HOUSING POLICIES FOR ETHNIC MINORITIES IN DEVELOPED SOCIETIES: A COMPARATIVE CASE STUDY ANALYSIS OF FIVE COUNTRIES

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1 HOUSING POLICIES FOR ETHNIC MINORITIES IN DEVELOPED SOCIETIES: A COMPARATIVE CASE STUDY ANALYSIS OF FIVE COUNTRIES David P. Varady* and Rachel Katoshevski** European Network for Housing Research International Conference Tarragona, Spain June 19-22, 2013 * Professor, School of Planning, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio, USA David.Varady@uc.edu ** Israel Ministry of Interior, Beersheva, Israel

2 Housing Policies for Ethnic Minorities in Developed Societies: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Five Countries This paper a revised and expanded Editors introduction to an upcoming special issue of Geography Research Forum, comparatively analyzes case studies from the US, Canada, The Netherlands, Australia, and Israel that deal with the way in which immigrants and ethnic minorities are treated as part of their country s housing and neighborhood development policy. All these countries are facing the same challenges: How is it possible to promote the ability of ethnic minorities to maintain their identity within the context of strong, cohesive societies? And in the urban-planning context, how do planning policies support the inclusion of these minorities into the general national discourse and ensure relevant and adequate social environments? The case studies examine: (1) refugee adaptation (Cambodian, Vietnamese, Somali, and Eritrean) in the face of public housing redevelopment (the HOPE VI program) in Seattle, Washington (USA), (2) the causes and consequences of the circular movement pattern of Aboriginals from rural reserves to Winnipeg, Canada and then back to home communities, (3) the types of neighborhoods in the Hague (the Netherlands) providing support for Right-wing Radical Populist Parties (RRPP s) in the face of a growing non-western immigrant population, (4) of the extent to which soft gentrification in Amsterdam leads to modest levels of displacement, especially with respect to ethnic minorities, (5) the effectiveness of the Rotterdam Act which limits the flow of low-income immigrant tenants to designated neighborhoods, (6) the link between living in social housing in three states in Australia and feelings of stigma, (7) the social transformation process among Palestinian Israeli Arabs moving from detached self-built

3 homes in rural villages to cities, and (8) the conflict in attitudes toward housing and community design between Bedouin Arabs in the Negev on the one hand, and the State of Israel on the other. We will attempt to draw lessons across many developed societies for policies which will promote ethnic integration into mainstream society while at the same time fostering ethnic solidarity. Refugee Adaptation in the Face of Public Housing Redevelopment. We begin with the article by Rachel Kleit and Lynne Manzo, a rich and thick description of refugee adaptation (Cambodian, Vietnamese, Somali, and Eritrean) in the face of public housing redevelopment (the HOPE VI program) in Seattle, Washington. Seattle and the Twin Cities (Minneapolis-St. Paul, see Goetz, 2003) stand out because of the large number of immigrants and refugees living in public housing. In this respect public housing in these two cities more closely resembles the make-up of public/social housing in Europe than in other US cities where a disproportionately large number of the residents are either black or Latino. Kleit and Manzo show that these immigrants and refugees recognize their differences from the larger American society; public housing helps to maintain in-group social ties while facilitating interaction with American society. These immigrants and refugees feel a sense of ambivalence in relation to authority. They are grateful for governmental and humanitarian assistance, but are distrustful of these and other unfamiliar US institutions such as utility companies or the housing authority itself. Respondents experienced the customary stigma associated with public housing redevelopment in the US and elsewhere (see Arthurson, 2012), but surprisingly the heightened experience of stigma was usually due to the derisive judgments of non-subsidized co-ethnics. An important implication is that policies aimed at dispersing black

4 public housing residents (in order to redress past housing discrimination) may work against immigrants and refugees who need to live near co-ethnics to ease the transition into mainstream American society. Circular Movement Pattersn Among Aboriginals in Winnipeg, Canada We next turn to the article by Jino Distasio, Gina Sylvestre and Elizabeth Wall-Wieler on the circular movement pattern of Aboriginals (also called Indigenous persons but not Indians as in the US) from rural reserves to Winnipeg, Canada and then back to home communities. Currently more than half of Canada s Aboriginal population lives in urban areas and at 15 percent the proportion of Winnipeg that is Aboriginal is the highest of any major Canadian city. Aboriginals moving to Winnipeg resemble trans-national migrants (e.g. Turks moving to Amsterdam) in that both groups seek to preserve familial, economic, social and cultural relationships. However because reserve communities are relatively close to home this makes return moves much easier than for international migrants. In addition, the return back to the reserve usually does not prevent a subsequent move back to the city. In contrast, the trans-national migrant is more likely to be rooted in place in their new country because of the expenses involved in returning permanently to their home country and because of the cultural differences between their new and home countries. Using a longitudinal survey Distasio et al. find that many Aboriginal migrants are unable to find decent, affordable housing or the needed services to facilitate a successful transition to urban living and are therefore forced to return to the reserve. Based on the collected data Distasio and colleagues are unable to examine the extent to which Aboriginal cultural factors contribute to residential churn. This is a needed area of research for the future.

5 A recent New York Times article (Williams 2013) shows a similar rural to urban shift among Indians. Currently more than seven out of ten Indians and American Natives live in cities up from 45 percent in The shift has had a significant impact on a number of Midwestern and Western cities, such as Minneapolis where Indians comprise 2 percent of the total. Despite the widespread poverty (45 percent in Minneapolis and a growing gang problem) many view Minneapolis as an example of success because many Indians who arrive and receive job training do not want to go back to the reservation. Highly relevant to this paper is Little Earth of United Tribes, the only public housing project that gives American Indians preference. The project provides a wide range of social services, counselling; homes are bring built next to the complex to promote homeownership. It is unclear from the article whether the services and counselling have an American Indian cultural component. Nevertheless, the article suggests that the clustering (or re-segregation) of Indians in public housing is not necessarily a bad thing. Integrating Non-Western Immigrants into European Cities The volume s three articles on the Netherlands deal with the challenges that all European governments face in integrating a growing non-western immigrant population into mainstream society. Prior to 9/11 European ethnic enclaves were viewed as good whereas American black ghettos were viewed as bad. This dichotomy no longer makes sense in Holland or elsewhere; ethnic enclaves can be bad if they lead to rioting, as has occurred in French suburban public housings (banlieues), if terrorists are able to find safe havens in them, if segregated living discourages either learning the new language (e.g. Dutch, French, German), or the adoption of modern values such as tolerance toward other groups (e.g. Jews, gays; see Varady, 2005; 2008).

6 Explaining Right-Wing Radicalism Wouter van Gent and Sako Musterd seek to explain the growing support for Right-wing Radical Populist Parties (RRPP s) in Europe and more specifically the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) headed by Geert Wilders. Analyzing voting data for the city of The Hague, they find that there are three types of neighborhoods where different explanations for RRPP support are relevant: native working class neighborhoods (where the arrival of immigrant workers and their families is viewed as a threat by native low-skill workers); ethnically-mixed urban neighborhoods (where native residents feel a sense of anxiety and insecurity related to globalization, financial crises and unemployment as well as welfare state retrenchment) and lower middle class suburban neighborhoods (where residents are dissatisfied with existing parties and their platforms). The results provide support for all three hypotheses. Van Gent and Musterd advocate that the Dutch abandon area-based neighborhood regeneration policies, because they are aggravating social discontents elsewhere (e.g. nontargeted neighborhoods and the suburbs) and because they are stigmatizing the targeted areas and should replace them with people-centered policies addressing discrimination, lagging educational performance and poverty. We wonder whether it is feasible to implement such a radical policy change and (assuming that it is) whether the policy shifts would reduce voter support for the RRPP and fundamentally reduce tensions between non-western immigrants and native Dutch. Gentrification and Immigrant Displacement Lex Veldboer and Reinout Kleinhans article on gentrification in Amsterdam questions the assumption that gentrification inevitably leads to widespread displacement for renters, especially

7 minorities and in turn, class conflict (see Lees et al., 2010). In the case of Amsterdam, (where gentrification in the inner core has been widespread) gentrification has had a softer impact than critical scholars would predict. Analyzing data from the 2001 and 2009 biannual Living in Amsterdam Surveys, along with case studies of two gentrifying neighborhoods, Veldboer and Kleinhans show that an increase in home-ownership rates (as an indicator of gentrification) was correlated with a significant rise in the level of neighborhood confidence. Furthermore there was no widespread displacement of ethnic minorities. However, because the authors focus on overall levels of neighborhood confidence, it is impossible to know whether long-term renters, who are faced with the possibility of being displaced, are as confident about their neighborhood s future as newer, more affluent arrivals. In general, the article injects some needed balance into academic debates about gentrification. Well-designed government policies (e.g., rent control, social housing schemes) can go a long way toward reducing the adverse effects of gentrification. The Rotterdam Act André Ouwehand and Wenda Doff discuss the Rotterdam Act, probably the most vigorous response to immigration of any Dutch city (or for that matter any European or American one as well). The Act limits the flow of low-income immigrant tenants to designated neighbourhoods. Although the ostensible purpose of the act is to promote an income mix in the inner city, the authors believe that politicians had more sinister motives, i.e. to prevent the rapid growth of non- Western (heavily Muslim) immigrant enclaves. Ouwehand and Doff contend that the Act is unjust, because it fails to meet Susan Fainstein s three criteria for a just city (democracy, diversity, and equity) and more specifically because it drew on a mix of intolerance of ethnic diversity [and] anti-islam sentiments. We believe

8 their assessment may be overly harsh, especially when one considers the ineffectiveness of prointegration efforts in the US. Consider for example the case of Starrett City in southeastern Brooklyn, New York. After opening in 1975, Starrett City filled vacancies using a quota to fill two thirds of the apartments with white families. This formula was supported by many black and Hispanic residents and some civil rights groups because without this type of action the development likely would tip from white to minority (black and Hispanic). Other civil rights contested the policy arguing that the policy constituted racial discrimination. In November 1988, the US Supreme Court said that it would not hear the Starrett City appeal of low-court rulings, which had found the use of quotas illegal (Finder, 1988). The parallels between Starrett City and the Rotterdam Act should be obvious. Pro-integration efforts that have the capacity to affect demographic trends (such as the Rotterdam Act) are bound to be controversial and also are bound to be labelled as racist or xenophobic. Strong policies like the Rotterdam Act may be needed to achieve a just city. In any case whether one agrees with Ouwehand and Doff or not, their article should stimulate a healthy debate on how governments can promote ethnic as well as income mixing. It will be interesting to see whether other Dutch and other European cities adopt Rotterdam s innovative approach. Social Stigma in Public Housing Following the three Dutch articles we turn to Ilan Weisel and Hazel Easthorpe s qualitative study of the housing pathways of sixty individuals in three different states in Australia who recently moved into social housing despite stigmatic perceptions of public housing. Concerns have been expressed in the literature about the more problematic aspects of living in social housing particularly stigma (note our earlier discussion Kleit and Manzo s article in this

9 volume). Wiesel and Easthope found that any feelings of stigma associated with living in social housing were far outweighed by the economic security and generally better physical conditions offered by this housing type. Although there were too few immigrants in the sample to treat them separately, the main conclusion that social housing plays a positive role in the lives of most residents applies to immigrants as well. Given that a third of all social housing tenants in Australia are born overseas, social housing will likely continue to be an important mechanism for helping the newly arrived adapt to Australian society. This conclusion closely conforms to Kleit and Manzo s bottom line that immigrants greatly benefit from the availability of public housing as an entry point into American society. Balancing the Interests of Ethnic Minorities with the Public Interest Two Israeli papers conclude this special issue. While these papers deal with the same general issue as others in this volume housing policies for ethnic minorities they differ two major ways. While the other papers deal with aspects of inclusion of ethnic minorities into the general population and how to ensure their housing and neighborhood quality as part of the city built environment, the Israeli papers, in contrast, discuss housing issues linked to the settlement patterns of Bedouin Arabs (in the Negev desert in southern Israel) and the urbanization process of the (non-bedouin) Palestinian Israeli population concentrated in non-urban parts of central and northern Israel. Secondly, whereas most of the other papers focus on immigrant groups, these two Israeli papers concentrate on indigenous groups. In this respect, the Israeli papers bear some resemblance to the Distasio et al. paper on Aboriginals in Winnipeg, Canada. Arab Communities in Central and Northern Israel

10 Rassem Khamaisi s paper deals with the residential transformation process among Arab Palestinians, most of whom live in small rural communities in the central and northern parts of Israel, whereas the Bedouin of the Negev, discussed in Steven Dinero s paper, are a distinct group that in the past adhered to a semi-nomadic lifestyle. This residential transformation change, described in Khamaisi s paper, includes moving from detached self-built houses to apartment buildings as part of the urbanization process. Three factors play a key role in the urbanization of this minority group: (1) the strong attachment to place of residence, (2) the strong desire to reside in close vicinity to families in order to maintain kinship relationships, and (3) the continuing importance of the self-built private house. Khamaisi s core argument is that Palestinian urbanization involves more than changes in residential patterns and housing types. The shift toward apartment living from that of living in home/house-villas, i.e. detached housing, inevitably results in a decline in kinship relationships. These trends will become stronger in the near future, because of a lack of adequate land, mainly as a result of high birth rates and restrictive state land use planning policy. Bedouin Arab Settlements The setting for the final paper the Negev desert in Israel could not be more different from the North American and European settings discussed above. Steven Dinero s paper examines Israel s ongoing initiative to resettle the Bedouin Arab community consistent with modern planning principles. Although 200,000 former nomads have been resettled in planned towns with modern-western housing, more than a third resist resettlement and continue to reside in informal settlements where housing and neighborhood conditions are substandard. Dinero argues persuasively that the contrasting attitudes toward housing layout, design and structure provide

11 but one example of how social and political relations with the State [of Israel] are actualized and contested. The fact that many Israeli academics have acted as advocate planners on behalf of the Bedouin community is a hopeful sign of the prospects for closing the political, economic, and cultural cap between Bedouins and other Israelis. Taken together, the two Israeli case studies raise the question of how best to serve the housing needs of Arab Palestinians, including Bedouin Arabs. The simple answer is that plans and policies should serve the public interest. However, this raises the question: What public and whose interests? That is, who is the public being served by the various representatives (Meir, 2009). We believe that the public interest will be best served if the Arab minority plays an active role in formulating local development plans and in some cases this may mean utilizing the skills of advocate planners to contest State prepared documents. Conclusion This paper has compared and contrasted eight case studies that highlight the challenges policymakers in developed societies face as they strive to meet the needs of immigrants (the US and Dutch case studies) as well as the needs of long-established residents (the Canadian and Israeli ones). Six conclusions emerge from the analysis. First, efforts to promote ethnic mixing as part of public housing efforts need to proceed cautiously because of the benefits of voluntary segregation. Immigrants and refugees in Seattle needed to live close to co-ethnics to ease the transition into public housing. The fact that a Minneapolis public housing project that gave American Indians preference in admissions would work against integration in the short run but could be justified because it facilitates the transition from a tribal to an urban environment.

12 Second, it is important for European planners to consider the political impacts of housing strategies, i.e. whether they will generate greater support for radical right wing parties. Because area-based policies (e.g. urban renewal) tend to increase inter-ethnic tensions in Dutch cities, Van Gent and Musterd recommend a shift from area-based to people-based policies. Third, if achieving stable income and ethnically mixed neighbourhoods is accepted as a goal, then it may very well be necessary to implement policies that are highly controversial but which have decent prospects for success. The Rotterdam Law is an example of a controversial program that could succeed. It is not as Ouwehand and Doff contend simply a product of anti-immigrant and anti-muslim bias. Instead the law resembles in many ways highly controversial affirmative action housing programs in the US. European politicians considering using the Rotterdam model should anticipate controversy surround the effort. Fourth, gentrification may not be as much of a problem for inner-city low-income residents (including ethnic minorities) as scholars have asserted. This optimistic assertion is most true in cities like Amsterdam with progressive housing policies (e.g. where social housing constitutes a significant part of the housing market.) Moderate gentrification can achieve the best of both worlds, allowing middle-income families to find neighbourhoods matching their life style while at the same time achieving stable ethnic and income mixing at the neighbourhood level. Fifth, stigmatized social housing may be less of a problem than has been asserted by housing scholars. Wiesel and Eastthorpe s Australian case study shows that any feelings of stigma associated with public housing were far outweighed by economic security and better physical conditions offered by this type. Sixth, improving housing and neighbourhood quality in rural Arab villages in Israel raises issue of how to define the public interest? Should the public interest be defined by national

13 politicians and planners in governmental offices in which goals like environmental sustainability will be stressed and growth restrictions implemented? Or should the public interest simply be a product of the clash of diverse groups (e.g. Arab communities fighting growth restrictions and opposing housing regulations). The best approach would be a combination of strengths of bottom up and top down planning; an approach which would actively involve Arab communities in the planning process. REFERENCES Arthurson, K. (2012) Social mix, reputation and stigma: Exploring residents perspectives of neighborhood effects. In van Ham, M., Manley, D., Bailey, N.L. Simpson and D. Maclennan, D. (eds.) Neighborhood Effects Research: New Perspectives. Dordrecht, Heidelberg London, and New York: Springer, pp Finder, A. (1988) Starrett City will stop using quotas to foster integration. New York Times. November 8, Goetz, E.G. (2003) Clearing the Way: Deconcentrating the Poor in Urban America. Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press. Lees, L., Slater, T. and Wyly, E. (2010) The Gentrification Reader. New York: Routledge. Meir, A. (2009) What public, whose interest? The Negev Bedouin and the roots of planning from below. Geography Research Forum 29. pp

14 Varady, D.P. (2005) Preface. In D.P. Varady (ed.) Desegregating the City: Ghettos, Enclaves, and Inequality. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, pp. vii-xx.. (2008) Muslim residential clustering and political radicalism. Housing Studies, 23(1): pp Williams, T. (2013). Quietly, Indians reshape cities and reservations. New York Times April 13.