This document is downloaded from DR-NTU, Nanyang Technological University Library, Singapore.

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1 This document is downloaded from DR-NTU, Nanyang Technological University Library, Singapore. Title Labour migration in Singapore : policy and the role of the media. Author(s) Teng, Yap Mui. Citation Date 2000 URL Rights

2 Paper No. 19

3 Labour Migration in Singapore: Policy and the Role of the Media Yap Mui Teng - Senior Research Fellow Institute of Policy Studies Singapore ( yap_mui_teng@ips.org.sg) Introduction Labour migration is not new to Singapore. It has had a long history in the country and has undoubtedly contributed to its development. Changing demographics as well as rapid economic expansion ensure that the importation of a wide spectrum of foreigners into the country to fill jobs that cannot be adequately filled locally will continue for some time. In this regard, Singapore has developed a dual-track, if rather complex, set of labour migration policies and administrative measures to suit its social, economic and political needs. In the process, the media have also been actively engaged, as shown below. State of labour migration: problems and opportunities According to the latest available statistics, Singapore's total population as at mid was 3.89 million, of which 676,000 or 17.4% were foreigners (i.e. persons residing in the country for at least one year who were neither citizens nor permanent residents). Of these foreigners, the majority, totalling more than half a million, were in the country for employment purposes while the remainder were dependants of employment pass holders, students, or long term social visit pass holders. 1 This also means that foreigners made up 1 The Ministry of Manpower releases only highly aggregated data on the number of foreigners working in the country, the last reported figures being that there were "more than 450,000" work permit holders and about 80,000 employment pass holders in the country (see Appendix 1 for definitions). Speaking at the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) Triennial Delegates Conference in April 2000, Deputy Prime Minister Lee

4 more than one quarter of Singapore's two million workforce during the year. The number of foreigners living in the country has increased tremendously, and is currently twice as large as in 1990 and ten times its size in 1970 (Table 1). While those will little or no skills (work permit holders) are expected to be repatriated at the end of their work contracts, foreigners with skills or tertiary qualifications and those who invest in Singapore, are eligible for permanent residency, and eventually citizenship ( They may also sponsor their dependants for permanent stay. The number of foreigners granted permanent residency and citizenship rose significantly in the 1990s (Table 2). Problems and opportunities. The contribution of foreigners to the Singapore economy can be shown by the following statistics. According to one source, foreign workers are estimated to have contributed to 12-15% of Singapore's Gross Domestic Product ( Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong revealed that Singapore's GDP growth in 1996 would have been two percentage points lower if not for the inflow of foreign manpower between 1994 and 1996 (The Straits Times 20 May 1999). While there are no published information on the distribution of these foreign workers by occupation or industry, their role in the Singapore economy can be deduced both from existing labour policies and practices, as well as statements on Singapore's manpower needs made by various Singaporean leaders. At the upper end of the spectrum, Singapore has always maintained an open policy towards the recruitment of foreigners with skills or tertiary qualifications, or who would invest in Singapore, to power its industrialisation programme which began in the early 1960s. The recruitment of "foreign talent" accelerated in the 1980s and particularly the 1990s with Hsien Loong cited a figure of 600,000 foreign workers in Singapore

5 the drive to move up the technology ladder and also in response to globalisation and the advent of the new economy (see Low 2000). The drive for foreign talent has accelerated even further since the Asian financial crisis and the liberalisation of the banking, financial, legal and other sectors. Foreign chief executives and professionals with international experience (which Singapore lacks in large numbers) have been recruited to take local companies global and help them compete internationally. Research scientists and engineers have also been recruited in large numbers in the information and life sciences sectors which have been identified as the next step in Singapore's economic development strategy. As an example, 110 of the 160 Ph-D holders at the Institute of Molecular and Cell Biology at the National University of Singapore in 1997 were foreigners, and some of its 30-odd Singaporean staff were also new Singaporeans (The Sunday Times 31 August 1997). Indeed, the search for and recruitment of foreign talent to augment Singapore's small manpower pool has extended to artists and sportspersons 2 - the latter albeit rather controversial (The New Paper 7 October 1999). At the lower end, in spite of an earlier announcement to phase out foreign unskilled workers by 1990, demand had actually increased such that by the mid-1980s, it was decided that Singapore would continue to let in a "revolving pool" of such workers on short-term work permits as buffer against temporary shortages and to fill jobs which Singaporeans were reluctant to fill (Report of the Economic Committee, 1986). At present, besides domestic helpers, only the manufacturing, construction, marine and service sectors are allowed to hire foreign unskilled workers, i.e. foreigners, usually with little or no skills or qualifications who command monthly wages of not more than $2,000 (see Appendix I). Administrative caps on ( 2 According to Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, "We will need to tap foreign talent to supplement our local talent for football, just as we need foreign talent to strengthen our economic competitiveness and build world-class companies" The Straits Times 14 August 2000). A similar sentiment has been expressed by Education Minister Teo Chee Hean who also heads the Singapore National Olympic Council (The Straits Times 14 August 1999).

6 the ratio of foreign to local workers that may be hired as well as a levy on each foreign worker hired have been put in place to ameliorate the demand for unskilled foreign workers. In spite of this, the ratio has been generous in areas such as construction where it has been particularly difficult to hire local workers. In the construction sector, five foreign workers may be hired for every Singaporean worker while the ratio is 3:1 in the marine sector. The levy has also been reduced for semi-skilled workers with NTC-3 or suitable qualifications to encourage employers to hire more such workers and raise skills levels. The number of foreign domestic workers in Singapore is estimated to be in excess of 100,000 or approximately one in seven households. The actual number of foreign unskilled workers is probably larger than the official number (more than 450,000) due to the presence of an unknown number of illegal workers. The reasons for the in-migration of foreigners across the spectrum can perhaps be illustrated by Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's address at the NTUC Triennial Delegates Conference in April 2000 ( "In the new economy, talent is the key ingredient of success. To compete in the global economy, our organisations - both government and private sector - need to be first class. And to be first class, the organisations must gather top quality people. Singapore is so small, so we cannot produce enough people of the right quality and with the right experience. Therefore we need foreign talent to supplement our talent pool... "... Deprived of foreign (unskilled) workers, production costs will go up. The companies may well be forced to shift its factory to Malaysia or Thailand, where workers are cheaper and more readily available. Maybe the companies would have moved anyway, the way Maxtor and Seagate are already doing. But without foreign workers they will move out earlier, and new electronics

7 investments may not even come in. The result will be that far from 100% of Singaporeans enjoying higher pay, even the 60% of Singaporeans originally employed by the industry may lose their jobs... "... (S)upposing we exclude foreign workers because they compete against Singaporeans. Can we run the bus services, just with Singaporean bus drivers? Can we build affordable HDB flats for Singaporeans, without foreign construction workers? Can we staff our hospitals, without foreign nurses? Supposing we manage to fill all these jobs with Singaporeans, by paying them much more than they are now paid. Who would bear the higher bus fares, HDB prices, and hospital charges?" However, the influx of cheap foreign workers has not been an unmixed blessing. It has been argued that the ready availability of cheap foreign workers has retarded effort to mechanise and move up the technology ladder. This is particularly the case in the construction sector, which has seen consecutive negative productivity growth rates for several years (see Ministry of Trade and Industry 2000) as well as complaints of poor quality by homebuyers and architects alike. Concern has also been raised over the impact of foreign domestic maids on Singaporean children and the competition for space and use of facilities with the large intake of foreigners (see Latif 1996). In the past few years, Singapore has also had to contend with the diplomatic fall-outs with its neighbours and partners when nationals from these countries had been convicted of criminal activities in Singapore. Indeed, government leaders had warned of over-reliance on foreign labour although these have changed (The Sunday Times 31 August 1997).

8 Policies which have been advantageous or disadvantageous to labour migration Singapore has had a long history of immigration, accounting for the diversity of the its population today, which is made up of 77% ethnic Chinese, 14 Malays, 7% Indians and 1% others. Immigration was closed in the mid-1960s (together with the implementation of a national fertility control programme) to control the rapid rate of population growth and associated problems of unemployment and squatter growth. When the country had to be opened again (soon after) to labour migration to meet the demands of the industrialisation programme, the government was selective as to the source countries from which foreign unskilled workers could be recruited. This was initially confined to workers from West Malaysia which had been a traditional source of unskilled labour in Singapore and whose population share Singapore's cultural and political history, but as demand grew, workers began to be recruited from "non-traditional" sources, albeit within the Asian region. This selective policy, together with continuous economic growth, has probably facilitated the acceptance of the growing number of foreign workers and accounted for the absence of open conflict between locals and foreigners. There has not been a parallel policy on the sources from which skilled workers and professionals could be recruited although for purposes of permanent residency, preference was given until the 1990s to foreigners with cultural affinity to the local population who can be expected to assimilate more easily. The numbers of these foreigners involved are small, however, relative to the unskilled foreign workers who are not allowed to bring their family members and who must obtain the permission of the Commissioner of Labour before marrying Singaporeans. Employers are required to repatriate their foreign unskilled workers within seven days of the termination of their contracts, which are usually for two years, unless they have been renewed for another term. Foreign unskilled 3 This section is drawn heavily from Yap 1998, 1999.

9 workers who have undergone skills upgrading are, however, allowed to extend their stay beyond four years. Foreign domestic maids may work in Singapore up to age 60. With the technopreneurship drive (see Low 2000), changes were also made to the immigration and work pass policies in 1999 to enable foreign technopreneurs interested in starting up technopreneurial businesses in Singapore to remain in the country. Intending foreign technopreneurs can remain in Singapore for up to six months in the first instance to explore business opportunities and firm up business plans, but they may be allowed to remain up to one year on long term social visit pass if they have the support of the National Science and Technology Board. The latter will be given based on their preliminary business plans, experience and qualifications. The MOM will issue Ql passes to these foreign technopreneurs so long as they have the support of the NSTB. The work passes will be valid for two years initially and renewable for another three years. MOM will also accept group applications for teams of technopreneurs. In terms of employment, the Singapore government adopts a minimal-intervention approach so as not to introduce unnecessary rigidities and distortions into the labour market. There is no minimum wage rule in the country either for local or foreign workers. The recruitment and employment of foreign workers are left to the private sector. The government does not interfere in private contractual agreements on the non-statutory benefits, although these would be enforceable in the court of law, including the labour court. Foreigners working in Singapore enjoy the same protection of the labour law as local workers. The Employment Act, the principal piece of legislation stipulating the basic terms and conditions of employment apply equally to foreign and local workers. Domestic workers, whether local or foreign, are however excluded under the Act, as are managerial and executive workers, those working for the government or a statutory board, and seamen. The provisions of the Act includes entitlement to prompt payment of salaries, payment for

10 overtime work and work on rest days and public holidays, and other non-statutory non-wage related benefits like annual leave and sick leave. Foreign workers also have access to the Manpower Ministry's conciliation service which is provided free of charge to all workers. This service helps workers and employers resolve their salary and other disputes amicably. In the event that conciliation fails, the foreign workers can register their claim with the Labour Court for arbitration at a nominal fee and have the cases heard expeditiously. The Manpower Ministry has also a Foreign Workers Unit to expeditiously deal with claims from foreign workers. Foreign workers are also covered under the Workmen's Compensation Act, and are compensated in the same manner as local workers if they are injured at work. They are also allowed to join trade unions. Post-employment training courses organised by the government are for all workers, including foreign workers. It is also very common for employers to sponsor a part of, if not the whole, course. The fees charged are affordable and they apply equally to all eligible workers. Foreigners who upgrade themselves are eligible to apply for permanent residence. Foreign workers have access to all social amenities which are available to Singaporeans, including medical, transport and recreational facilities. They have access to the medical care enjoyed by Singaporeans at subsidised rates. In addition, employers generally provide medical benefits like paid hospitalisation and paid medical leave to their workers. Female migrant workers are protected against sexual abuse under the Women's Charter. Protection against sexual abuse and violence are also provided under the Penal Code of Singapore. In fact, the penalty for maid abuse has been enhanced to 1.5 times that provided in the Penal Code in The Singapore police take a serious view of offences committed under the Penal Code, particularly if the victims involved are foreigners. Employers who ill-treat or abuse their workers are severely dealt with by the government. Errant employers are prosecuted in the courts and heavy sentences including jail terms and/or

11 caning are meted out to those found guilty of physical abuse or ill-treatment. Should the employer be found guilty of a criminal offence, his worker's work permit would be revoked and he would be permanently banned from employing foreign domestic workers. The aggrieved worker is allowed to work for another employer or alternatively, she may choose to return to her home. Foreign domestic workers can also seek assistance on employment matters using a hotline provided by the Ministry. Advisory and conciliation services are provided free of charge to the workers. Unlike foreign workers in other sectors, foreign domestic maids are allowed to transfer to another employer. The government has also set up the Social Integration Management Service (SIMS) to help the higher level migrants who have been in Singapore for less than two years and new permanent residents to settle in and integrate in to Singapore society. It acts as an information centre and referral point; helps arrange for transitional housing, community support and children's enrolment in schools; and organises orientation programmes to help newcomers understand life in Singapore. While every protection is given to foreigners who have entered and are working in Singapore legally, the administrative measures and levy to ameliorate demand for cheap foreign unskilled workers also raise the transaction costs of employing such workers. This, among other factors such as the high cost of securing jobs by intending migrant workers, contribute to a secondary, illegal market when attempts are made to avoid these costs by sidestepping official channels (see Wong 1996, 1997). 4 Under Singapore's immigration laws, illegal immigrants and over-stayers are liable for jail terms. They may also be prosecuted under the Penal Code which provides for illegal immigrants and those who overstayed by more than 90 days to be punished with no less than three strokes of the cane (or where caning 4 Factors identified as contributing to illegal or "irregular" migration (the latter term preferred by ILO) are: restrictive immigration policies in receiving countries, acute poverty and unemployment problems in countries of origin resulting in acute emigration pressures, long borders with controls of limited effectiveness, political

12 cannot be instituted, i.e. males below age 16 and over age 50 and females of all ages, a fine not exceeding S$6000). As of September 1998, illegal migrants and those caught attempting to enter the country illegally are subject to maximum penalty of six months' jail and mandatory three strokes of the cane. Foreigners are presumed to be trying to enter the country illegally if they do not have valid papers or means of transport, or are caught hiding from the police. Those who smuggle illegal immigrants will also be subject to three strokes of the cane plus jail terms ranging from six months to two years. An employer is also liable for caning if it is proven in court that he had knowingly employed more than five immigration offenders. The onus is on employers to verify the immigration status of the foreign workers they employ as an immigration offender found at a work place is presumed to have been employed in the full knowledge that he is an immigration offender. Both the employer and the immigration offender are liable to be fined, jailed and/or caned. From September 1998, the fine for companies involved in hiring illegal immigrants is S$20,000 and company chiefs may be held personally liable. In a bid to stem the problem illegal immigration, those who harbour illegal immigrants are also subject to punishment by jail terms, and the onus is on landlords to verify the immigration status of their tenants who are foreigners. As regards illegal employment, the Employment of Foreign Workers Act provides that any person who wishes to employ a foreign worker (except Singapore permanent residents and employment pass holders) must apply to the Controller of Work Permits for a work permit. Violation of this requirement is punishable with a fine of months' foreign worker levy or imprisonment for up to one year, or both, for the first offence. On second or subsequent convictions, the penalty is a mandatory custodial sentence of 1-12 months in addition to the above fines. In 1999, Singapore began fingerprinting foreign suppression and armed conflict, malpractices of private recruitment agencies, activities of criminal gangs and

13 workers for a new identification card which works as a combined immigration, work permit and embarkation/disembarkation card. Social impact of labour migration In spite of the many years of labour migration and the increasingly liberal immigration of foreigners, there has so far not been any overt conflict or incidents between Singaporeans and foreigners. This is not to say that Singaporeans are not threatened by onslaught of foreigners. Concern over job loss to foreigners, depressed wages due to foreigners being willing to accept lower pay, as well as employers threatening to replace, or actually replacing locals, with foreigners if they do not conform or accept whatever wages offered, have all been heard. In response, the government has urged Singaporeans to train and re-train to upgrade their skills, and in addition, made financial and other provisions for this to take place. Reported incidents of conflict involving foreign workers are usually among members of the foreign worker community themselves, oftentimes among foreign workers of the same nationality. Conflict between locals and foreigners that do take place are invariably within the employer-employee relationship, as in cases of maid abuse or failure to fulfil obligations. Except for occasional complaints involving the use of public space (such as roads and staircases of public housing estates and in shopping malls) where foreign workers congregate on their rest days (usually Sunday), or when law and order is disturbed, the local community has been quite tolerant of the foreigners. The relatively tension-free relationship between the local and foreign communities are probably attributable to a number of factors: traffickers, bureaucratic procedures which add to high costs of emigration (Wickramasekara 2000).

14 a) continuous economic growth (except for the short interruptions in the mid-1980s and during the Asian economic crisis) with expanding job opportunities and full employment; b) rapid redress of emergent municipal problems by the police and community leaders (for example, installation of walkways and barriers so that foreigners do not spill over on to the roads, installation of public toilets where residents had complained of foreign workers urinating in public; erection of a special market place where foreign workers could shop for their weekly supplies and even free movie shows); c) housing of masses of foreign unskilled workers either on worksites or in specially built dormitories, and therefore reduced opportunities for friction to arise; d) action by leaders to educate the public on the need for foreigners, especially "foreign talent". As regards the future, Singapore's population is expected to rise to 5.5 million by Part of this increase will no doubt be contributed by further immigration. The expected influx of foreigners has also raised discussions on its implications on future employment and the quality of life in Singapore as well as their impact on social values and national identity. With regard to employment, a Channel NewsAsia and Gallup poll conducted in May 2000 found that 72% of Singaporeans thought unemployment will be a problem while 78% felt that Singapore should restrict the number of foreign workers as the population expands (Channel NewsAsia 30 May 2000). How this will work out in view of the expected increase in structural unemployment remains to be seen. It will also be interesting to watch how embracing the globalisation and the new economy, together with the more diverse population that this entails, will affect value system in Singapore, which its leaders like to see as Asian (Confucian) and cosmopolitan at the same time. According to Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew (Newsweek, Special issue, July-

15 September 2000), "The process of opening up may make our society more unruly. The gravest challenge will be to protect the values we cherish. We can allow a bohemian quarter where creative people do their thing, but our whole city does not need to be that way" (p 49). Will this be quite possible when foreigners who are drawn from all over the whole also live side-by-side with Singaporeans, both out of necessity and also in the interest of preventing ethnic enclaves from developing? Moreover, there are more inter-marriages between Singaporeans and foreigners (which might not be a bad thing given the persistent low fertility and the government's desire to boost fertility rates in the country). In this regard, it may be mentioned that after years of debate, Singaporean women are now allowed to sponsor their foreign husbands for permanent residence (a privilege, until only recently, given to males who could sponsor their foreign spouse without requiring that the latter be financially independent). More recently, a public debate has also ensued on whether Singaporeans have become snobs, disdaining manual work and those who do them. This followed a letter to the press by an irate Singaporean whose Sri Lankan guest was mistaken for her maid and refused admission to dinner at her private club. Such a social divide, if it develops, could threaten national cohesiveness, besides being a threat to aim to become a gracious society. Possible role of media, government and NGOs in enhancing media content and public understanding of labour migration issues In Singapore, the media has been actively engaged in informing and educating the public on various aspects of labour migration. As elsewhere, the media in Singapore carry their share of news items such as reports on cases of illegal immigrants and illegal foreign workers apprehended, crimes committed by foreign workers, employers being prosecuted for maid abuse, and so on. Such reports also invariably carry information on the penalties for the

16 offences involved, which has an educational function as well. Documentaries and forums on various labour migration issues have been aired on television, as have op-ed columns been published in the print media. However, given the perception of the press as pro-government and pro-party in power, rightly or wrongly, these opinion columns may be less well received than expected, and perhaps analytical pieces would be more effective. The media have also served as conduits through which government messages on labour migration have been conveyed to the public. The Ministries of Manpower and Home Affairs, which are responsible for labour and immigration respectively, regularly issue news releases to the media on developments in their portfolios. Ministerial speeches, including those on labour migration, are also routinely reported, and even published in full, particularly on the Internet. An interesting, and probably helpful, development has been the intiatives taken by an English-language tabloid, the New Paper. Beginning in April 1999, it began an Expat column which allowed expatriates in Singapore to share their views and experiences in Singapore. Besides providing Singaporeans an insight into the lives of foreigners in the country and their perceptions of the country, it could also serve as a bridge between Singaporeans and these foreigners (as when a local responded with offer of friendship to an expatriate's complaint that it was difficult to make friends with Singaporeans). The Internet edition also carries an Expat Resource Page which provides useful information and linkages to websites on various aspects of living and working in Singapore. The paper also initiated a Maid of the Year contest which brought forth many reports by appreciative employers of the enormous contributions that these domestic helpers have made to their families and personal lives. For the first time too, a reporter from the newspaper visited her maid's home village to understand for herself the latter's background and her behaviour. Her report is undoubtedly

17 educational for other employers like herself who usually have very little knowledge of or empathy for village life, and should be encouraged. The media could also play a useful information and education role in the sending countries. In spite of strong anti-illegal immigration measures in Singapore which includes jail terms and caning, there continues to be a constant flow of such migrants into the country. Frequently, these illegal immigrants have been found to be victims of unscrupulous recruitment agencies and middle-men and women (see Wong 1996). The media in the labour-sending countries could play an important informational and educational role, not only on the laws of receiving countries but also exposing the tactics of unscrupulous intermediaries. The media will probably be seen as a more credible information channel than returning migrant workers (it has been reported that some return migrants have difficulty convincing disbelieving friends and relatives eager to join the migrant workforce of their often difficult sojourn). Misinformation obtained through social networks may also be minised. Concluding Remarks Labour migration has played, and will continue to play, a major role in Singapore in the foreseeable future given both the internal demographics of continued below-replacement fertility and external forces of globalisation and the advent of the knowledge-based economy. The media in Singapore have, and should continue to play a role in informing and educating the public on the subject. In particular, human interest stories that help Singaporeans to understand the social and cultural backgrounds of foreigners would be helpful. For the labour-sending countries, the media could also play a role in informing and educating intending migrants on various aspects of destination countries, including the legal and policy aspects of migration.

18 References Chew, Soon Beng and Rosalind Chew, "Immigration and Foreign Labour in Singapore" ASEAN Economic Bulletin vol. 12 no. 2, pp Department of Statistics, Yearbook of Statistics Singapore. Latif, Asad, "Singapore's Foreign Workers" Asia 21 July. Low, Linda, Labour Migrants in Asia: Bane or Boon. Paper prepared for the Regional Consultation on Media and Labour Migration, organised by AMIC, August 2000, Manila. Report of the Economic Committee: "The Singapore Economy: New Directions," Singapore: Ministry of Trade and Industry, Ministry of Trade and Industry, Economic Survey of Singapore; First Quarter Wickramasekara, Piyasari, Labour Migration in Asia: Issues, Challenges and Some Initiatives. ILO General Report presented at the Workshop on International Migration and Labour Markets in Asia, organised by the Japan Institute of Labour, January 2000, Tokyo. Wong, Diana, Men Who Built Singapore: Thai Workers in the Construction Industry. Unpublished manuscript, submitted to the Asian Research Centre, Bangkok. Wong, Diana, "Transience and Settlement: Singapore's Foreign Labor Policy" Asian and Pacific Migration Journal vol 6 no 2, pp Yap, Mui Teng, Country Report: Singapore. Prepared for the Workshop on International Migration and Labour Markets in Asia, organised by the Japan Institute of Labour, January 1998, Tokyo. Yap, Mui Teng, Country Report: Singapore. Prepared for the Workshop on International Migration and Labour Markets in Asia, organised by the Japan Institute of Labour, January 1999, Tokyo.

19 Table 1: Composition of Singapore Population by Residency Status Total Population Resident Population 3. _ Foreign Population (000s) (000s) (000s) % of total Source: Department of Statistics (2000). Notes: a Resident population = citizens and permanent residents; Total population includes foreigners staying at least one year. b Computed by author. Table 2: Foreigners Granted Citizenship and Permanent Residency in Singapore Year New Citizens New Permanent Residents ,641 9, ,471 9, ,206 8, ,447 7, ,557 7, ,703 5, ,033 4, ,089 6, ,355 8, ,818 13, ,617 22, ,150 21, ,193 22, ,984 21, ,500 21, , ,618 Source: Chew and Chew (1995); The Straits Times 27 August 1997 (for 1995 and 1996 PR figures).

20 Appendix I Permits and Passes Pass/Permit Work Permit (up to Sept 1998) Employment Pass (up to Sept 1998) Work Pass P (w.e.f. 1 Sept 1998) Work Pass Q (w.e.f. 1 Sept 1998) For whom Foreigners other than permanent residents and Employment Pass holders who are employed, seeking or being offered employment in Singapore at a monthly salary of not more than S$2,000 Foreigners who possess tertiary or professional qualifications and can command a monthly salary of at least S$2,000 Foreigners who hold professional qualifications who want to work in professional, managerial or administrative capacity; investor and entrepreneurs (on a caseto-case basis). PI pass issued to those earning basic monthly salary of >S$7,000; P2 pass issued to those earning >S$3,500- S$7,000. Skilled workers and technicians and those with specialised skills needed by the economy; Ql pass for those earning >S$2,000 basic monthly salary and possess 5 "0" Duration (at first instance) 2 years if unskilled; 3 years if skilled Up to 5 years 2 years in the first instance, 3 years upon renewal, or as per request, whichever is shorter. 2 years in the first instance; 3 years upon subsequent renewal or as per request, whichever is shorter; Will be allowed to Remarks Work Permits must be applied for by the employer on behalf of the foreigner; Strict conditions of stay apply for 2-year WP holders; 3-year WP holders may be considered for permanent residence May bring family members; Eligible to apply for permanent residence after at least 6 months working in Singapore May bring family; No restriction on sectors of employment. Only Ql pass holders may bring spouse and children; Q pass holders may work in all sectors.

21 Work Pass R (w.e.f. 1. Sept 1998) Professional Visit Pass levels passes or a full National Technical Certificate (NTC-2); Q2 pass for those who do not meet income or education criterion; granted only in exceptional cases. Semi-skilled and unskilled foreign workers; Rl pass for semi-skilled foreign workers who hold NTC-3 or other suitable qualifications; R2 pass for unskilled foreign workers. Foreigners intending to take up short term assignments (such as performing artistes, journalists or film crew, seminar or conference speakers); W.e.f. 1 January 1999, required only for speakers, conference participants in racial, religious or communal issues; journalists and crew, and performers in nightclubs and lounges. Foreigners who wish to Visit Pass for Training undergo training Student's Pass Foreigners who want to study in schools, junior colleges or institutions of higher learning (Dependant's Pass holders need not apply if studying in local or foreign system school) Dependant's Pass Wife and unmarried, preadult (below 21) children work up to retirement age. 2 years. Not allowed to bring family members; Subject to levy (S$ 100 per month for Rl, full levy for unskilled workers for R2 pass holders); Sectoral restriction, security bond and medical examination. Up to 3 months; those requiring more than 3 months will have to apply for a work pass. Up to 6 months Security deposits ofs$1000-$5000 are required if the student goes to a private or foreign system school

22 of.employment Pass holders Social Visit Spouse, unmarried preadult children and parent Pass of citizens and PRs; Parents and parents-inlaw of Employment Pass holders; Mothers of Student's Pass holders; Expectant mothers who wish to apply for permission to deliver a baby in Singapore; Tourists and others. Entry/Re- Foreigners who want to Entry Permit become Singapore Permanent Residents (PRs). These may be: Employment Pass and skilled work permit holders under age 50 who have worked at least 6 months in Singapore; Hong Kong residents who satisfy certain guidelines; Investors/entrepreneurs who deposit S$1.5 million; Skilled and professional staff of companies that have relocated to Singapore; Senior staff or family members of entrepreneurs or companies with S$5million paid-up fresh capital; Wives and pre-adult children of citizens and PRs; Aged parents of citizens Source: Yap (1999). Up to 3 months Renewable every 5 years Entry Permit confers status of Permanent Resident; PRs may apply for citizenship after 2-10 years; PR status lost if person leaves Singapore without a valid re-entry permit; W.e.f. 2 January 1999, a points system will be used to assess PR applicants