Migration and Development on behalf of the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) at GTZ s headquarters in Eschborn. This project aims to devise and disseminate strategies and instruments to help relevant actors maximize the development potential and minimize the risks posed by migration. The advisory project acts as an interface between the realms of research, politics and practice. Its core tasks include both providing specialised advisory services to BMZ and mainstreaming the approach within GTZ and other German implementing organisations. An in-depth exchange of experience and cooperation with European partners is also an important part of the intervention. Cooperation with diaspora communities in Germany, which is an important aspect of project activities, aims first and foremost to acquire a better understanding of the ongoing activities of the various migrant organisations in their countries of origin. On this basis, the next step should be to identify possible avenues of cooperation that will culminate in designing and implementing joint projects in the countries of origin. To this end, GTZ published a study in 2006 entitled Egyptian, Afghan and Serbian diaspora communities in Germany: How do they contribute to their country of origin? The 2006 study was followed up by this examination of the Moroccan diaspora and two other studies, which look at the Senegalese and Vietnamese migrant communities in Germany. They will help close a gap in current research since little is known at present about the contributions migrants make to their countries of origin. They will also provide a basis for cooperation with Moroccan migrant associations within the scope of a GTZ pilot programme launched in May 2007, which will co-finance investment in social infrastructure. Dr Irina Kausch

4 Table of Contents 1. Introduction The Moroccan diaspora worldwide Main countries of residence Morocco s policy towards its diaspora The Moroccan diaspora in Germany Causes and types of migration from Morocco to Germany The Moroccan community - size and residence status Social structure Geographical distribution Areas of origin and language Forms of organisations in Germany Historic development and types of associations (Vereine) Delineations between groups within the diaspora Degree of organisation and networking between associations Experience of state support Morocco-related activities Ties to Morocco Charitable activities Economic activities Remittances Investment in entrepreneurial activities and foreign trade Activities in politics, science and culture Recommendations for German Development Cooperation Annex...32 Bibliography...34 Links...37

5 1. Introduction 1. Introduction For many years, the main thrust of the debate on migration centred around issues affecting host countries. Since the 1970s, both development policy and development research have adopted a negative view of the adverse affects that migration and brain drain have on the countries of origin. 1 In recent years, however, the focus has shifted towards the opportunities to be had from migration. In particular, transnational activities conducted by diaspora communities across the globe offer development opportunities in the countries of origin, not just in terms of remittances, but also in terms of philanthropic activities, investment and knowledge transfer. This begs the question of the actual extent and types of activities conducted by individual migrant communities at the economic, social, political, technological and cultural levels. What factors encourage or hinder these types of activity? What forms of external support can be provided to promote this commitment? This paper examines these issues from the point of view of the Moroccan community 2 in Germany. In terms of previous research, at the end of the 1980s Peter Waltner wrote a dissertation on migration and sociocultural change in the province of Nador (Waltner 1988). During the 1990s, Mohamed Berriane, Herbert Popp, Hans Hopfinger, Andreas Kagermeier and Abdellatif Bencherifa examined the impact of labour migration on Nador and surrounding areas, the region of origin of a significant number of Moroccans in Germany. 3 A number of publications on the Moroccan diaspora and their situation in the host country were also consulted (e.g. Berriane 2003a; Mehlem 1998). A range of general literature on Moroccans resident abroad also helps provide further insight into the situation of Moroccans in Germany (for example de Haas/Plug 2006). Overall, very little material has been published, particularly in recent years, on Morocco-related activities by the Moroccan community in Germany. In addition to evaluating the scientific studies, documents and statistics obtained from sources such as the Moroccan consulates in Germany, the German Federal Statistical Office, the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) and the German Federal Employment Agency, more than 30 guided qualitative interviews were conducted. They were conducted in Germany between October and December 2006, and in Morocco between January and February 2007, and based on the questionnaires used in a study on three other diaspora communities in Germany (Baraulina et al. 2006). An Internet search was carried out and the snowball method was used to identify key interviewees in Germany. However, it is not claimed that the interviewees are representative of the Moroccan community as a whole. The interviews focused on charitable activities, and therefore mainly targeted representatives from associations. Most of these associations were non-religious, and the majority of their members were from first and second-generation migrant families. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in Frankfurt am Main and Düsseldorf, where members of the Moroccan community in Germany have mainly settled. Interviews with migrants in other locations were conducted via telephone. In Morocco (in the cities of Rabat, Casablanca, and Tangier, and the provinces of Nador, Oujda-Angad and Berkane), the results were verified on site by interviewing representatives of state institutions, German organisations, research institutes and non-governmental organisations on a face-to-face basis. This paper takes a brief look at the Moroccan diaspora across the globe, to set the context for assessing its role in Germany as well as the policy adopted by the Moroccan state vis à-vis this diaspora community. 4 The structure of the Moroccan diaspora in Germany is then analysed, as is its geographical distribution, given the impact both of these factors are assumed to have on the level and type of transnational 1 De Haas 2006: 9-13 provides a brief overview of changes in development policy s view of migration. 2 The term community or diaspora is used without assuming from the start that Moroccan migrants form a homogenous, cohesive entity with a common orientation towards their country of origin. 3 The research was funded mainly by GTZ within the framework of its Programme on research cooperation with developing countries. 4 This study looks solely at regular migration from Morocco, as it is difficult to draw conclusions regarding irregular migration. 1

6 engagement. Forms of organisations within the Moroccan community are then described by examining the associations that have been established and their experience of state assistance. This is followed by an assessment of charitable, economic, political, scientific and cultural activities, and factors hindering further commitments. Finally, a number of recommendations for German Development Cooperation (DC) are outlined. 2

7 2. The Moroccan diaspora worldwide 2. The Moroccan diaspora worldwide 2.1 Main countries of residence Currently, about one in every ten Moroccans (that is, more than three million Moroccan nationals) live outside of Morocco. Approximately 85% of this group have migrated to Europe. This means that, after the Turkish community, Moroccans constitute the second largest group of migrants in the European Union (FEMIP 2006: 58). As most of Morocco was formerly a French protectorate, France is the country most migrants have traditionally chosen as their destination. Due to labour migration agreements and family reunification, there are also substantial Moroccan communities in the Netherlands, Belgium and Germany (see Table 1). Spain and Italy have attracted an increasing number of migrants in recent years, and are now particularly popular destinations for irregular migration. The Moroccan community in Spain is growing so quickly that it is expected that it will soon overtake France as the most popular destination country. At the start of 2006, 600,000 Moroccans were officially resident in Spain, and they now constitute the largest migrant group (Amourag 2007: 37). Table 1: Main recipient countries for the Moroccan diaspora in Europe 5 Recipient country 2004 France 1,113,176 Spain 423,933 Netherlands 300,332 Italy 298,949 Belgium 293,097 Germany 102,000 Source: European University Institute, Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration Skilled workers also emigrate to the United States (2004: 100,000) and Canada (77,713). Arab countries, including Morocco s neighbours Algeria (2004: 79,790) and Tunisia (25,637) as well as Libya (120,000) and Saudi Arabia (27,830), are also popular destinations. In 2004, Germany was the sixth largest country of residence of regular Moroccan migrants. 2.2 Morocco s policy towards its diaspora The Moroccan state views migration as a fundamentally positive phenomenon, as it helps ease pressure on the domestic labour market. Remittances are the most important source of foreign exchange, helping to offset the balance of trade deficit and reduce poverty. To encourage the transfer of remittances via formal channels, the Moroccan Banque Centrale Populaire set up counters in consulates at an early stage. Furthermore, between 1973 and 1987 the Moroccan government paid a 5% premium on foreign exchange transfers by migrants from host countries (Berriane 2001: 39). Moroccan policy also includes a number of strategies to strengthen migrants ties to their country of origin. For example, a ministry for Moroccan expatriates, which is now attached to the ministry of foreign affairs, was set up in The ministry was set up to show the state s commitment to its citizens abroad (Maro- 5 These figures represent migrants registered at Moroccan consulates. Due to a difference in the calculation method used, they do not correspond to German statistics. The data provided by the Moroccan consulates are given here, as they include migrants who become naturalised citizens of the host country. 3

8 cains Résidant à l Etranger, or MREs) 6 and represent their interests at the political level. To focus on the operational level, the Fondation Hassan II pour les Marocains Résidant à l Etranger (Hassan II Foundation for Moroccans Resident Abroad) was also set up in 1990 to increase migrants ties to their native country and help them deal with problems they may face. 7 Activities include providing financial assistance to migrant associations to run projects in Morocco and in host countries bringing together MREs, seconding teachers of Arabic to the host countries, and appointing social attachés to consulates in these states. The foundation also conducts exchange programmes for children and young people, and provides advisory services on social and legal issues, particularly as regards administrative matters and the protection of ownership in Morocco. The foundation incorporates a centre for research on Moroccans living abroad and a department to promote economic activities among the diaspora. Furthermore, the Fondation Mohammed V pour la Solidarité (Mohammed V Foundation for Solidarity) provides support for MREs who spend their summer holidays in Morocco, and has published a travel guide with practical tips. It also helps migrants deal with immigration procedures at borders. The Moroccan government, under King Hassan II, initially rejected the idea of granting Moroccans dual citizenship and the right to vote in host countries for fear of alienating migrants from their country of origin (Leichtman 2002: 117). During talks with representatives of state institutions in Morocco, it became evident that the government now values the importance of integration in host countries, as it would allow both countries to harness maximum benefit from migration and thus promote development in Morocco. The government s policy regarding Moroccans living abroad has also changed in recent years regarding further aspects. Consulates, embassies and affiliated clubs known as amicales were formerly directed to keep an eye on Moroccan emigrants to prevent any political activity. Involvement in trade unions and initiatives to preserve the Amazigh (Berber) culture were also frowned upon. The government feared that such behaviour could trigger unrest in Morocco on the one hand, and would tarnish the reputation of Moroccans as reliable and hard-working people, on the other. During the so-called years of lead under the rule of King Hassan II, any such activity was reported to Rabat, and some Moroccans resident abroad subsequently disappeared without a trace (Belguendouz 2006: 4). Since the introduction of political reforms in Morocco at the end of the 1990s within the framework of democratic change, the government has abandoned its policy of using the amicales network to spy on migrants. The fear of adversely affecting remittance flows also played a role (de Haas/Plug 2006: 610). At the political level, discussions are now even underway to look at involving MREs in a parliamentary representative body and granting them voting rights. Political actors in Morocco recognised the potential of remittances at an early stage, and have successfully encouraged migrants to use official channels to transfer funds. Today, these actors are looking to tap further possibilities of boosting the contribution the diaspora can make to development in Morocco. In this context, interviewees underlined the improved educational background of MREs today. The political actors aim at encouraging migrants to invest in entrepreneurial activity. In 2002, 16 regional investment centres known as Centres Régionaux d Investissement (CRIs) were set up. They offer services such as needs-oriented advice and assistance to MREs by, for example, making them aware of specific investment projects, helping them deal with administrative hurdles involved in setting up a business, and promptly handling any queries they may have (since their stay in Morocco is usually limited). The Hassan II Foundation has also made a contribution by publishing an investment guide for Moroccans abroad entitled Guide de l Investisseur MRE in Arabic, French and Dutch. Furthermore, economic attachés have been appointed to Moroccan consulates. In addition to the Al Âmal bank, which has been promoting investment by MREs since 1989, the Fonds Sindibad has, together with the French Development Agency (AFD) provided additional funds for innovative projects run by Moroccans living in France. 6 In Morocco itself there is considerable debate on what to call Moroccan migrants. The term Marocains Résidant à l Etranger (Moroccans living abroad) is used in this study, as the author believes it to be the term most widely used at present. Other terms include Citoyens Marocains de l Etranger (Moroccan citizens abroad) and Marocains du Monde (Moroccans of the world). 7 The lack of MRE representatives on the Foundation s council has been criticised. Contrary to the provisions of the articles of association, the council has not met since 2000 (see Belguendouz 2006: 8f). 4

9 2. The Moroccan diaspora worldwide Efforts are also being made to involve the Moroccan diaspora in knowledge transfer. The International Forum of Moroccan Competences Abroad (FINCOME) was set up in 2006 to revitalise the Transfer of Knowledge Through Expatriate Nationals Program (TOKTEN) run by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which only had limited success in Morocco. Public-sector institutions and private sector companies that need help for specific tasks can register at as can MREs who have particular skills to offer. FINCOME also promotes measures to encourage skilled Moroccans to return to their native country. Under King Mohammed VI, the Moroccan government has recognised the importance that the voluntary activities of the diaspora play in Morocco s development. Key measures currently include encouraging MREs to become involved in projects as part of the national human development programme Initiative Nationale du Développement Humain. According to one interviewee, the ministry for MREs also aims to compile a directory of all Moroccan associations abroad in order to promote network-building. 8 In the grand scheme of things, the Moroccan community in Germany does not constitute a key focus for the Moroccan government. The MRE group in Germany is quite small and is generally considered to be relatively inactive compared with counterparts in other countries. This will be examined in greater detail later in this paper. The language barrier is another factor in this context, and also helps explain the lack of research on MREs in Germany compared with other countries. For example, no research officer has been nominated by the research centre at the Hassan II Foundation to study the MRE community in Germany. Furthermore, the chamber of industry and commerce in Nador has targeted investment initiatives at Moroccans in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Spain, but has so far overlooked MREs in Germany. This is primarily because of lack of demand, and a need for relevant contacts to be established first. 8 A similar directory was drawn up some years ago by the Hassan II Foundation. According to a contact at the foundation, the directory was no longer updated, as the information became obsolete so fast. 5

10 3. The Moroccan diaspora in Germany 3.1 Causes and types of migration from Morocco to Germany Moroccans started to migrate to Germany from the densely populated, rural area of the Rif mountains in the north-east of the country in the mid-20 th century. This was primarily for economic reasons, but was also due to the strong migrant tradition in the region (Berriane 2003a: 23 f.). Within the framework of a recruitment agreement concluded with Germany in 1963, the first 1,800 workers placed by the German Federal Employment Institute received limited-term contracts in the coal mining industry in Following the abolition of the Spanish protectorate in Morocco and the demise of iron-ore mining, which resulted in job losses, a number of migrants, mainly men from the region of Nador, found work in the automotive industry, municipal services, and in the chemical, textile and construction sectors in Germany. Many found jobs through relatives who were already working in Germany. Employers preferred to recruit from the north-east of Morocco as employees from this region were known for their hard work and experience in mining. Also, recruiting from one area helped prevent clashes in the workplace between conflicting groups from different regions within Morocco (Charchira 2005). Initially, Moroccans migrated to Germany with the intention of returning to Morocco. Although 84% of men who migrated on their own were married, only 5% brought their families with them (Bossard 1979). This changed once a recruitment stop was put in place in 1973, ending circular migration. Subsequently, many Moroccans decided to stay in Germany for the medium or long term, and arrange for family members to join them. This gave rise to a new group of immigrants who were not employed, and the Moroccan community in Germany expanded over a short period of time. Moroccan men often brought their wives and younger children to Germany first, followed by children of school or college age once it became clear that they were going to settle permanently. Family reunification increased even further because of a number of measures introduced by the German government, such as changes to the child benefit and tax laws, which stipulated that only children residing in Germany could qualify for financial support (Weber 1992: 16). Political debate on reducing the age of children eligible for reunification to six also influenced decisions in this regard. This primary wave of family reunification was followed by a secondary wave triggered by migrants resident in Germany marrying their partners who lived in Morocco. This was often used as a means of circumventing immigration restrictions (Berriane 1996: 180). Since the end of the 1980s, an increasing number of Moroccan students have traveled to Germany to study (Roggenthin 1998: 90). Moroccans now account for the largest group of African students in Germany. According to the German Federal Statistical Office, 8,213 Moroccan nationals were registered as students in the winter term. 7,190 of them were Bildungsausländer. 9 The majority (3,676 students) is studying engineering-related subjects, particularly electrical engineering (2,282 students) and mechanical engineering (864 students), or courses in the fields of mathematics and natural sciences (1,802 students), in particular computer science (1,122 students). A smaller proportion study law, economics and social science (1,418 students). 10 Reasons for choosing to study at German universities include, among others, their reputation in the field of science and technology (for more information, cf. Roggenthin 1998: 88; Kerouach 1998: 75-81). Unlike labour and educational migrants, who constitute a significant group, only a negligible number of Moroccans have been granted asylum. Between 1984 and 2006, a mere 55 asylum applications were approved, according to figures made available by the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF). In contrast, the number of asylum applications has increased steadily since the 1980s. In line with the general 9 Bildungsausländer are foreign students who come to Germany to study and have attained their higher education entrance qualification abroad and/or have attended a preparatory course in Germany to supplement the qualification acquired abroad. Bildungsinländer, on the other hand, are foreign students who have gained their higher education entrance qualification at a German school or have passed an aptitude test usually at a university in Germany. 10 According to an evaluation of figures from the DAAD s ICE database conducted by the higher education information system (HIS), based on 8,019 students enroled in the winter term. 6

11 3. The Moroccan diaspora in Germany trend at the time, this figure peaked in 1992 when 2,565 applications were received from Moroccans. Since then, the number of applications has decreased progressively with only 207 applications filed in The Moroccan community size and residence status Compared to other countries, relatively few Moroccans immigrated to Germany between 1963 and 1973 within the framework of the recruitment agreement. At the time the recruitment stop was put in place, an estimated 22,400 Moroccans were living in Germany (Waltner 1988: 90). However, in 2004, the Moroccan consulates recorded 102,000 migrants of Moroccan origin, the largest group of people from an Arab country living in Germany. 11 Unlike in Germany, Moroccan statistics also include MREs with a German passport, as the Moroccan constitution prevents citizens from relinquishing their citizenship. 12 This explains the discrepancy between Moroccan and German figures. According to German statistics, the number of Moroccan migrants dropped by about 10,000 between 1995 and At the end of 2005, only 71,639 Moroccans were listed in the German central immigration registry (Ausländerzentralregister). However, this drop was caused by an increase in the number of Moroccan migrants granted German citizenship, rather than an increase in Moroccans leaving Germany. This is demonstrated by the higher inflows than outflows to and from Germany: between 1992 and 1999 outflows lay roughly between 2,000 and 3,000, with approximate inflows of between 3,500 and 6,000, thus resulting in net immigration. In 2005, for example, 4,390 Moroccans immigrated to and 3,124 left Germany. This is reflected in the increasing number of people registered at Moroccan consulates (99,000 in 2002) and in the negligible drop in Moroccans living in Germany, compared to the number of citizenship applications granted, according to German statistics (see Table 2). Table 2: Granting of German citizenship to Moroccans ( ) Year Applications for citizenship granted to Moroccans resident in Germany , , , * 4, * 5, * 4, , , , , , ,684 Source: German Federal Statistical Office *) Not including Hamburg 11 Please note that not all Moroccans register immediately. Some only register if they have to attend the consulate for other business (such as applying for an identity card, dealing with inheritance, or registering for marriage). A name is also not automatically removed from the register if someone dies or moves away. As a result, this figure reflects the approximate number of legal Moroccan migrants, usually aged 16 and over, for whom the consulate has issued an identity card. The actual figure is likely to be higher. 12 As the Moroccan constitution does not allow citizens to surrender their citizenship, Moroccans are one of the exceptions defined by German law, in that they can be granted German citizenship without relinquishing their status as Moroccans, which in effect constitutes dual citizenship. 7

12 According to figures published by the German Federal Statistical Office, Moroccans are one of the migrant groups that apply most for German citizenship, which bears witness to the fact that they frequently reside in Germany for the long term. This is also corroborated by the average term of residence of Moroccans, which was 14 years at the end of 2005 (see Table 3). Furthermore, in % of Moroccans living in Germany were actually born there. Table 3: Residence term of Moroccans in Germany, as of 31 December Residence in years Number (total 71,639) Under 1 2, , , , , , , , , , ,689 Over 40 2,050 Source: German Federal Statistical Office According to the German central immigration registry, at the end of 2005 about half of the Moroccans living in Germany without German citizenship had a temporary residence permit, and half had a permanent one Social structure The social structure of the Moroccan community in Germany reflects the different types of immigration. Most first-generation labour immigrants come from rural areas and only have limited school-based or vocational training. However, the educational standards of Moroccan migrants in Germany have increased significantly, primarily due to an increase in student numbers since the early 1990s. Statistics from the German higher education information system (HIS) indicate that the number of Moroccans studying in Germany has risen steadily, and they accounted for the seventh largest group of foreign students in Relative to the overall size of the diaspora, the Moroccan community therefore has the largest amount of students of all migrant groups in Germany, with a high proportion of Bildungsausländer. 15 Almost one-third of Moroccan students is registered at a university of applied sciences (Fachhochschule). Whereas among 13 These figures do not take into account interruptions between the date on which the number of years residence was counted and the date the person first entered Germany. 14 According to the German central immigration registry, at the end of 2005, 19,300 Moroccans held a temporary residence title and 27,985 held a permanent one under the provisions of the German Aliens Act of 1990, which has since been replaced by new legislation. 492 held a temporary and 191 a permanent EU residence title. Under the 2004 German Immigration Act, 12,806 Moroccans held a residence permit, 4,041 a settlement permit, 216 a temporary and 105 a permanent EU residence title, also at the end of had permission to remain, 523 had been granted temporary stay of deportation, 479 were exempt from the requirement of holding a residence permit and 5,381 had not been granted a residence title, permission to remain or a temporary stay of deportation. 15 See footnote 9 for more information on Bildungsausländer. 8

13 3. The Moroccan diaspora in Germany Bildungsausländer Moroccans constituted the second-largest group of graduates from German universities of applied sciences in 2004, they only accounted for the 15 th largest group of university graduates. The number of Moroccan graduates is relatively low when compared with the total number who have actually registered to study, but this is not unusual among foreign students in general. One of the reasons for this may be that many Moroccans must take part-time jobs to finance their studies. In addition to students, there are also Moroccan scientists in Germany (graduates, post-doctoral students and university lecturers). In 2004, forty-one received grants in Germany. This means that the educational standard of Moroccans living in Germany today ranges from the illiterate with no vocational training to university graduates and research staff. Whereas less than 10% were not employed in 1965, by 1973 this figure had risen to 22%, and increased even further as families were reunited. In mid 2005, 20,415 Moroccans were subject to social insurance contributions and 8,541 were on a low wage. 7,591 were registered as unemployed. This corresponds to an employment rate of approximately 51% for Moroccans without a German passport. The employment profile of Moroccans has changed over time. Whereas the majority originally worked in industry and mining, most now work in the service sector (see Table 12 in the Annex). According to German statistics, about 40% of Moroccans living in Germany are now women, which is a result of family reunification. This percentage is unusually high, when compared to other migrant groups from Arab countries. The proportion of working women has risen slowly from just 1.9% in 1972 to 7% in 1986, and 15.8% in 1992 (Mehlem 1998: 50). According to statistics published by the German Federal Employment Agency, 27.07% of Moroccan women were employed in the German workforce in mid Also as a result of family reunification and long-term residence approximately 15% of Moroccans are currently under 18 years of age. This figure has also increased significantly (see Table 4). Table 4: Age structure of the Moroccan community as of 31 December 2005 Total Broken down into the following age groups: Under and older 7,639 11,239 34,374 13,566 7,455 5,015 Source: German Federal Statistical Office 3.4 Geographical distribution Following the conclusion of the recruitment agreement in 1963, migrants frequently found work throughout Germany in large groups, for example, at the Opel plant in Rüsselsheim and coal mines in the Ruhr valley. Strongholds of Moroccan migrants began to develop with many settling in the Düsseldorf and the Frankfurt Rhine Main regions (Schmidt-Fink 2001). At the end of 2005, about 80% of Moroccans without a German passport lived in North Rhine-Westphalia (52%) and Hesse (28%) (see Table 5) is used as the most recent figure, as the introduction of the Hartz IV reform in 2005, which merged unemployment and social security benefits, made it more difficult to draw comparisons to previous statistics. The percentage of unemployed Moroccan women, for example, has increased significantly as a result. 9

14 Table 5: Distribution of Moroccan nationals throughout the German federal states, as of 31 December 2005 Federal state Number of Moroccan nationals as of 31 December 2005 Baden-Württemberg 2,613 Bavaria 2,555 Berlin 1,280 Brandenburg 124 Bremen 548 Hamburg 727 Hesse 20,014 Lower Saxony 219 Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania 1,397 North Rhine-Westphalia 37,544 Rhineland-Palatinate 2,636 Saarland 483 Saxony 449 Saxony-Anhalt 518 Schleswig-Holstein 389 Thuringia 143 Total 71,639 Source: German Federal Statistical Office, based on records of the German central immigration registry. Figures for Berlin and Hamburg are based on evaluation of registers of the Statistic Offices of these federal states In 2004, the consulate in Düsseldorf had 41,788 Moroccans registered in North Rhine-Westphalia, the consulate in Frankfurt had 46,686 in Hesse, Rhineland Palatinate, Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg, Saarland and part of Thuringia, and the consulate in Berlin had recorded 13,526 for the rest of the federal states. The number of Moroccans in federal states other than Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia appears to be increasing slightly, mainly because of the increasing number of students who are at universities and universities of applied sciences in these states (see Table 13 in the Annex; Berriane 2003a: 38). However, about half of all Moroccans are still concentrated in ten cities: Frankfurt am Main (in 2005: 6,663), Düsseldorf (5,367), Dortmund (3,263), Cologne (2,629), Bonn, Wiesbaden, Wuppertal, Offenbach, Essen and Rüsselsheim. 17 Some Moroccan ethnic groups also seem to have settled in specific areas (Berriane 2003a: 37). This is primarily due to the fact that some German companies specifically recruited family members and other relations of existing employees within the framework of the recruitment agreement (Mehlem 1998: 50 FN). 17 Figures for Düsseldorf and Frankfurt are from the local office for statistics and elections in these cities. Other data originate from the central immigration registries via the Statistics Offices of the federal states of Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia. 10

15 3. The Moroccan diaspora in Germany 3.5 Areas of origin and language More than 70% of the Moroccan community in Germany originates from the Rif mountains in the northeast of Morocco, in particular the provinces of Nador (for example, from Kariat Arekman, Zaio, Zghanghane, Midar, Ben Taieb and Driouch) as well as Al Hoceima and, to a lesser degree, the provinces of Berkane and Oujda-Angad (Maas/Mehlem 1999: 88). Over time, the number of Moroccan migrants from the north-east of Morocco has dropped, with an increasing number coming from both urban and rural areas of other regions. This is evident from the places of birth given by Moroccans registered at the general consulates in Frankfurt am Main and Düsseldorf: Between 1975 and 1993, the proportion of Moroccans from Nador dropped from 72.2% to 41.2% (see Table 6). According to the Düsseldorf consulate, 21,689 that is, about half of all Moroccans registered at the consulate come from the Nador/Al Hoceima regions. The Rif region in the north-east of Morocco is one of the country s poorest areas (Mehlem 1998: 39-43). Most of the population here is Berber (Amazigh). The region has always had an ambivalent relationship with the rest of the country, because of long-standing conflict with Arab-speaking groups throughout Morocco, and the fact that rather than being a French protectorate like the rest of the country, the Rif region was controlled by Spain between 1912 and After Moroccan independence, the Rif mountains remained a much-neglected and marginalised region. Following unrest between 1957 and 1959, which was violently repressed, the region was put under military rule. In 1962, the border between Algeria and Morocco was closed due to political and military tensions between the two countries. This triggered increased migration to Europe, which was welcomed by the Moroccan government in the hope that it would ease social and political pressures (de Haas 2005a: 13 f.). Many emigrated to Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium; unlike the rest of Morocco, the region did not have any special ties with France given its different colonial background, and Spain was not an attractive destination country at the time. The majority of migrants from the Nador province thus headed for Germany (Berriane 2003: 36). As a result, most Moroccans in Germany are Berbers and not Arabs. Their native language is Tarifit, a dialect of Berber. In Amazigh families, usually only the elder men speak Moroccan Arabic. Most first-generation migrants lack literacy skills in either High Arabic or German. Their children speak Tarifit and German and have only a very limited knowledge of Moroccan Arabic. Their only contact with High Arabic is in mosques and in special classes taught in Arabic (Maas/Mehlem 1999: 88-91). Table 6: Regions of origin of MREs in Germany Place of birth (province/prefecture) Nador 72.2% 55.1% 41.2% Oujda-Angad 5.9% 5.5% 2.2% Fes 3.7% 3.2% 4.7% Khemisset 2.2% 2.1% 3.1% Casablanca 2.2% 1.7% 1.0% Marrakech 1.2% 2.0% 5.2% Tangier 1.2% 1.5% 4.1% Rest of Morocco 11.4% 28.9% 38.5% Source: Berriane 2003: 34, from immigrant registers at the Frankfurt am Main and Düsseldorf consulates 11

16 4. Forms of organisations in Germany 4.1 Historic development and types of associations (Vereine 18 ) Moroccan associations in Germany first began to appear in the 1970s. Embassy-affiliated clubs known as amicales were set up, and were also used by the regime in Rabat to keep an eye on migrants in Germany and ensure that they toed the line. This hampered political participation and restricted other types of activities. According to those interviewed, the amicales focussed on solving problems encountered by migrants during regular trips to Morocco, and on providing a place to meet to drink tea and play backgammon. With the political reforms in Morocco in the second half of the 1990s, the organisational landscape in Germany also changed. Whereas some associations became more involved in German society, and focussed on local issues, others took on a more religious focus. A number of new associations have also been set up since the 1990s. Many of the associations interviewed have thus been set up in recent years or only exist since the end of the 1980s. Moroccans in Germany now meet in a variety of settings: tearooms, sports clubs, cultural establishments, mosques, parent and student associations, and in further organisations involved in the social, cultural and political scene. Some associations label themselves Moroccan, whereas others regard themselves as Moroccan/German. In interviews, the latter stressed the benefits of mixed membership, which include the ability to generate more funding. Some organisations limit membership to towns and cities and their surrounding areas; others have members nationwide. In addition to the different associations that exist, some members of the Moroccan diaspora in Germany also organize in informal personal networks. 4.2 Delineations between groups within the diaspora In addition to the different types of organisational activity, a number of different fault lines can be identified within the Moroccan diaspora that hinder networking and coordination among the groups. a) Religious non-religious According to those interviewed, most Moroccan associations in Germany have a religious slant. Nonreligious associations observed that mosque-based associations have more members, are better organised, and receive more funding. One reason given for this was that the religious element tends to unite people, encouraging them to donate money and volunteer free time. Measures such as Arabic courses and social work, running in tandem to religious activities, also boost the popularity of religious associations. Another explanation given for the attractiveness of religious associations was the lasting effect of the ban on activities by certain groups, which was in place into the 1990s. During the interviews, the non-religious associations distanced themselves from religious associations, seeing a danger of Islamic extremism. The religion-based associations interviewed, however, did not bring up this matter of their own accord. b) Berbers Arabs Some interview partners made a distinction between Berber migrants from the north-east of Morocco who migrated to Germany in the 1960s and 1970s, and those who migrated to Germany after 1980 and primarily have been reared in an Arab background. In addition to the cultural/language distinction, 18 Translator s note: For the sake of simplicity, the German term Verein is translated by the English word association. The term Verein stems from the German word vereinen (unite) and depending on the context may correspond to the concept of club, association, special interest group, charitable organisation, etc. Nearly 600,000 Vereine were registered in Germany in

17 4. Forms of organisations in Germany these two groups differ socially. This is indicated by the existence of Amazigh cultural groups. Many of the associations interviewed had members from both backgrounds, however. c) Participation of women In general, most of the members of associations and boards of management in particular are male. Some actively encourage female membership and criticised the conservative attitudes of other associations. Very few women-only associations exist. d) Relationship with the Moroccan government Certain tensions still exist between associations cooperating closely with the Moroccan Embassy and consulates, and others who do not. Most of the associations interviewed made an effort to engage in activities with the relevant consulate. e) Generation gap Even in cases in which associations attract members from a range of different age groups, members of the boards of directors are usually from the same generation. In the associations interviewed, very few young people were involved at the board or advisory committee levels. Second generation migrants remarked that activities tend to vary, depending on the age group involved. Whereas first-generation migrants usually meet in cultural establishments and tearooms, second-generation Moroccans prefer associations with a social slant, and the third generation is up to now involved to a greater degree in sports and cultural clubs, religious associations, and online chat rooms and news groups. 4.3 Degree of organisation and networking between associations a) Degree of organisation Bekouchi (2003: 156) maintains that about 50 of the estimated 2,500 Moroccan associations worldwide are located in Germany. However, a total of 53 associations are currently voluntarily registered at the consulate in Frankfurt am Main for the federal states of Hesse, Rhineland-Palatinate, Baden- Württemberg, Saarland, Bavaria and part of Thuringia alone. A further five are listed at the consulate attached to the embassy in Berlin, and 28 are currently registered for North Rhine-Westphalia at the consulate in Düsseldorf (ten amicales, 18 associations). A study conducted by the Centre for Turkish Studies in Essen and the Institute for Political Science of the University of Münster (1999: 90), however, indicated that 43 Moroccan associations existed in North Rhine-Westphalia in When counting the number of associations, it must be noted that some do not include the word Moroccan in their name particularly if they are religious. This means that it is not always possible to tell at first if, for example, the majority of members in a mosque-based association is Moroccan. Some Moroccans may also be involved in Arab associations. Only a small number of the associations are active at the social level. The statistics of the Hassan II Foundation which were reviewed for this paper in Rabat indicate that associations in Germany submit very few applications for project funding to the foundation, unlike associations in other countries such as France and the Netherlands. Between 2002 and 2006, only six applications were received from Moroccan associations in Germany. In 2006, only three of the 109 applications received 58 of which were approved were from mosque-based associations in Germany, and all of these were rejected. In 2003, the Foundation received three applications from a single Moroccan association in Germany, and one of these received funding. 13

18 On the whole, Moroccans in Germany tend to be politically inactive. Some individuals interviewed observed that they are less likely to stand for election to staff councils, advisory committees for foreigners or integration councils than individuals from other groups. The advisory committee for foreigners of the city of Düsseldorf, where 5,367 Moroccans were resident in 2005, stated that there were no Moroccan representatives on the committee. As a result, Moroccans do not have a high public profile. However, activities are often organised through personal connections rather than through an association. b) Networking There is a lack of networking and communication between existing Moroccan migrant associations in Germany, particularly between the federal states or consulate s areas of responsability. The associations are often not aware of or do not cooperate with one another particularly if they are located in different federal states. For example, the umbrella organisation for Moroccan associations in Düsseldorf is only responsible for associations in North Rhine-Westphalia, and does not even include all associations in Düsseldorf. A separate umbrella organisation is currently being set up in Frankfurt am Main for the federal states assigned to the consulate there. According to one interview partner, there are three different coordination groups for mosques, two in Hesse (with 14 and eight mosques respectively) and one in North Rhine-Westphalia (ten mosques). Associations that engage in networking invite each other to organised events. Cooperation is often conducted at a more informal level and on an ongoing basis. The Moroccan community does have a relatively good online network through shared portals, however. c) Possible explanations What lies behind this lack of networking and social involvement? A number of possible explanations were derived from the interviews conducted, and are summarised below. First-generation labour migrants were not involved at either the political or trade union levels in Morocco. They are also poorly educated and have low incomes, which hampers organisational activities. Donations to Moroccan associations also decreased in the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States. Furthermore, the Moroccan diaspora feels overshadowed by the Turkish community. Whereas Turks comprise approximately 26% of foreigners in Germany, Moroccans only account for about 1%. Rather than being seen as a separate entity, the public frequently lumps Moroccans into the same category as Turkish migrants, categorising the entire group as Muslim. As the Turkish community is already active in many areas of politics and society, some interviewees felt that it was difficult or pointless to set up parallel structures. Another explanation is the lingering effects of political repression, which lasted into the 1990s. The establishment of political or socially active associations was banned. Networking was regarded as precarious given the potential risk of spies planted by the then regime. Even today, the delineations between different groups within the Moroccan diaspora, as described above, continue to hamper cooperation. One association stopped networking activities with another as it felt uncomfortable with the religious overtones of reciting a sura from the Koran at the beginning of each meeting. 14

19 4. Forms of organisations in Germany Rivalry among different organisations vying for the presidency of one joint association or umbrella group also hampers cooperation. Furthermore, the lack of inter-state cooperation would indicate that Germany s federal structure hampers networking between associations in different states. In several interviews conducted in both Germany and Morocco, it was observed that Moroccan migrants in other conventional host countries such as France, Belgium and the Netherlands are significantly more active than are German MREs. However, it is important to remember that the number of Moroccans living in Germany is also significantly lower than in these countries. 4.4 Experience of state support a) Experience of dealing with the Moroccan Embassy and with consulates in Germany The relationship between Moroccan associations and the Moroccan Embassy and consulates in Germany has changed since political reforms were introduced in Morocco at the end of the 1990s. Many associations invite officials from the Moroccan representations to their events. The consulate in Frankfurt am Main organises an annual event for the associations in its area of responsability. The consulates also work together with Moroccan associations within the framework of activities organised by the Moroccan state for its MREs, for example, arranging trips to Germany for imams from Morocco during Ramadan. The embassy and the consulates are currently trying to step up cooperation with the diaspora. In addition to maximising the contribution the diaspora can make to development in Morocco, these efforts may also aim to build the capacities of non-religious associations in an attempt to act against Islamic extremism. (cf. Lacroix 2005b: 101). The consulates have also helped some non-profit migrant organisations establish contacts or obtain certification for customs exemption for the export of donations of goods to Morocco. Some of those interviewed, however, were not satisfied with the assistance provided by the consulates, stating that their queries were either unanswered or that replies they did receive were very late. Others felt that the consulates made no attempt to initiate non-profit activities in the Moroccan diaspora. Another criticism levied at the consulates was that those responsible often did not speak either German or Berber, which made communication with part of the MREs difficult. b) Experience with the bodies responsible for MREs in Morocco Many representatives of the associations interviewed had contact with the bodies responsible for MREs in Morocco at least once, either as a result of being invited to an event organized by a relevant body in Morocco, a meeting in Germany, or within the framework of activities organised by the Hassan II Foundation. Not all of the associations seem to be aware of the activities funded by the Hassan II Foundation. Some individuals interviewed criticised the relevant bodies in Morocco above all for neglecting Germany and focusing on countries with larger Moroccan communities. c) Experience with German contact persons Some Moroccan associations receive funding from German municipal authorities, but expressed a need for increased funds to cover ongoing costs for premises and telephone connections. One of the associations interviewed succeeded in securing funding from the federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia to fund its voluntary activities in Morocco. The German Embassy in Morocco was criticised for difficulties encountered in obtaining visas for Moroccans invited to events organised by Moroccan associations in Germany. One Moroccan association, for example, was unable to secure visas for Moroccan women to visit the women s fair in Aachen. 15

20 5. Morocco-related activities 5.1 Ties to Morocco A significant number of Moroccan migrants have chosen to settle long-term in Germany. Although many wish to return to Morocco when they retire, most remain in Germany or commute between the two countries once they reach pension age, primarily because they have children living in Germany and can enjoy the benefits of better health care. Among subsequent generations, the desire to return to Morocco tends to dwindle over time. To what extent does this trend impact the ties between the Moroccan community in Germany and Morocco? There is a lot of evidence to suggest that first- and second-generation Moroccans still have strong ties to their country of origin. 19 They return frequently to visit family and friends. The interviews conducted corroborated the results of a survey conducted in 1996 in Al Aaroui in the greater Nador area. Of the 262 people surveyed, 116 returned every two years, 110 every year, and 15 twice a year (Berriane 2003b: 53). There are low-cost direct flights from Düsseldorf, Cologne/Bonn and Frankfurt am Main several times a week to Nador, which would indicate corresponding demand among Moroccans living in Germany, as Nador is not a traditional tourist destination. Thanks to modern technology, long-distance communication has become easier and as will be outlined below a number of further Morocco-related activities are led, often replacing a permanent return to Morocco. Studies conducted by Berriane et al. for the region of Nador also confirm that permanent residence does not weaken the ties of first- and second-generation Moroccan migrants to their country of origin (Berriane 1996: 191). It is not possible to make a general statement, however, as each specific case is different. One key topic debated in publications on the connection between migration and development is the extent to which the links to the country of origin change from generation to generation. Several interviewees noted that third-generation migrants have weaker ties to Morocco. They find the annual summer visit boring, as they do minimal or no travel around Morocco because their parents wish to spend time in their villages, where there is little to do. Moroccan chat rooms, on the other hand, seem to be very popular among young Moroccans, and play a role in discovering their own identity. Many are also involved in Moroccan associations. It would therefore appear that third-generation migrants do indeed maintain ties to Morocco, even if this is with the country as a whole rather than the village or region of origin. Moroccan students in Germany as new first-generation migrants have a strong connection with Morocco. However, the strength of this connection varies, depending on whether they want to stay in Germany long term, only to obtain a few years work experience after they have finished their studies, or return directly to Morocco once they have qualified. On the whole, the Moroccan community in Germany still has strong ties to Morocco. These are expressed in a variety of social, economic, political, scientific and cultural activities, which will be examined in greater detail below. 5.2 Charitable activities a) Types of activities The charitable activities run by the Moroccan community in Germany are not as numerous or as farreaching as those conducted by other diaspora communities in Germany, such as the Afghans. Associations focus their social and cultural work primarily on Germany. However, interviews conducted in both Germany and Morocco showed that activities are also conducted on a transnational basis. 19 Many second-generation migrants have spent their childhood and even their early youth in Morocco. Nevertheless they considered themselves as second-generation in the interviews. 16

21 5. Morocco-related activities The majority of activities in Morocco are conducted collectively, frequently by informal groups of friends and family members, rather than by associations. One group of former students, for example, donated school materials and an Internet connection each to two schools for one year in Zaio, in the province of Nador. The activities are usually based on personal contacts, which allows the use of donated funds to be more easily monitored. Most donations are made on a one-off or irregular basis, often in the form of materials and equipment, such as school supplies, ambulances, wheelchairs and typewriters for the blind. Mosque-based associations are very active in this regard. Regular donations to an association or project in Morocco are less frequent, and the implementation of a group s own project initiatives is very rare indeed. Activities are conducted on a smaller scale than in other destination countries, where associations such as Migrations et Développement based in France and Morocco are involved on a large scale (cf. Lacroix 2005a; Iskander 2005). Very little investment is made in infrastructure. One-off donations by individuals are usually made in the summer when migrants return to Morocco bearing gifts of materials and equipment. Individuals also make spontaneous donations to associations on site. For example, a number of Moroccans in Germany helped pay for a road to be resurfaced, with the work itself implemented by an NGO. A number of one-off donations of materials and equipment have also come from Germany. Several informal groups of Moroccans resident in Germany, from places such as Zeghanghane, Kariat Arekman and Zaio, donated an ambulance to local authorities in the region of Nador, for example. They then provided funding for a driver and for servicing the vehicle, which facilitates out-patient dialysis and the rapid transfer of accident victims to the hospital, which is located some distance away. Other aid includes the shipping of hospital materials, provided by the University Hospital in Frankfurt am Main, to Morocco, where they were distributed to different health posts. In some cases, Moroccan children are sent to Germany for surgery with the help of associations, relatives and friends. According to one individual interviewed, the younger generation sponsors fund-raising campaigns on the Internet. For religious reasons, support for orphans is regarded as important. Moroccan associations and informal groups in Germany often respond to direct requests from organisations, villages or individuals in Morocco. For example, one association in Germany, which does not usually conduct charitable activities in Morocco, sent a wheelchair in response to a written request by a disabled person. The founder of a hospital in Middar collected donations from MREs in a number of countries, including Germany. The earthquake in Al Hoceima in 2004 also triggered donations on a large-scale.the aid was distributed primarily using contacts with associations, foundations and individuals on site. According to the Hassan II Foundation, however, donations from Germany laged behind those from the Netherlands, where many Moroccans from the region have also settled. In the relatively rare cases of continuous long-term involvement, cooperation agreements are usually concluded with the partners on site. By Moroccan law, if the association in Germany does not set up its own organisation in Morocco, a cooperation agreement must be concluded in advance of project implementation. However, school materials that are bought locally using donations by a Moroccan association in Germany, for example, are routinely distributed without difficulty by members or acquaintances of the association who are resident in Morocco. Moroccan partners can not only boost existing donations but also access other donors by engaging in longer-term cooperation with MREs in Germany. As mentioned previously, for example, an association from Germany that supported a literacy project run by its Moroccan partner was able to receive funding from the federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia. 17

22 On the whole, charitable activities are usually run in villages rather than in large towns and cities. This could be due to the fact that migrants usually have a stronger connection to their villages of origin rather than to towns and cities, and that there is greater need for assistance in rural areas. Moreover, longterm activities in particular are spread fairly evenly between the north and the south of the country, although the majority of Moroccans in Germany are originally from the north. Relatively speaking, the inhabitants of the Rif mountains are less committed to this type of activity, which could be explained by their ambivalent relationship to the Moroccan state, and by possible cultural and social differences between northern and southern Morocco. It would require further investigation, however, to obtain a more accurate picture. b) Factors hampering further activity in the survey, associations that did not undertake projects in Morocco blamed a lack of resources as the main reason. They stated that they frequently found it difficult to fund their work in Germany (for example, the cost of running premises), particularly if their members tended to be under financial strain. A first-generation migrant stated: If we had enough money (to run charitable projects in Morocco), we wouldn t be in Germany. The associations frequently do not know how to generate additional funds (for example, by collecting donations or submitting applications to official bodies). One exclusively Moroccan association maintained that another German-Moroccan association could access a completely different range of funding options because its chairperson is German. Other interview partners believed that following the involvement of Moroccans in the September 11 attacks in the United States, and the Madrid attacks in 2004, Germans are now less willing to make donations for Morocco and to Moroccan associations. One mosque-based association suspected that Moroccans resident in Germany are themselves now less willing to donate, for fear of the suspicion that they channel funds into terrorist activities. As all activities are conducted on a voluntary basis, time restrictions also play a role, forcing associations to set priorities. Many associations believe that it is more important to focus on the problems Moroccans face in Germany, as integration is still a contentious issue. Since September 11, they have also felt an increased need to hold events in Germany to promote intercultural exchange. Another contributory factor, according to Christine Ostermann who is preparing a thesis on the Moroccan community in Frankfurt, is the view expressed by some migrants from the Rif region that they already had to emigrate due to the situation there. They believe that it is up to the Moroccan state and not to them as migrants to support and develop the region. Some associations, on the other hand, believe that they should also be active in areas outside of Morocco, as they see greater hardship in other countries in Africa and the Islamic world. A lack of skills and experience in project management also hampers the expansion of activities. Difficulties in clearing donations of material and equipment through customs also play a role. According to some interviewees, this was particularly the case after the earthquake in Al Hoceima. Although it is possible to arrange for the donations to be declared exempt by the Moroccan Embassy or consulates, it is still difficult to get the goods out of customs in Morocco. The Moroccan state also places restrictions on donations of good; for example, ambulances must be less than eight years old. As mentioned earlier, it is now difficult for associations to obtain visas for Moroccan partners visiting Germany. This hinders the exchange of information between both countries as regards charitable activities. Some associations are also dissatisfied with the level of support provided by the Moroccan Embassy and the consulates, as outlined above. 18

23 5. Morocco-related activities A number of interviewees felt that the fact that older migrants are less well educated, with little experience in association-related work, explains why activities are primarily conducted in informal groups rather than through associations. Younger MREs are better educated and have more organisational experience but their ties with the region of origin of their parents are not as strong. 5.3 Economic activities Remittances a) Remittances data and transfer channels Morocco is positioned high in the list of countries receiving remittances from its migrants. In absolute terms, Morocco was the fourth-highest-ranking recipient country in 2003 and the tenth highest in 2006, according to the International Monetary Fund. Based on figures from the Moroccan exchange control office, in 2006 official remittances amounted to almost 48 billion Moroccan dirham (MAD), or approximately EUR 4.3 billion, which accounts for almost 9% of gross domestic product (GDP). 20 The amount of remittances is increasing steadily and has increased by 30.7% over the last five years. 21 Remittances are Morocco s main source of foreign exchange, and are particularly high when compared with exports (2004: 43.3%). According to one individual interviewed: Le pétrole du Maroc, ce sont les migrants (migrants are Morocco s oil). According to Moroccan statistics, remittances from Germany amounted to MAD 1,179 million in This means that 3.4% of all remittances recorded by the Moroccan Central Bank originated from Germany. Despite some fluctuations, remittances from Germany are on the increase, in absolute terms. In 2001, there was a sharp increase in remittance amounts in the wake of the euro conversion and associated money-laundering activities. At the same time, however, the amount of remittances per Moroccan migrant has decreased. Furthermore, the proportion of overall remittances to Morocco that stem from Germany has dropped slightly over time (de Haas/Plug 2006: 625; see Table 7). 20 According to the German Office for Foreign Trade (bfai), EUR 1 = MAD 11.04, based on the 2006 annual average. 21 The increase in remittances could also be a result of improved survey methods. 19

24 Table 7: Remittances to Morocco from selected European countries and the USA, according to the Moroccan balance of payments (in million dirhams (MAD)) Year France Belgium/ Luxembourg Netherlands Germany Italy Sweden UK Spain USA Others Total , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,023 11, ,944 1,196 1, ,093 16, ,941 1,196 1, ,272 17, ,810 1,270 1, ,349 18, ,487 1,338 1, ,505 18, ,615 1,467 1, ,369 16, ,806 1, ,305 16, ,160 1,520 1, , ,535 18, ,036 1, , ,824 18, ,373 1,264 1,315 1,070 1, ,836 19, ,206 1,075 1, , ,848 19, ,386 1,854 1, , ,308 22, ,974 1,970 3,486 1,924 5, ,596 1,895 2,258 2,814 36, ,462 2,073 2,109 1,349 3, ,293 1,957 1,874 2,822 31, ,385 2,062 2,032 1,179 4, ,650 3,189 2,036 2,585 34,581 Source: Moroccan exchange control office The figures issued by the Deutsche Bundesbank (German Federal Bank) deviate significantly from Moroccan statistics because of the different data collection methods used. 22 According to the Bundesbank, only EUR 42 million workers remittances and EUR 13 million compensation of employees were transferred in 2003 which differs significantly from the approximately EUR 107 million recorded by the Moroccan exchange control office (see Table 8). 22 The Moroccan exchange control office, for example, includes cash exchange amounts. 20

25 5. Morocco-related activities Table 8: Workers Remittances from Germany to Morocco according to the balance of payments of the Federal Republic of Germany (in million deutschmarks (DM) up to the end of 1998, in million euros (EUR) as of 1999) Year Total Workers Remittances to Morocco Africa Of which Of which Marocco , , , , , , , , , (Jan.-Nov.) 2, Source: Deutsche Bundesbank Thanks to the stable political and economic situation in Morocco and the country s policies toward MREs, Morocco has been fairly successful in having remittances transferred through official channels (de Haas/Plug 2006). Other factors include the expansion of the bank network in Morocco, the right of every MRE to open convertible dirham accounts and foreign exchange accounts in all Moroccan banks, and the provision of other services geared towards migrants, in particular by the Groupe Banque Populaire du Maroc, which recognised the client potential of MREs at an early stage (El Wardi/Khyar 2005: ). According to Moroccan statistics, remittances from Germany are thus primarily transferred via banks. However, during the summer months, many migrants bring cash or goods into the country (Table 9; own interviews; Ostermann). Table 9: Transfer channels from Germany to Morocco 2004 (in million dirhams) Bank transfers Transfers by post Bank notes Total 839,9 344,2 1184,1 Source: Moroccan exchange control office 21

26 This applies to MREs as a whole, whereby informal remittances are estimated at between 20-50% of official remittances. This means that actual remittances to Morocco are also higher than cited in official statistics. A number of studies can be used to supplement official figures. For example, a survey conducted by the Institut National de Statistique et d Économie Appliquée (INSEA) (Hamdouch et al. 2000: 164 f.) showed that of the 1,239 migrants surveyed, 94% had transferred money and almost 60% had transferred at least one quarter of their income over the past five years. 23 According to de Haas/Plug (2006: 627), migrants from France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Spain, and Italy transferred an average of about EUR 1,000 per year. b) Transfer costs As outlined above, the Moroccan state recognised the potential of remittances at a relatively early stage. As a result, the money transfer process itself is relatively smooth and the transfer costs are relatively low, when compared with other countries. The sample costs outlined below for different transfer types are based on data obtained in interviews and, above all, from financial providers via telephone in December According to those interviewed, the remittances are transferred via Moroccan banks with representations in Germany, if possible. These banks are the Groupe Banque Centrale Populaire du Maroc, the Banque Marocaine du Commerce Extérieur (BMCE) and the Attijariwafa Bank. Their representations do not have a full German banking licence and are only authorised to handle financial transfers. They deal specifically with remittances. However, usually only Moroccans living in cities with representations of these banks access these services. The Groupe Banque Centrale Populaire du Maroc is represented by offices in Frankfurt am Main, Düsseldorf, Bonn and Dortmund. The recipient must have an account with the bank in Morocco to receive the transfer. No transaction charge is incurred. The BMCE has financial transfer service agencies known as Agences de Services Financiers in Frankfurt am Main and Düsseldorf. Transaction charges for MREs transferring remittances to Morocco should have been waived at the end of 2006 provided the recipient has an account at the BMCE. Higher transaction costs are incurred for transferring remittances directly via a German bank. Here are two examples: Transferring up to EUR 250 from a Commerzbank account to an account in Morocco costs EUR 7.50, with a fee of 1.5% charged for amounts in excess of EUR 250 (minimum cost EUR 12.50). The Deutsche Bank charges 1.5% of the remittance amount for transferring money to Morocco (minimum cost EUR 10). If the person transferring the remittance assumes the full transfer cost, an additional charge of EUR 7.50 is incurred, 0.25% of the amount transferred is charged for currency conversion (minimum cost EUR 2.50), with a EUR 1.50 SWIFT fee. Online banking is less expensive than using a transfer form. Neither of these banks has a partner bank in Morocco. Remittances can also be made via money transfer operators. The advantage of this method is that the money can be collected by the recipient immediately after it has been transferred. The disadvantage is that it is expensive compared to a standard bank transfer. Moroccans in Germany tend to use this method primarily if the recipient urgently requires the money, as a bank-to-bank transfer can take up to ten days. Western Union has about 1,700 agents in Morocco, most of whom are located in post offices. Money Gram has approximately 600 agents, located in branches of the Banque Populaire and Credit du Maroc, among others (FEMIP 2006: 61). Western Union agents in Germany, for example, charge different prices. The Postbank commands a fee of EUR 26 for amounts up to EUR 520, 5% of the remittance for amounts exceeding EUR 520, and a lump sum of EUR 260 for amounts in excess of EUR 5,200. Other agents such as ReiseBank, Travelex, 23 These figures are likely to be inflated, as only migrants spending their summer holidays in Morocco who therefore have stronger ties with Morocco were surveyed (de Haas 2007: 9). 22

27 5. Morocco-related activities American Express and various national and district savings banks, charge EUR for amounts up to EUR 450. For transfers in excess of EUR 450, the fee rises for amounts staggered in intervals of between EUR 100 and EUR 150. If migrants are unable to bring money, materials and equipment to Morocco themselves, they can send goods by bus via Moroccan travel agencies (located for example, in Rüsselsheim, Dortmund and Düsseldorf). DIL Reisen GmbH in Rüsselsheim charges EUR 2/kg, and Reisebüro Allachi in Düsseldorf requests a fee of EUR 1.70/kg, for example. c) How remittances are spent It was evident that interviewees were quite wary of queries regarding the amount, the transfer method, and intended use of remittances or donations, as they suspect that since September 11, questions of this nature are intended to track terrorist activities. This caginess heightens a general reluctance to talk about financial matters. According to a number of studies, most MREs have altruistic reasons for sending remittances home (Eken 2005: 194 f.). When asked if they transferred money to Morocco, most interviewees in Germany replied that they did this for reasons of solidarity, observing that migrants are expected to provide financial support for needy relations in Morocco. In addition to providing general support for family and relations, the remittances are also used to fund the cost of schooling and college for family members who do not migrate. One interview partner had used his income to pay for his sister to go to college in Morocco. A number of studies also provide further evidence of this (e.g. de Haas 2005b), with school attendance on the increase in families receiving remittances in Morocco in general, particularly among girls. Together with spending on health, expenditure on education represents investment in human capital, and is therefore regarded as positive from the point of view of development policy. Remittances are also used to buy or build houses. Some areas of Nador city and province are known as areas where most houses have been built by migrants to Germany. Kariat Arekman, for example, is known as village des allemands (village of the Germans) (Hopfinger 1998: 212). According to the Caïd, which is the local representative of the ministry of internal affairs, about half of the houses have been built by Moroccans who have migrated to Germany. Building a house in their region of origin is of emotional significance to migrants and is a symbol of their success. Since property also seems to be a relatively safe investment and provides security for old age, rent, house and land prices are continually rising in Nador. This type of investment also does not require any special expertise or training. Some of those interviewed expressed anger with the failure of tenants who were sometimes even related to them to pay their rent. This explains why 20% of the houses in Nador remain empty, according to the local branch of the Centre Régional d Investissement. Despite this, migrants assume that the properties will increase in price and that they will therefore make a profit, even with no rental income. Some individuals interviewed, however, believed that third-generation Moroccans living in Germany will tend to sell these houses and invest the proceeds in Germany. Remittance-funded investment in business ventures appears to be less frequent. This is evident from a recent survey that found that remittances to Morocco are generally used as follows: 45% for day-to-day family needs, 31% for education, 16% for building houses, 5% for investment and 2% for other expenditures (FEMIP 2006: 66). 23

28 The following sections look at entrepreneurial activity undertaken in Morocco by MREs, i.e. investments in a stricter sense. This does not imply, however, that this is the only form of use that can contribute to development in Morocco. Employing remittances for consumer purposes is often criticised in the literature. 24 However, this criticism fails to take account of the fact that remittances play a significant role in reducing poverty in migrant families and raise the overall standard of living. Bourchachen (2000: 11) estimates that 1.2 million people in Morocco no longer live below the poverty line thanks to remittances. Consumption also boosts local demand and can have a positive multiplier effect in the economy (for example, Glytsos 1998) Investment in entrepreneurial activities and foreign trade a) Number and level of investments Investments by Moroccans living in Germany are not recorded centrally for statistical purposes. In Morocco s balance of payments, they constitute a part of remittances transferred from Germany to Morocco, and a part of investments and private loans from Germany. The amount of latter fluctuates somewhat, amounting to MAD million in 2002 and MAD million in 2003, based on figures from the Moroccan exchange control office. It is not clear from data provided by institutions in regular contact with investors, such as banks, CRIs, and chambers of commerce, whether these investors are Moroccans living in Germany. They may simply act as Moroccans or Germans, although a Moroccan name would then indicate that the individual in question is an MRE. Although the CRI in Oujda, for example, does keep a record of whether a customer is an MRE when he or she first establishes contact it does not note the country of residence. Furthermore, many of the investments made by migrants run solely through local private contacts, without a loan application. According to a study, only 31% of MREs surveyed took out a loan to finance their investment (Fondation Hassan II 2005: 109). This means that these investments are not registered by the institutions specified above, also because MREs often have a basic mistrust of public institutions. An independent, comprehensive empirical study would have to be carried out in order to obtain a representative picture of the scope of investments made by Moroccans resident in Germany. The following sections will therefore assess the situation, based on studies of investments made by MREs in general, and interviews conducted in both Morocco and Germany. The general thrust of the interviews conducted indicates that the level of investment in business in Morocco by MREs in Germany is lower than for MREs in countries such as France or Belgium, where the number of Moroccan migrants is higher. For example, in 2006 the CRI in Oujda had only one registered investment by a single Moroccan resident in Germany. That same year, the Al-Âmal bank received only one loan application from a Moroccan resident in Germany, which was approved. However, this may just indicate that these institutions are not popular among Moroccans resident in Germany. A number of interview partners listed examples of entrepreneurial investment by MREs resident in Germany, but estimated the overall number to be quite low. A number of studies corroborate the interview results. The study conducted by the Hassan II Foundation (2005: 87), for example, revealed that of 236 MRE business investments, 13 were made by Moroccans who had migrated to Germany. If property for personal use is included, as is normally the case in studies on Morocco, the number of investments increases accordingly. A study conducted by Berriane and Hopfinger in Al Aaroui in the province of Nador in 1996 revealed that 255 of the 262 people surveyed had invested money in the region. 241 of these investments were in property or land (Berriane 24 De Haas (2007) summarises the debate on the impacts of remittances in Morocco and the different ways they are used. 24

29 5. Morocco-related activities 2003a: 47). According to another survey conducted in 1990, 63% of migrants who were either resident in or had returned from Germany had invested funds. Fifteen percent had made two investments and 1% had made three (Naji 2005: 63). In general, households in Morocco from which a family member has migrated have a greater tendency to invest than households that receive no remittances. As is usually the case for MREs in general, investments primarily target micro, small and medium-sized enterprises. 25 According to the investment directorate at the Moroccan finance ministry, no German project received assistance from the Fonds Hassan II pour le Développement Economique et Social (Hassan II fund for economic and social development) in either 2003 or In 2005 two German projects received funding and in 2006 only one project was approved, all investments thus being higher than MAD 1 million. 26 It was however not clear whether these investors were MREs. Over the same period, all projects were under the MAD 200 million mark, as they would otherwise also have to be registered by the directorate. According to the study conducted by the Hassan II Foundation (2005: 96), 11 of the German MREs who invested funds had been working an average of 26 years and had earned an average of MAD 15,750 or less than EUR 1,500 per month in the year prior to the investment. There are only a few Moroccan associations in Germany whose main objective is business related. However, some companies, in Düsseldorf for example, offer professional advisory services to those wishing to invest in Morocco. b) Areas and regions of investment Interviews to identify the areas in which Moroccans resident in Germany invest their money confirmed that general premises regarding investments made by MREs in other countries also hold for Moroccans living in Germany (see Table 10). As mentioned above, key investment areas include the construction or purchase of property, firstly for the migrants themselves and their families, and then possibly for rental or resale. Table 10: Distribution of investments by MREs in Morocco across individual sectors Sector Percentage of investments by MREs in Morocco Property 83.7 Industry 1.3 Trade 4.9 Tourism 1.4 Other services 1.1 Agriculture 7.5 Other 0.1 Total 100 Source: Hamdouch et al. 2000: According to a survey conducted by the Hassan II Foundation (2005: 104), most of the projects (almost 40%) are small-scale (less than MAD 500,000). Projects with a value of more than MAD 5 million, on the other hand, account for only 14% of investments. 26 The Fonds Hassan II pour le Développement Economique et Social (Hassan II fund for economic and social development) promotes investment in sectors like the textile and automotive industries that are regarded as key to developing industry and generating employment in Morocco. 25

30 Money is also invested in the service sector, for example, in restaurants, cafés, téléboutiques (call shops), bakeries and taxis. Some open small shops. Most of the shops in a large shopping centre in Nador, built by a former migrant who had returned from Germany, were bought by MREs resident in Germany (Hopfinger 1998: 212). MRE investment has also been channelled into engineering services and into agriculture. Of the 262 people interviewed in the previously mentioned survey conducted in Al Aaroui, eight had invested in the agricultural sector (Berriane 2003a: 47). A survey carried out by the CRI in Nador in 2004 together with the Hassan II Foundation, which has only been partially evaluated, identified one agricultural investment by an MRE in Germany. There appears to be a growing trend among MREs in general to shift investment away from property towards services and other sectors (see Table 11). Berriane (1996: 191) draws the same conclusion from a number of studies on the Nador region and Moroccan migrants in Germany: Money that was previously invested in property is gradually being channelled into more lucrative investment in agriculture and different branches of urban commerce. Tourism is a particularly promising sector. In addition to direct investment, MREs are also spending more on the Moroccan stock market (Ihadiyan 2006: 7). Table 11: Distribution of planned investment projects by MREs across individual sectors Sector Percentage of planned projects by MREs in Morocco Property 35.6 Industry 7.5 Trade 27.4 Tourism 12.1 Other services 5.3 Agriculture 10.6 Other 1.5 Total 100 Source: Hamdouch et al. 2000: 199 On the one hand, this shift is definitely because of the fact that most migrants have now built a house in Morocco, and more MREs plan to invest in property in the relevant host country. On the other hand, second and third-generation Moroccans have a different educational background than their predecessors, and are more likely to invest in innovative business ventures (interviewees; Kaioua 1998: 124). Interviewees from the Hassan II Foundation believe that this phenomenon is more evident in France than in Germany, as third-generation Moroccans in Germany lack the required language skills. As far as German MREs are concerned, the main group engaging in innovative entrepreneurial activity is the growing number of Moroccan experts and academics who have studied in Germany and still have strong ties to Morocco. They mainly set up small and medium-sized enterprises in Morocco that are more sophisticated than those set up by low-skilled migrants. According to interviewees at the Hassan II Foundation and the Al-Âmal bank, these investors are mainly engineers who invest in services, and in information and communication technologies. As for the distribution of investments across different regions in Morocco, the study conducted by the Hassan II Foundation (2005: 91) shows that more than 70% of migrants invest in their region of origin, for example, or in the next largest town near the village in which they grew up. Larger-scale and more innovative investments are made primarily in the economic hubs along the Kenitra-Rabat-Casa- 26

31 5. Morocco-related activities blanca-settat axis. The north-east of the country has so far attracted little investment. Banks also redirect savings deposits generated by remittances to the more developed regions (Khachani 2005: 198). The same study reveals that 6 of the 13 investments made by the Moroccans resident in Germany were in the Oriental region, in the northeast of Morocco, with the rest distributed throughout other regions. According to the 1990 survey, 85% of the investments made by interviewed migrants resident in or returning from Germany were in the city of Nador (Naji 2005: 63), whereby the majority are likely to have been in property. Investors do not necessarily return to Morocco permanently, and many continue to commute between Germany and Morocco. The study conducted by the Hassan II Foundation (2005: 102) indicates that more than two-thirds of investors continue to reside in the host country. Whereas most investors in agriculture, services and trade do not return on a permanent basis, only half of the interviewed investors who invest in industry continue to reside in the destination country. c) Factors hampering further entrepreneurial investment A survey carried out by researchers at INSEA (Hamdouch et al. 2000: 204) shows that migrant investors encountered problems in Morocco with administration (42.2%), availability and cost of finance (18.4%), corruption (13.4%), inflated taxes (13%) and breach of trust by a business partner (6.8%). Of these problems bureaucracy, corruption and a lack of legal stability were particular highlighted in the interviews with Moroccans in Germany. They also underlined the following further obstacles: Business investment requires sufficient capital and the ability to incur losses over a certain period. The majority of Moroccan migrants to Germany are low-skilled workers who lack these resources. Many also lack the skills and expertise required to invest in industry and tourism (Naji 2005: 59). Once a commitment has been made, initially investors also need to spend a certain amount of time on site in order to take care of administrative issues in particular. However, this is not always possible or desirable because of family obligations and other commitments in Germany. The younger generation is also more likely to invest in Germany, as this is where they feel their lives are based. Long-distance investments also pose certain difficulties, from both a legal standpoint (in particular, the lack of legal security in Morocco) and a social viewpoint (for example, a lack of trust in the administrators employed). Another obstacle hindering investment is the fact that MREs who have lived in Germany for a long time are often not (or are no longer) familiar with the administrative system in Morocco or with business start-up procedures. They may misjudge the amount of work and time involved. Moroccans in Germany may also face a language barrier. As outlined previously, they usually do not speak any Arabic or French, and particularly if they were born in Germany, may only speak German and their dialect of Berber. Knowledge of Arabic or French is a must, however, particularly for largescale investments. There are, however, a number of factors that impact positively on investment by MREs in Germany. These include growth rates in the Moroccan economy, particularly the booming hotel sector, the increasing number of Moroccan experts and academics in Germany, and the fact that the Moroccan state is trying to address problems faced by investors. 27

32 d) Foreign trade In addition to entrepreneurial investments, migrants are also active in the area of foreign trade. Moroccan migrants help boost trade between Germany and Morocco. Their local knowledge, contacts, and language skills can help German companies nurture business relationships with Moroccans. One German-Moroccan interviewed, for example, specialises in providing back-up support to German companies that wish to do business in Morocco. His knowledge of the very different business cultures in these countries is invaluable in acting as intermediary between both sides. MREs resident in Germany also promote trade between the two countries by exporting second hand cars, spare parts and small machines to Morocco. Foodstuffs and artisanal products are exported from Morocco to Germany. Some of this activity is illegal, particularly in the north, where smuggling is rife. 5.4 Activities in politics, science and culture a) Political activities Currently, MREs have neither active nor passive voting rights in Morocco, even if they remain Moroccan citizens de jure since the law does not allow for denaturalisation. As a result, MREs can only become politically active on an honorary basis. Some interview partners felt that the Moroccan government regarded them primarily as a means of generating foreign exchange and that their views and comments were not taken into account. On the whole, little voluntary political activity is conducted from Germany. An exception, for example, is an association that campaigns for democracy and human rights in Morocco. During the 1990s in particular, it organised events in Germany on these issues, also in order to highlight the plight of Moroccan asylum seekers. Furthermore, the Congrès des citoyens d origine marocaine (Conference of Citizens of Moroccan Descent), which was established in November 2001 in Tangier by representatives of Moroccan associations worldwide, was chaired by a Moroccan resident in Germany until The conference campaigns for equal rights for MREs in European host countries (freedom of movement, voting rights in local elections), and is pushing to set up a council to represent MREs in the Moroccan parliament, similar to the one that existed in the 1980s (Lacroix 2005b: 96, 99). The establishment of a Council for MREs and the granting of voting rights in Morocco to MREs is still under discussion, as is the council s structure. Moroccan associations in Germany were also represented at a meeting on Moroccan migration and the political participation of MREs, within the framework of the Al Monadara initiative in December 2006 in Rabat ( Consultations organised by the Consultative Council for Human Rights on behalf of the King of Morocco are also to be held in Germany. At the request of MREs, further efforts are being made to integrate MREs into Moroccan politics and, in particular, to allow them have a say in matters that affect them. This is regarded as one way of thickening ties between MREs and their country of origin. b) Scientific and cultural activities Moroccan students, scientists and experts in Germany have launched a number of activities in technology and research. Moroccan academics have helped set up initiatives between universities and universities of applied sciences in Morocco and Germany. For example, the University of Applied Sciences in Frankfurt am Main is cooperating with the University of Agadir; the University of Düsseldorf, the University of Applied Sciences Düsseldorf and the University of Kassel have launched cooperation with the University of Fez. 28

33 5. Morocco-related activities A number of conferences have also been organised to promote knowledge transfer and the exchange of lessons learned between Germany and Morocco. In Rabat, one German-Moroccan association organised a congress on renewable energies, an area in which the recipient country Germany can share its considerable expertise with the country of origin. An Arab association is planning to run a medical congress in Morocco in 2007, in cooperation with other partners. A number of other associations have organised youth exchange programmes. Within the framework of a large-scale solar energy project, one organisation has even set up partnerships between German and Moroccan schools. MREs also organise a number of other cultural activities such as exhibitions and the joint production of a play with a group from Morocco. These events are usually held in Germany. 29

34 6. Recommendations for German Development Cooperation At the transnational level, the activities conducted by the Moroccan diaspora in Germany, as described in this study, are on a smaller scale than those run by larger Moroccan communities in other countries. However, they still have a role to play in the development of Morocco. The following sections outline recommendations for action for German Development Cooperation (DC) on how to best support these activities and sustain their positive results. a) Charitable activities It is difficult for DC to intervene at the level of irregular donations, which account for a large proportion of charitable activities. However, efforts could be made to promote the linking of donations to existing projects and to channel these contributions into new measures. Cooperation potential for other types of activities could also be tapped, particularly in the areas of education, gender and renewable energies. As new associations are being established and as the educational background of the Moroccan diaspora improves, it is reasonable to believe that increased efforts will be made to start providing continuous support for existing projects or implement own project initiatives, which has rarely been the case in the past. As for co-financing, however, the fact that some associations only have limited financial resources must be taken into account. Interviewees expressed a need for increased training in project management, to encourage new initiatives and increase the professionalism of existing activities. Seminars could be organized for this purpose, in which Moroccan associations from other countries, for example Migrations et Développement, explain their approach and encourage German MREs to replicate successful practices. Associations in Morocco expressed an interest in setting up partnerships with Moroccan migrant associations in Germany. A meeting could be organised to facilitate cooperation, similar to the one held between associations from France and Morocco in February 2007 in Oujda. It would also make sense to support cooperation initiatives at the municipal level. Some associations expressed an interest in setting up twinning programmes between German and Moroccan towns and cities. German DC could mediate and advise on activities in this regard. b) Economic activities As far as remittances are concerned, publishing the transfer costs of different providers on a website, similar to that used by the Department for International Development (DFID) in the United Kingdom, is a good idea. This would encourage banks and financial transfer service providers to improve their services and reduce costs. In addition to the examples outlined earlier, the cost of other possible transfer types would also have to be identified and verified by conducting test transfers. In terms of investment at the entrepreneurial level, an additional empirical study is required above all to identify areas in which money is being invested, to establish the scope of these activities, and to better assess existing potential. If MRE commitment is to increase, the business and investment climate in Morocco must be improved. As GTZ has expertise in this field, it would make sense to employ GTZassisted measures in the north-east of Morocco, the region of origin of the majority of Moroccan migrants to Germany. DC could also become involved in improving advisory and other related services for potential investors from the Moroccan diaspora, which interview partners say have been lacking in the past. 27 Rather than setting up new structures, it would make more sense to build the capacities of existing services, such as 27 According to a study conducted by the Hassan II Foundation in 2005, not enough is being done in the run up to investments. For example, a feasibility study was conducted for only 19% of identified projects. 30

35 6. Recommendations for German Development Cooperation the Centres Régionaux d Investissement. Many MREs are reluctant to use the CRIs and one interviewee described his negative experience with the CRI in Marrakech. Economic attachés in the Moroccan consulates in Germany could provide more information on investment options. Although there is a need for assistance as verified by the requests the German Embassy in Rabat has received for support, which it is unable to deal with MREs have shied away from requesting information from the German chambers of industry and commerce, possibly because their services are not free of charge. DC could also look into improving access to credit for investors. The Returning Experts Programme run by the Centrum für internationale Migration und Entwicklung (CIM) should also take greater account of business start-ups in its strategy to encourage migrants to return to their country of origin. Finally, a word of caution. It would be unwise to overestimate the investment potential of the Moroccan diaspora in Germany, given the obstacles described above. Therefore, in addition to encouraging migrants to invest in Morocco, promotion measures should also incorporate activities to use remittances transferred to Moroccan banks to stimulate investment by local entrepreneurs in the north-eastern Oriental region. c) Scientific and technological activities In the area of science and technology, assistance could be provided to help Moroccans in Germany organise conferences on topics related to development policy. Such activities could be conducted together with the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), the Goethe-Institut and political foundations in Morocco. To promote activities run by the Moroccan diaspora in all areas, assistance should be provided to Moroccan associations to improve structures and networking, and to promote communication and cooperation with Moroccan authorities. In addition to directly targeting groups and associations, websites such as and which provide a forum for the Moroccan community, could also be used to reach the diaspora. Measures to facilitate circular migration should also be promoted in order to boost activities at the transnational level. 31

36 Annex Table 12: Number of Moroccan employees subject to social insurance contributions and on a low wage as at 30 June 2006,* ) broken down into industry segments, fiscal 2003 Total number employees subject to social insurance contributions Total number of employees on a low wage (LW) LW only of which LW part time job Total 20,895 8,868 6,038 2,830 Agriculture and forestry Fishing and fish-farming Mining and extraction of precious stones and ores Processing industries 4, Energy and water supply 79 * * Construction Sales, servicing and repair of vehicles and consumer goods 47 2,837 1, Hotel and catering 2,604 2,108 1, Traffic and newscasting 1, Banking and insurance industry 148 * * 8 Land and property development, renting of movable goods, provision of financial services Public administration, defence, social insurance 4,842 3,187 2,090 1, Education and learning Health, veterinary and social services 1, Provision of other public and personal services Private households with domestic personnel Ex-territorial organisations and corporations No assignment possible 3 Source: German Federal Employment Agency *) Preliminary results 1,

37 Annex Table 13: Moroccan students, broken down into federal state and main university/university of applied science (FH28)/technical university (TU) in winter term 2004/05 Federal state/university Moroccan students from abroad Of which, Bildungsausländer Baden-Württemberg Karlsruhe University Bavaria Munich FH Berlin Berlin TU Brandenburg Bremen Hamburg Hamburg FH Hesse 1,275 1,075 Frankfurt a.m. University Darmstadt TU Frankfurt a.m. FH Darmstadt FH Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Lower Saxony Hanover FH Osnabrück FH North Rhine-Westphalia 3,758 3,155 Duisburg-Essen University Wuppertal University Bochum University Bonn University Düsseldorf University Cologne University Dortmund University RWTH Aachen Aachen FH Dortmund FH Düsseldorf FH Cologne FH Niederrhein FH Rhineland-Palatinate Mainz University Saarland Saxony Saxony-Anhalt Schleswig-Holstein Thuringia Source: HIS 28 FH = Fachhochschule = University of Applied Science 33

38 Bibliography Amourag, Aissa (2007): L Espagne appelle les émigrés Marocains. In: Maroc Hebdo International, No. 729, 26 January - 1 February, p. 38 f. Baraulina, Tatjana et al. (2006): Ägyptische, afghanische und serbische Diasporagemeinden in Deutschland und ihre Beiträge zur Entwicklung ihrer Herkunftsländer, Eschborn. Bekouchi, Mohamed Hamadi (2003): La diaspora marocaine: Une chance ou un handicap?, Rabat. Belguendouz, Abdelkrim (2006): Le traitement institutionnel de la relation entre les Marocains résidant à l étranger et le Maroc, CARIM Research Reports 2006/06. Berriane, Mohamed (1996): Die Provinz Nador. Eines der wichtigsten Herkunftsgebiete der marokkanischen Emigration. In: Mohamed Berriane et al. (eds.): Remigration Nador I: Regionalanalysen der Provinz Nador (Marokko), Passau (Maghreb Studien; 5), p Berriane, Mohamed (2001): Arbeitmigration aus Nordafrika und ihre Auswirkung auf die Herkunftsgebiete. In: Geographische Rundschau 6, p Berriane, Mohamed (2003a): Allemagne. Les Marocains résidant en Allemagne. In: Fondation Hassan II pour les Marocains Résidant à l Etranger/IOM (ed.): Marocains de l extérieur, Rabat, p Berriane, Mohamed (2003b): Les rapports du migrant rifain avec sa région d origine. In: Revue du Géographie du Maroc, Vol. 21, No 1-2, p Bossard, Raymond (1979): Un espace de migration. Les travailleurs du Rif oriental (Province de Nador) et l Europe, Montpellier (Espace Rural; 1). Bourchachen, Jamal (2000): Apports des transferts des résidents à l étranger à la réduction de la pauvreté: cas du Maroc. Symposium: Statistique, développement et droits de l homme, Montreux, 4-8 September 2000, Charchira, Samy (2005): Die Berber kommen. In: Kölnischer Kunstverein (ed.): Projekt Migration. Exhibition catalogue of the Migration project at the Cologne Art Association from 29 September 15 January 2006, Cologne. De Haas, Hein (2007): The impact of international migration on social and economic development in Moroccan sending regions: a review of the empirical literature. International Migration Institute, Working Paper 3, Oxford, De Haas, Hein (2006): Engaging Diasporas. How Governments and Development Agencies can Support Diaspora Involvement in the Development of Origin Countries, International Migration Institute, Oxford. De Haas, Hein/ Roald Plug (2006): Cherishing the Goose with the Golden Eggs: Trends in Migrant Remittances from Europe to Morocco In: International Migration Review, Vol. 40, No. 3, p De Haas, Hein (2005a): Morocco s Migration Transition: Trends, Determinants and Future Scenarios, Global Migration Perspectives, No. 28, April. 34

39 Bibliography De Haas, Hein (2005b): Migration Remittances and Regional Development. The Case of the Todgha Oasis, Southern Morocco. Paper presented at Ceres Summer School Governance for Social Transformation, Institute of Social Studies, The Hague. Eken, Sena (2005): Macroeconomic Impact of Remittances. In: OECD (ed.): Migration, Remittances and Development, Paris, p El Wardi, Laïdi / Mustapha Khyar (2005): Les produits et services financiers destinés aux Marocains Résidant à l Etranger. In: OECD (ed.): Migration, Remittances and Development, Paris, p FEMIP (2006): Study on Improving the Efficiency of Worker s Remittances in Mediterranean Countries, Rotterdam. Fondation Hassan II pour les Marocains Résidant à l Etranger (2005): Marocains de l Extérieur & Développement. Pour une nouvelle dynamique de, Rabat. Glytsos, Nicholas P. (1998): Migrant Remittances in the MENA Region. Issues and Policies for Consideration. Forum (Newsletter of the Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries, Iran and Turkey), Vol. 5, No 1 (May). Hamdouch, Bachir et al. (2000): Les Marocains résidant à l étranger. Une enquête socio-économique, Rabat. Hopfinger, Hans (1998): Polarization reversal, migration internationale et développement régional: Le cas de la ville de Nador (Maroc du Nord-Est). In: Mohamed Berriane/Herbert Popp (eds.): Migrations internationales entre le Maghreb et l Europe les effets sur les pays de destination et d origine. Actes du colloque maroco-allemand de München 1997, Passau 1998 (Maghreb studies; 10), p Ihadiyan, Abid (2006): Les transferts monétaires des MRE. Évaluation et affectation. Paper presented at the «Migration et Développement» seminar organised by the Goethe Institut, GTZ and AMERM, September in Tangier. Iskander, Natasha (2005): Innovating State Practices. Migration, Development, and State Learning in the Moroccan Souss, MIT IPC Working Paper IPC , pdf/ pdf (10 June 2007). Kaioua, Abdelkader (1998): Place des émigrés marocains en Europe dans l investissement industriel à Casablanca. In: Mohamed Berriane/Herbert Popp (eds.): Migrations internationales entre le Maghreb et l Europe les effets sur les pays de destination et d origine. Actes du colloque marocoallemand de München 1997, Passau 1998 (Maghreb studies; 10), p Kerouach, Brigitte (1999): Migration estudiantine récente du Maroc vers l Allemagne. In: Mohamed Berriane/Herbert Popp (eds.): Migrations internationales entre le Maghreb et l Europe les effets sur les pays de destination et d origine. Actes du colloque maroco-allemand de München 1997, Passau 1998 (Maghreb studies; 10), p Khachani, Mohamed (2005) : Les Marocains d ailleurs. La question migratoire à l épreuve du partenariat euro-marocain, Rabat. Lacroix, Thomas (2005a): Les réseaux marocains du développement. Géographie du transnational et politiques du territorial, Paris (Presses De Sciences Po). 35

40 Lacroix, Thomas (2005b): L engagement citoyen des Marocains de l étranger : Les migrants et la démocratie dans les pays d origine. In : Hommes et Migrations, no. 1256, July-August 2005, p Leichtman, Mara A. (2002): Transforming Brain Drain into Capital Gain: Morocco s Changing Relationship with Migration and Remittances. In: The Journal of North African Studies, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Spring), p Maas, Utz/Ulrich Mehlem (1999): Sprache und Migration in Marokko und in der marokkanischen Diaspora in Deutschland. In: IMIS-Beiträge, No 11, p Mehlem, Ulrich (1998): Zweisprachigkeit marokkanischer Kinder in Deutschland. Untersuchungen zu Sprachgebrauch, Spracheinstellungen und Sprachkompetenzen marokkanischer Kinder in Deutsch, marokkanischem Arabisch und Berber (Masirisch) in Dortmund, Frankfurt a.m. et al. (Europäische Hochschulschriften: Series 21 Linguistik; 196). Naji, Omar (2005): L habitat sous équipé dans la ville de Nador: Diagnostic et rôle des acteurs, Nador. Ostermann, Christine: Ties and Images. Social Network Relations of Moroccan Migrants in Germany and their Perceptions of the West (working title), dissertation currently being written. Roggenthin, Heike (1999): A propos de la situation sociale des étudiants marocains dans l agglomération de Francfort-Mayence-Wiesbaden. In: Mohamed Berriane/Herbert Popp (eds.): Migrations internationales entre le Maghreb et l Europe les effets sur les pays de destination et d origine. Actes du colloque maroco-allemand de München 1997, Passau 1998 (Maghreb studies; 10), p Schmidt-Fink, Ekkehart (2001): Naddel und Nabil. In: Ausländer in Deutschland No. 2, 30 June, vol. 17, (12 November 2006). Waltner, Peter (1988): Migration und soziokultureller Wandel in einer nordmarokkanischen Provinz. Strukturelle und kulturelle Aspekte der Aus- und Rückwanderung marokkanischer Arbeitskräfte vor dem Hintergrund von Unterentwicklung und wiedererwachtem islamischem Selbstbewusstsein. An empirical study, 2 volumes, dissertation, Zürich. Weber, Angelika (1992): Zur soziokulturellen Situation der Marokkanerinnnen und Marokkaner in Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt a.m. Zentrum für Türkeistudien, Essen/Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Westfälischen Wilhelms- Universität Münster (1999): Selbstorganisationen von Migrantinnen und Migranten in NRW. Wissenschaftliche Bestandsaufnahme, Erkrath. 36

41 Links Links Website for Moroccans in Germany (contains news, chatrooms etc.) Website for Moroccans in Germany and those interested in Morocco Internet forum for Moroccans living in Germany and those interested in Morocco Website for the Arab community in Germany, also contains information on Morocco Website of the Moroccan Ministry of Foreign Affairs and cooperation and the Minister responsible for MREs Website of the Hassan II Foundation Website of the Al Monadara initiative to encourage political participation among MREs Website of the FINCOME project French website for MREs, contains a database of MRE organisations in different countries French website for MREs Website of the Maroc Entrepreneurs association, a network of Moroccan students and academics resident abroad, based in France and Great Britain News website in French, with section for MREs Portal with information on Nador Website of Moroccan NGOs (particularly in the area of development) Overview of Morocco related organisations in Germany Search engine for self-help organisations for migrants in North Rhine-Westphalia Search engine for mosque-based associations and mosques in Germany 37

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44 Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Dag-Hammarskjöld - Weg Eschborn / Deutschland T F E i n f g t z. d e I w w w. g t z. d e