WP4D / D50 Process of racism, civic and ethnic citizenship identity in Spain: Basque Country & Madrid

Transcription

1 . Workpackage nº 4 - Deliverable nº. 50 Spain WP4D / D50 Process of racism, civic and ethnic citizenship identity in Spain: Basque Country & Madrid by Héctor Grad 1 & María Ros 2 with Gema García 1, Miryam Rodríguez 2, Javier Rodríguez 1, and Alberto Sanz 1 1 Universidad Autónoma de Madrid & 2 Universidad Complutense de Madrid

2 Results of the interviews carried out in Bilbao... 3 Sample Characteristics Local Identity Presence/absence of local identity: Identification with Bilbao Involvement with/commitment to the city View of one s neighbourhood and social networks Disposition to mobility The city and immigration The city and gender discrimination Regional Identity Presence/absence of regional identity: Identification with the Basque Country Limits and meaning of the Basque identity Situations that elicit the Basque identity National Identity Presence/absence of the Spanish identity: Degree of identification with Spain Meaning of the Spanish identity Situations that elicit the Spanish identity Change of nationality Immigration General attitudes on immigration Opinions on immigration into the Basque Country Opinions on immigration into Spain Opinions about European immigration Disposition to intercultural contact: marriage to people of different nationality, culture or religion Differential treatment of immigrants Integration of immigrants and gender differences Opinions about unity/diversity of the European culture Intercultural experience Effects of the experience of going abroad: perceptions and stereotypes Comparison between the region or Spain and countries visited Social networks outside Spain Citizenship: Participation Citizens participation and associationism Participation in demonstrations Electoral participation and meaning of the vote Citizenship: Benefits and obligations Results of the interviews carried out in Madrid Sample Characteristics Regional Identity Limits of the city and of the Madrid Autonomous Region Madrid identity Situations that elicit the Madrid identity National identity Degree of identification Meaning of the Spanish identity Situations that elicit the Spanish identity Change of nationality Immigration

3 4.1 General attitudes on Immigration Opinions about immigration into Madrid Opinions about Immigration into Spain Immigration into the EU Immigration from the EU Disposition to intercultural contact: marriage to people from different nationality, culture or religion Differential treatment of immigrants Immigration and gender differences Opinions about unity/diversity of the European culture. Connection with racism Intercultural experiences Foreign travel Comparison Madrid/Spain and countries visited Social networks outside Spain Citizenship Citizens participation and association Participation in demonstrations Electoral participation and meaning of the vote Citizenship: Benefits and obligations A comparison between Madrid and the Basque Country Local and regional identity Presence/absence of local identity: Degree of identification Presence/absence of regional identity: Degree of identification Situations that elicit the Madrid/Basque identity Limits of Madrid and the Basque Country National Identity Presence/absence of national identity: degree of identification Meaning of the Spanish identity Situations that elicit the Spanish identity Change of nationality Immigration General attitudes on immigration Opinions about immigration into Madrid and the Basque Country Opinions about immigration into Spain and the EU Disposition to intercultural contact: marriage to people from different nationality, culture or religion Differential treatment of immigrants Opinions about trends in European culture Intercultural experience Experience after travelling abroad Comparison between the region/spain and visited countries Social networks outside Spain Citizenship Citizens participation and associationism Demonstrations Electoral participation and meaning of the vote Citizenship. Rights and obligations Conclusions References

4 Sample Characteristics Results of the interviews carried out in Bilbao The sample of interviews from Bilbao included in this analysis is made up of 20 interviewees. These interviewees were selected from among the participants in the previous survey, according to their level of identification with Europe (Q68c of the survey). In line with this criterion, we interviewed 12 participants from the high identification group and 8 from the low identification group (12 from the general sample and 8 from the pro-european sample). Thirteen interviewees were women and the remaining 7 were men; 9 were aged between 18 and 21, and 11 between 22 and 24 (mean: 21 years). Nine were employed (of these, four were also students), and 11 were just students. Table 1 presents the interviewee characteristics: Table 1: Sample characteristics of interviewees ID GENDER AGE SAMPLE EU Identification 13 Female Target High 29 Female Target High 34 Female Target High 44 Male Target High 58 Female Target High 67 Female Target High 69 Female Target High 70 Female Target Low 181 Male Random High 197 Male Random Low 262 Male Random High 270 Female Random High 276 Male Random Low 279 Female Random Low 327 Male Random High 399 Female Random Low 416 Female Random Low 424 Female Random Low 466 Female Random Low 486 Male Random High This sub-sample of interviews analyzed has a slightly higher level of identification with Europe than the total sample from Bilbao. However, as a result of the selection, the interviewees clustered in two clearly differentiated groups in all aspects of European identity: whilst the group selected for its high identification with Europe in the survey presented values slightly higher than the Bilbao mean in all aspects of identity, the group selected for its low identification is significantly below the total mean. We shall refer to these differences where relevant in order to contextualize the following analysis of the interviews in Bilbao. 1. Local Identity 1.1. Presence/absence of local identity: Identification with Bilbao 3

5 Interviewees recurrently associate local identity with the fact of having been born there (which, nevertheless, does not emerge as a relevant association on referring to regional identity). Local identity is also associated with the experience of having lived in the place: it means everything, I mean, I ve lived my whole life here, since (...), since I was three (...) all the good and all the bad (BI 399), with the feeling of home, with having family ad friends ( my people ) there, and in general, with feelings of liking, affection and rootedness in relation to Bilbao Involvement with/commitment to the city Almost all the interviewees feel totally or partially involved in their city. Commitment emerges as associated with liking, pride, and loyalty in relation to the city, with a concern for looking after, improving and promoting it, with participation in associations or NGO s, and even with attendance at Council Meetings View of one s neighbourhood and social networks The view of one s neighbourhood in the majority of cases is positive, and based on its peaceful atmosphere, its services, and in some cases on the mixed origin of its inhabitants. The few cases in which it is viewed negatively belong to the low EU idf group, and talk about dormitory neighbourhoods with poor communications or about bad relationships with neighbours. All the interviewees have people to turn to in the case of problems: family, partner and friends Disposition to mobility Identification and roots do not appear to influence the disposition to mobility, since we found in similar proportions interviewees that would not move (... and I wouldn t leave here for anything in the world [BI 29]) or intend to return if they do move, and those prepared to leave ( I wouldn t mind leaving the place I live to go and live somewhere else [BI 44]) The city and immigration In response to the question of whether Bilbao is equally good for people of different nationalities and cultures, the opinion are divided between those who think Bilbao is an open city that welcomes immigrants, and those who argue that immigrants do not have the same opportunities as the rest of the population ( when people come from Europe, from Northern Europe, they re well accepted and so on. It s different well, when people come from, I don t know, Africa or Central America, the truth is they re not treated the same, maybe not just in Bilbao, but in the rest of Spain as well, I don t think there s that much racism here [BI 262)]. Perceptions of an egalitarian treatment of immigrants are based on the good integration of immigrants, on the absence of discrimination and racism, and on the openness and welcoming attitude of Bilbao: when it comes to get involved with them, to receive them, I think they have a good welcome (BI 29). 4

6 On the other hand, opinions about discriminatory treat towards immigrants appear associated with the perception of Bilbao as a closed city, with little cultural plurality: they re still really closed, because in Bilbao (...) not many people have come that you would say are foreigners (BI 34), and with few job opportunities for immigrants. Finally, there are a minority of references to the fact that opportunities depend on personal factors, such as language difficulties (with Spanish the Basque language, Euskera, was not mentioned in this context) and the conditions in which immigrants arrive, as well as their cultures or countries of origin The city and gender discrimination In response to the question of whether Bilbao is a city that is equally good for men and women, the majority of the interviewees agreed, indicating that they perceived no gender discrimination in Bilbao. However, four of these interviewees, 2 male and 2 female, from the high EU identification group, as well the two negative opinions (both female), highlight the existence of discrimination in the work context: I myself have suffered, it s taken me a lot of effort to find work, with really low wages [...] I know people who ve been even said that if they were a man they d have been taken on... (BI 67). In one case, the interviewee suggests the situation of bars, as public spaces traditionally reserved for men. In a similar line, another female interviewee claims there is discrimination, and attributes it to universal factors, arguing that Bilbao is well, as good or as bad as other cities (...) because it doesn t depend on the city, but on other types of things (BI 416). This response combines the comparison of gender with a regional comparison, which emerges relatively frequently in Bilbao. Among those who draw the comparisons, we find both opinions that Bilbao is similar because there is discrimination, and opinions that it is similar by virtue of the absence of discrimination. This absence of discrimination is attributed to the modernization of society and of the education system, in the latter case confining this equality to today s young people. Finally, two interviewees use the comparison for arguing that Bilbao is different because of the greater equality of women. In either case, the contrast is established with Andalucía 1 and refers to matriarchal elements in traditional Basque culture: Comparing it with other places I ve been, Seville..., I ve seen that here, society..., well, it s more maternal, women have a lot of weight (BI 58). 2. Regional Identity 2.1 Presence/absence of regional identity: Identification with the Basque Country The majority of interviewees identify with the Basque Country (in 14 out of 20 qualitative interviews), and this finding is consistent with the quantitative results in the survey (where young people from Bilbao identified with the Basque Country, and Spanish and European identities came out as of little importance for self m=2.31, 1 Andalusia, southern Spain region. 5

7 m=1.37, and m=1.41, respectively). Our interviewees absence of regional identity emerges as related to ingroup heterogeneity (due to the diversity of places of origin): I don t see myself as a region [...] I mean, I live in an area that s quite diversified one minute you re talking to somebody with a Galician accent, then another who sings the praises of Cádiz, and another who says how happy he was in Barcelona... (BI 34), having been born in another region of Spain (despite having lived for five years in the Basque Country), and to cosmopolitan indifference towards the feeling of belonging to the region: the truth is I couldn t care less if I were Basque, Andalusian or French (BI 67) Limits and meaning of the Basque identity Half of the interviewees set the limits of the Basque Country as the three provinces of the Basque Autonomous Region: Vizcaya, Álava and Guipúzcoa. Reflecting different nationalist claims, the other half includes those who refer to the Basque Country as including Navarra 2 and those who also include the French Basque provinces. The meanings of the Basque region and Basque identity emerge as clearly overlapping. Responses associate these meanings with one s own home, with the family, with the homeland: where you live, grow up, you know the area, I mean, I know practically all the villages (BI 399), with culture (customs, own language) and with pride at belonging to the region. Two interviewees draw a contrast with their parents, born in other regions of Spain: my parents, for example, are from Extremadura, but they don t feel like extremeños 3 ; but I do feel as though I m from here (BI 466). Two interviewees from the low EU identification group claim that they are indifferent to the fact of being from one region or another, and that the Basque Country is just another province (BI 276). The meaning of being Basque for the interviewees is based on the feeling of belonging and having roots, on the character of the people and on ingroup solidarity, the character I m sure of this we all have it, really closed, a little bit, well, cocky, proud, and, well, we re OK with those from around here, but with those from elsewhere there s a bit of distrust (BI 181), on thinking exclusively about the Basque Country, and on the existence of a culture and language of its own. On the other hand, one interviewee claims that... it doesn t really mean anything special, I mean, I don t think I m any better or worse than a person from Andalucía, the thing is we re characterised by always defending, perhaps more than others, our thing, as it were, the Basque Country (BI 197). It is interesting to point out that having been born in the region is a feature that is scarcely mentioned in this context Situations that elicit the Basque identity Whilst a minority of interviewees can recall no specific situation in which they feel Basque, others from the high EU identification group claim to feel Basque at all times. The specific situations most frequently mentioned are: leaving the region, sporting 2 Navarre, the neighbouring Autonomous Region, linked historically to the Basque Country. 3 From Extremadura, western region of Spain (bordering with Portugal). 6

8 events, political confrontation, and dealing with the negative images of the Basque Country presented in the media: when the politicians are at their rallies, ooh, my blood comes out (laughter), I get exasperated, I mean, for example, Aznar and them they talk, and they always criticize us... (id 399),... my Basque self really comes out when, above all, I see on TV, radio, and all that, the amount of rubbish they talk about this area... (BI 13), and well, now, with all this about the Plan Ibarretxe 4 (BI 197). 3. National Identity 3.1. Presence/absence of the Spanish identity: Degree of identification with Spain On being asked whether they think of themselves in terms of nationality, the majority of responses are negative, and most interviewees even find it hard to recall any situation in which they feel that identity. Nevertheless, on being asked if they see themselves of having some nationality, some of these interviewees (as well as others, who did not understand the first question) do indicate one. The majority of responses (9/13) indicate a Basque national identity, exclusively (6 of these claim that membership of the Spanish category is merely civic-formal) or hegemonic (in three cases, one of whom cites the European identity in third place). In line with the quantitative analyses from the survey, the Spanish identity received little importance from the Bilbao interviewees. The Spanish identity is considered as the only national identity by just three interviewees (one of whom indicates that the Basque category is merely formal) and is cited by another interviewee who claims not to identify with any nationality. No interviewee presents a Basque identity subordinate to the Spanish one Meaning of the Spanish identity On being asked about the meaning of being Spanish, interviewees mention ethnic factors, pride, and liking the country: but I feel Spanish, I have the blood, I mean,.. they can t take that away from me, and I don t mind, eh?... I mean, I m really proud (BI 399), being Spaniard, eee, for me, there is no need to be born is Spain, isn t it?, I think it is you like Spain, any place in Spain, it shouldn t be necessary any one, that you feel comfortable, you don t need to kiss the Spanish flag or so, as you like it, and take care of it and you don t go abroad saying that Spain is awful, that you don t like it at all, as you feel comfortable were you live and you like it (id 34). On the other hand, scarce identification with Spain is also reflected in the attribution to it of a meaning centred on the geographical and civic-formal aspects of the category: it s the label they give you on your identity card (BI 58). Finally, in one case, this identity elicits a posture of political abstention:...it s all the same to me, because I m totally apolitical (BI 29). 4 Proposal of the Basque government, named after the president of the Autonomous Region government, for further devolution and a new political relationship with Spain (based on the acknowledgement of the Basque right to self-determination). 7

9 3.3 Situations that elicit the Spanish identity Being abroad, in some cases specifically outside the Basque Country, is the situation most frequently mentioned as eliciting national identity. Much less commonly, we find sporting events or the Prestige 5 disaster Change of nationality On discussing the possibility of changing one s nationality, the majority of the interviewees respond negatively. In some cases, this opinion arises from the scarce relevance given to the national category: seeing as I don t really identify with nationality, neither do I understand why I should want to change it (BI 416). Among those prepared to make a change, the reason is frequently instrumental: to obtain benefits, such as access to work and social services. Conversely, the absence of benefits is the reason expressed by one interviewee for not considering change: for the moment it wouldn t involve any obstacles or any advantages (BI 58). Finally, in some cases, interviewees would be prepared to change if there were the possibility of a Basque or a European nationality. 4. Immigration 4.1 General attitudes on immigration. The Bilbao interviewees expressed mainly positive attitudes towards immigration; among the interviewees with positive feelings, some from the high EU identification group claimed to understand, admire or identify with immigrants: I understand it, because if I were dying of hunger I d undoubtedly do the same... (BI 67), or to feel satisfied about immigration. Likewise, some perceive the existence of discrimination, specifically in the work context:...an immigrant comes from a poor country and he s struggling to achieve something better, and: Hey! Look at this cheeky bugger who s taking our jobs!.. but if it s your neighbour that s doing it, on the other hand : Look how he s fighting to improve his life and provide for his family! (BI 44). The negative opinions stem from an assessment of immigration which is made conditional on the number of immigrants and their intentions:...i, well, except, you know, for the typical fights and all that..., there s a lot of them, the Colombians, loads of Colombians and that, but, well, as for the rest..., I think it s fine. (BI 279), if they come to do honest work and that, fantastic, but if they come to do all the usual stuff, then no (BI 276), reflecting prejudices about the intentions of immigrants. Finally, a significant group avoids referring to this issue, arguing that they have no particular feelings towards immigrants because country of origin does not affect their feelings about people. 5 Oil tanker sunk near Galicia shore, causing major oil spill and environmental damage in the area. 8

10 4.2 Opinions on immigration into the Basque Country. Interviewees opinions about immigration into the Basque Country are positive with regard to the role of immigrants in Basque society, and negative with regard to their living conditions and their possibilities of integration. The positive opinions stress the fact immigration contributes to increase the labour force and birth rate and to consolidate current standard of living, as well as enriching the culture and favouring a more open mentality. This positive view is complemented by negative opinions about the precariousness in which immigrants live they live in crowded conditions, and I m not sure that that s but I think it s fine that they come in (BI 486) and by opinions in favour of regularising illegal immigrants and informing them before they leave their own countries about the life that awaits them in Spain. 4.3 Opinions on immigration into Spain. In contrast to the positive attitudes about immigration into the Basque Country, the majority of interviewees seem to be in favour of restrictions on immigration into Spain. The arguments are that immigrants compete for jobs and bring down wages, the need to implement mechanisms of control (especially because of mafias), and the need to avoid precarious conditions, the formation of ghettoes, and crime. The group of interviewees who disagree with restrictions argue that place of residence is not a legitimate criterion for allowing or denying residence, I don t understand the concept of putting limitations on people because they come from this or that place (BI 44), that restrictions are the cause of loss of human life, I think it s awful [...] that people have to die simply because they want to improve their living conditions (BI 197), and that immigration is necessary for Spain. These results are consistent with those of quantitative analyses of the survey showing that interviewees (especially in Bilbao) tend to agree without restrictions or with certain restrictions with the entry of immigrants into Spain (from EU countries, from non-eu European countries, from countries that violate human rights, and from non-european countries but seeking work) Opinions about European immigration When the immigrants are EU citizens, all the interviewees accept that they reside and work in Spain. The majority justify their responses on the basis of reciprocity (Spaniards can live and work in other EU countries), and are in favour of multiculturality. Finally, one interviewee expressed a positive opinion of freedom of movement of workers, though on condition that Basques should have priority in the labour market: for me it is not a problem, I mean, if they come to work and they are happy, it s ok [ ] but people from here should be first for jobs (BI 29). Among the responses we found two negative stereotypes in interviewees from the low- EU identification group: lack of openness in the countries of Central Europe: I think it s quite a closed area [...] they re really particular, and don t want anything changed or touched [...] they say that, yes, they re quite square-headed there (BI 197), and the conflicts and trouble in the Eastern European countries: those from the East, I think, 9

11 yes, those from the East are still quite conflictive [...] they re always having rows there, and the children with guns, and that (BI 399). On being asked about their feelings towards immigration into the EU, interviewees responses tend to be similar to those about immigration into Spain or the Basque Country, though in some cases their answers are short and ambiguous, and this may reflect their scarce personal involvement in the issue: Well, (laughter), no, well, fine., I think it s fine that each person tries to make their living (BI 416). 4.5 Disposition to intercultural contact: marriage to people of different nationality, culture or religion Almost all the interviewees can imagine themselves with a partner of a different nationality (and two interviewees have one currently, BI 399 and BI 34). Only one claimed to be unable to imagine such a situation: No, because I wouldn t open up, I mean, apart from anything else, I m shy..., naturally, and if they don t understand me, either... (BI 181). Although the majority have no objections, two interviewees indicate possible language difficulties, while for another three, their disposition to marriage with foreigners is conditional upon the ethnic origin of the partner: one would accept exclusively people of German nationality, and another those from Latin America (but would reject Moroccans); a third would exclude Arabs and Chinese: I m quite restrictive about, for example, the Arab culture, which seems to me quite sexist [...] maybe the Chinese one is quite serious [...] and formal for me (BI 34) Differential treatment of immigrants. Interviewees were asked about the difference in treatment of immigrants according to their country of origin, both at the respondent s personal level and at a general or social level. With regard to personal relationships with immigrants, a large majority claimed not to distinguish according to country of origin, though some referred to a differential unacceptance depending on ethnic group, language, and immigrants disposition to integrate with the local culture: yes, because blacks are marked, so that, they end up as they do (BI 327), well, the gypsy community... [...] because of the fact that they ve done nothing to integrate all this time (BI 69), I find them different [...] you have to adapt to that culture, but in the same way as, I don t know, an Andalusian would do (BI 416). In contrast, the responses referring to general treatment reflect a broad consensus among interviewees with regard to country of origin. The interviewees claim that the most well accepted are immigrants from the USA and the EU countries, followed by Latin Americans and immigrants from the Eastern European countries. Finally, they claimed that the most poorly treated are Africans and people from Islamic countries: immigrants from Latin America have a culture that s more or less [...] similar, they have the same religion, they speak the same language it s always easier to integrate them [...] on the other hand, sub-saharan immigrants, errr. Muslims, ooooh, that s difficult from day one [...] and then there s the rejection of their culture (BI 67). 10

12 Interviewees were asked about their perception of how immigrants are treated in other countries. The majority said that there were differences among them, with France and Germany being the countries perceived as treating them best. It is interesting to point out that, on being asked about the different treatment in different countries, three of the interviewees responded by comparing the treatment of immigrants in the Basque Country with that found in Madrid or Andalusia 6 not only the country but also the region [...] the Basque Country has always been a region that s received a lot of immigrants, and they ve always been treated quite well [...] with all that trouble in El Ejido 7 a few years ago, or in Madrid,.. they do have more problems (BI 486). We have observed this same pattern in the responses analysed previously on the integration of immigrants, in which a parallel was drawn between people coming from other regions of Spain and immigrants from other countries (see response of interviewee id. 416, above). This response pattern suggests the existence of a concept of national identity limited to the Basque context, which would categorize other regions of Spain and migrants from these regions (most of them having live and work in this region for over two generations) as foreign regions and people implicitly placing them in the (national) outgroup Integration of immigrants and gender differences. Just one interviewee argued that the conditions for integration were the same for men and women immigrants. The majority were of the opinion that conditions are poorer for women because of discrimination against them in their culture of origin and because of differences in work opportunities. On the other hand, a minority felt that integration was easier for women because they have better opportunities in the labour market, because they are seen as more helpless we are seen weaker (laugh), may be it s just the opposite, I don t know, but may be, once I saw on T.V. news that a patera 8 was coming, with a woman that had just delivered a baby, and she was not deported, then I m based on that (id 399), and because they are less easily associated with crime then the men: that link crime-inmigrant, it s stronger with men (id 67). 4.8 Opinions about unity/diversity of the European culture. On referring to change trends in the European culture, the interviewees express contrasting opinions. Whilst for some, freedom of movement constitutes a homogenisation factor, for others it is a diversifying factor. We find, with similar frequency, four types of discourse on the tendency of European culture: a first group perceives a tendency towards its diversification, a second, a tendency towards homogenisation, a third perceives both tendencies: Maybe it tends more to become homegenisation, due to the fact that, with the borders open, perhaps you decide more readily to go to other countries and get to know other places, but, well, even so there are differences, differences are marked, and that s good, it s also enriching that there are different cultures (BI 44) and, finally, a fourth group see no homogenisation (suggesting the maintenance of a previous diversity, but without explicit reference to 6 Southern Spain region. 7 Andalusian town where xenophobic riots took place in Small boats used by immigrants for reaching Spain from Morocco. 11

13 diversification): If I have, I have my... culture..., and because one comes... what, he will take it from me? No,... I believe not (id 279). 5. Intercultural experience 5.1. Effects of the experience of going abroad: perceptions and stereotypes The analyses of the survey showed that France, the British Isles (including Ireland) and Italy are the most visited countries. The reasons for visiting other European countries were holidays or cultural trips, to learn the language on an organised course, and school trips or exchange programmes. In line with these results, the countries most visited by these interviewees were France and England (and, less commonly, Holland, Greece, the Czech Republic, Scotland, Portugal and Switzerland). With regard to experience abroad, 65% of the interviewees (especially in the high EU identification group) said that visiting other countries had made them think differently with respect to Spain or the Basque Country. A first type of response referred to an enhancement of personal tolerance and open-mindedness: Well, in that there are people who maybe never leave their little area, and, you know, I m from here!, and that, with fixed ideas, and this is the best! [...] but being too attached, well, it can even be bad (BI 262). In many cases, this is focused on auto-stereotypes ( how closed we Spaniards are ); less frequently, on political tolerance and on a weakening of nationalism: I don t see people either in France or anywhere else taking a gun to defend this or that ideal (BI 181); and in some cases, it makes respondents more aware of their affection for Spain. A second type of response compares well-being and quality of life based on their experience: abroad, you see things that are better then here (BI 44) versus they don t live as well as we do here in any other place (BI 197) Comparison between the region or Spain and countries visited Interviewees were asked to compare their own country with those visited. Concentrating on the countries most commonly visited, respondents mentioned similarities only when they were talking about France: the presence of the same Western culture, a welcoming attitude to tourists and the similarity of their industrial cities (comparing Bilbao and Bordeaux). On the other hand, the salient differences are similar for France and England. First of all, there are references to national stereotypes: positive ones cleaner, more polite, more social (BI 181), and negative ones they see everyone as below their level,... there are really haughty [...] I thought they were more serious and that, and they re not serious at all, but they re haughty (BI 34); we all say here that the English are a bit of a rare breed, that is, they are very odd people, but, I think they re totally different even in their mentality and so on, we don t do things the same way, I suppose, they re a bit more closed (BI 262). Nevertheless, a positive feature such as politeness was presented negatively, as rigidity, excessive formality: They re really, really 12

14 polite, there are a lot of limitations, I mean, you have to address people formally all the time... maintain formality, errr. at the table you have to ask for everything (BI 44). Finally, other responses refer to specific aspects, such as cuisine, better social services, ethno-cultural diversity and the treatment of immigrants: apart from the food, which I don t like at all [...] they have a wide spectrum of people [...] and the people have accepted it, they ve opened up quite a lot [...] I think that in that respect, for example, Spain, has done quite the opposite (BI 34) Social networks outside Spain Finally, the majority, and especially the high EU identification group, reports having social networks outside Spain. In this group there is a predominance of friends, rather than family, in other countries. The presence of relatives is limited to France, England and South America. Some interviewees who claimed not to have social networks abroad subsequently reported having relatives outside Spain. Geographical distribution of friends is more diverse, though principally European (France, Germany, England, Poland, Bosnia and Japan). 6. Citizenship: Participation 6.1 Citizens participation and associationism The Bilbao interviewees reported much more citizens participation than in the quantitative survey (53% vs. 25%). Nevertheless, the relative frequency of the different types of organization is similar: the most common type of participation is in sports organizations, followed by socio-educational, political, and finally, cultural ones. We discovered through the interviews that the majority of those that did not currently participate had participated in some organization in the past. The main cause of leaving them was lack of time and interference with work and studies Participation in demonstrations A large majority of the interviewees reported having participated, in general, in demonstrations. The main motive was repudiation of ETA violence and, specifically, the killing of Miguel Ángel Blanco (a PP 9 councillor assassinated in 1997). Much less frequently, they reported participating in demonstrations against educational reforms (secondary and university) and in defence of the environment and the rights of women and immigrants. Similarly, a large majority of interviewees expressed agreement with the demonstrations against the Iraq War, though some stressed their scarce political impact In the end 9 Popular Party (conservative Spanish party). 13

15 it s all the same, I mean, you go out onto the street and fight for something, when the strongest ones are against it and are going to do whatever they want (BI 44) and perceived them basically as a form of self-expression because, seeing as you have no other option for expressing yourself, the only thing left to you is to go out onto the street so that you get media attention and let the government or whoever know that you don t agree with what they re doing (BI 70) or criticised their political manipulation for ends different from those originally intended: there was one in Bilbao it began against the war in Iraq, and it ended up being against ETA (BI 399) Electoral participation and meaning of the vote As regards electoral participation, a large majority indicate their disposition to participate in elections of all different levels, whilst only three interviewees claim that they would not participate in European elections due to lack of information and control at this level, and another reports doubts about whether to participate in elections because of lack of identification with any political party. These results are slightly different from those for the quantitative answers in the survey. There, in general, interviewees showed themselves more likely to vote in national elections than in regional or local elections, and in these more than in European elections. On being asked about the meaning of the vote, few interviewees refer to it in terms of right, duty or obligation. The vote is seen as an opportunity to choose between projects (programmes, parties) or political representatives, and as a route for solving problems in a democratic way. In this line, two interviewees underline their desire for the vote to be reinforced by referendum for specific issues, such as involvement in the Iraq War and the way the Prestige crisis was handled. The meaning most frequently associated with the vote was that participation legitimates the subsequent request for accountability. 7. Citizenship: Benefits and obligations. On being asked whether belonging to this country brings benefits or obligations, eight interviewees referred to the Basque Country, five to Spain, and two to both categories. The benefits mentioned on referring to the Basque Country are quality of life (living well, cuisine), social and educational services (including grants), subsidies to companies, and, finally, being proud of where one lives (Bilbao, the Basque Country). The obligation most frequently mentioned is payment of taxes, followed by civic respect and, in one case, learning of Euskera (the Basque language). Two interviewees point out that the benefits and obligations are no different from those of other places. The benefits of belonging to Spain are quality of life (including climate), education and work, cultural diversity and the vote, whilst the obligations are once more taxes, civic respect, the vote, and help for developing countries. On being asked about the rights and obligations derived from membership of the EU, the benefit most commonly mentioned was the right to vote, followed by human rights (freedom in general, as well as freedom of expression, of movement and residence, and rights to justice and property) and social rights (work and education). Lack of knowledge gives rise to general responses, such as: first, obligations, always, and rights, well, those too (BI 424), or the possible incorporation of rights from other 14

16 member countries: those we had, supposedly, as Spaniards, eh?... well, now you can multiply them, because whether you like it or not, the Germans will have different rights that have joined up with ours, and so I don t know, but I imagine that, now, we ll have more rights (BI 34). In contrast, one interviewee stresses that no rights of the European citizen have been recognised (id 67). Finally, on being asked if the rights and obligations derived from citizenship are different for men and women, the majority considered that there is gender discrimination: one group was of the opinion that that women have fewer benefits, but with the same obligations as men, mainly in the work context (associated with the stereotype that the woman should remain in the home). In this regard, one interviewee indicated the difficulties women have for access to education and employment, as well as the financial difficulties they face after divorce: the issue of the pauperisation of women, and all that, when you get divorced, and you have less money (id 70). Likewise, some interviewees perceived gender differences in degree of participation, (sports associations, for example), despite the fact that a significant group thought women had a more participatory attitude. 15

17 1. Sample Characteristics. Results of the interviews carried out in Madrid The final sample of interviews held in Madrid and used for this analysis is made up of a total of 21 interviewees (12 from the general sample and 9 from the pro-european sample, 10 with high European identification and 11 with low identification), with a mean age of 21 years. There are 9 men and 12 women. Of these, three are in full-time employment, two of them are both students and in part-time work, and the rest only study. These interviewees were selected according to their mean level of identification with Europe 10 : from zero to two were coded as low identification, and from three to four, as high identification. Table of interviewees. ID. Gender Age Sample Identification Mad. 22 Male Random High Mad. 62 Male Random High Mad. 94 Male Target Low Mad. 97 Male Target High Mad.111 Male Target High Mad.150 Female Random High Mad.151 Female Random Low Mad.213 Male Target High Mad.224 Female Target High Mad.251 Female Random Low Mad.326 Female Random Low Mad.327 Female Random High Mad.337 Female Random Low Mad.346 Female Target High Mad.362 Female Target Low Mad.379 Female Target High Mad.384 Female Target Low Mad.414 Female Random Low Mad.445 Male Random Low Mad.478 Male Random Low Mad.485 Male Random Low No differences are forward between the survey and the interviews sample in relation to age. Women seem to the slightly over represented in the interviewees sample (57% female vs. 49.3% male), in relation to the survey where gender was matched. Finally identification with Europe is also slightly higher in the interviews sample (m=3.08 random and m=2.89 target) in relation to the survey, either in the random (m=2.16) or the target sample (m=2.47). 2. Regional Identity. 10 According to answers to question Q68c in the previous survey, on a scale of 0 no feeling at all to 4 very strong feeling. 16

18 2.1 Limits of the city and of the Madrid Autonomous Region. On this point it should be stressed that the Madrid identity has little history, since it is little more than 20 years since this Autonomous Region was created (Comunidad de Madrid, by a law passed in 1983). This is one of the reasons why our interviewees do not establish differences between the concepts of city and region, which are considered as overlapping in most of the cases analyzed. Of the 21 interviews carried out, only 4 (2 general and 2 pro-european) establish the territorial limits of the Region beyond what is represented by the city. Yes, the Region, the whole territory, not just the capital..., normally, people who live in the city itself centre it more on the capital, but those of us who live more on the outskirts open it up more that s what tends to happen... (id 224). For all the rest, mainly interviewees from the general sample, when they speak of Madrid they mean only the centre of the city; Yes, when I talk about Madrid, it s Madrid city, I m not talking about the Autonomous Region (id 485). 2.2 Madrid local and regional identity. For the young interviewees, the Madrid identity means basically: their place of residence, their personal and work relationships, as well as a certain cosmopolitanism, cited with pride [ ] it means living in a cosmopolitan city, a city that can offer me a lot of things, a city in which I can find everything, you know, a city that also has a lot of opportunities [ ] (id 224); it is also seen as a political component, Well, I mean, the first thing is that it s the capital of Spain and it s a welcoming city and, above all to live, it seems to me the most beautiful city in the world (id 111). But of all the meanings that regional identity has in the interviewees, the responses that refer to identification proper are the most common, It s in Madrid now that I m most feeling that attachment. I ve been in Madrid a total of five years, and it s a city I m noticing with time in which you put down roots in some way, personal, maybe even close ones (id 62). [ ] I mean, the thing is, I don t really see myself outside of Madrid. I think I m getting used to it (to Madrid), If I had to live in another city, OK, but I mean, I always think like Loli 11 the madrileña, I like it (id 362). These results are in line with those of the survey, in the sense that in the interviews there are no differences due to the sociodemographic variables considered with respect to feelings of regional identity. There are also responses that demonstrate an absence of regional identity; there are three main reasons adduced for this absence, all of them presented by interviewees from the pro-european sample. On the one hand are those that claim not to have been outside the region long enough to have missed it, or to have felt identified with it. There are also those that attribute their lack of regional identity to the weakness of the ties (from roots or residence) of their nuclear family or grandparents: (talking about why they feel they have no regional identity) my mother wasn t born here, and that also influences things a lot, she s not really attached to the city, no, there s no feeling of belonging here. [ ] my grandparents have no feeling of belonging here, and my parents neither, so it would be strange if I had one (referring to himself) (id 97). 11 Her name. 17

19 Other interviewees show their absence of identity feelings through their disagreement with the Autonomous Regions. Not at all (talking about having a regional identity). No, because apart from anything else, I don t like the Autonomous Regions. I respect them and I think that from an administrative point of view they re fine; no, because really, when I m outside Madrid, I go to my village or any other place, I don t see differences between people. You can t tell me that a difference is the way people speak, with a little more accent or not. For me that s no difference at all (id 111). 2.3 Situations that elicit the Madrid identity. There are four situations that elicit the feeling of regional identity. The first of these is that which produces a contrast with other identities or cultures; in this case the interviewees refer expressly to the contrast with the regions of Andalucía and Cataluña [...] in Cataluña, for example, with the people I hung around with, they were very Catalan 12, and the custom was to talk among themselves in Catalan 13 [ ] whatever you think, they re differentiating you all the time... and all the time with jokes about Madrid, you know? I mean, it s between friends, but in any case you say well, it s clear I don t belong here (id 97). The second situation refers to the contrast produced by immigration: Well, in response to the issue of immigration, my way of thinking, my way of projecting things (id 384), and to showing people from elsewhere around Madrid: When people come from elsewhere. When you show them Madrid [ ]; So, yes, you feel madrileño 14 because you re talking about what life is here... (id 213). The third situation refers to possible external threats, For example, when there was all that unpleasant business of terrorism 15, there was graffiti painted on a wall next to my grandmother s house, and at that moment, perhaps, at that point, it s like I felt more madrileña; as though they were attacking my city (id 327). Finally, there is the situation of travelling to sports, festive or cultural events: Unless it s when there s a football match on ; in the fiestas of San Isidro 16 as well (id 251). [...] well, I suppose if they hold the Olympic Games in Madrid 17 I ll feel quite madrileña (id 224). 3. National identity. 3.1 Degree of identification. On being asked about their national identity, the Madrid interviewees claim a certain Spanish identity in the majority of cases. The responses expressing a link with Spain can be classified in two groups; on the one hand are those that express national unity, and on the other those that revolve around the concept of nation, culture and life enjoyment. In the first group we find responses such as this: As Spanish? Always. First because I see that what is important is unity, unity in the positive sense that people have to love each other and we have to value what we have, because a lot of the time, it s 12 From Cataluña. 13 Language spoken in Cataluña. 14 Madrileño, from Madrid. 15 In reference to ETA. 16 Patron saint of Madrid. 17 Candidate for the 2012 Olympic Games. 18