Age at Migration and Family Dependency Among Older Mexican Immigrants: Recent Evidence From the Mexican American EPESE

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1 Copyright 1999 by The Cerontological Society of America The Cerontologist Vol. 39, No. 1, This study employs new data on Mexican-origin individuals aged 65 and older in the Southwestern United States to examine the impact of the age at which an individual immigrated to the United States on his or her sources of income and living arrangements. The data reveal that, in general, those who immigrated after the age of 50 are more dependent on their families than the native born or those who immigrated earlier in life. Although our findings must be interpreted cautiously because of small cell sizes, those who immigrated later in life are found to be less likely than the native born or those who immigrated earlier to have private pensions and income. They are also more likely to be living with their children and to be receiving money from them. We discuss the implications of recent restrictions on the eligibility of even legal immigrants for Supplemental Security Income on intergenerational relations and on the potential burden placed on the older immigrant's family, many of which may be seriously strained in hard economic times. Key Words: Immigration, Supplemental Security Income, Living arrangements and Family Dependency Among Mexican Immigrants: Recent Evidence From the Mexican American EPESE Ronald J. Angel, 1 Jacqueline L. Angel, 2 Geum-Yong Lee, 3 and Kyriakos S. Markides 4 Although the United States is a nation of immigrants, the public and their representatives are more concerned today with the potential welfare burden that new immigrants might represent than with their potential contribution to our society (Fix & Passel, 1994; Treas, 1997). These sentiments have resulted in legislation that seriously restricts the eligibility of even legal immigrants for social welfare and that requires their sponsors to guarantee support for five years (Friedland & Pankaj, 1997). These changes in social welfare eligibility have important implications for family reunification and for immigrants who come to this country in mature adulthood. Younger immigrants come to find work (Fix & Passel, 1994). immigrants, for the most part, come to join their children and grandchildren. Many simply do not have the resources nor the opportunity to accumulate enough once they arrive to support themselves in old age. As a consequence, older immigrants may remain permanently dependent on their families. Although older immigrants still represent a small fraction of the total immigrant stream, recent changes in immigration policy have resulted in an increase in the This research was supported in part by a National Institute on Aging Grant, Ro1 AG An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of The Gerontological Society of America, November Address correspondence to Ronald Angel, Department of Sociology, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX rangel@ jeeves.la.utexas.edu 2 LBJ School of Public Affairs, The University of Texas at Austin. 'Department of Family Welfare, Sangmyung University, Seoul, Korea. department of Preventive Medicine and Community Health, UTMB Galveston, Galveston, TX. number of older individuals who are admitted as permanent residents each year (Treas, 1997). The new and harsher social welfare philosophy that denies many vulnerable individuals, including elderly immigrants, access to public programs has serious implications for intergenerational relations and the welfare of both the old and the young. Although there is no way of knowing what the long-term effects of the restrictions on public support will be, our nation's experience with economic dependency suggests that the need that one level of government ceases to provide for must be provided for by another level of government, or by other institutions. In the current anti-immigrant and antiwelfare climate, families who, out of genuine affection and a sense of duty to their elders, wish to bring aging parents to live with them, may be forced to choose between those parents and other needs. Our national commitment to family values requires that we begin to understand the impact of social policies on immigrant families. Immigrants and the Welfare Burden Today's immigrants are very different ethnically than they were in the past. During the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries immigrants to the United States came primarily from Europe (Bean, Cushing, Haynes, & Van Hook, 1997; Fuchs & Forbes, 1985) and despite the differences between the new immigrants and longer-term residents, the incorporation of European Americans followed similar patterns (Alba, 1990; Lieberson & Waters, 1990). Since the Vol. 39, No. 1,

2 1960s the composition of the immigrant population has changed dramatically. Today those who arrive on our shores are primarily from Latin America and Asia and, because of limitations on the number of legal immigrants allowed in, a significant number are illegal (Fix & Passel, 1994; Massey, Alarcon, Durand, & Gonzalez, 1987; Portes & Bach, 1985). Although the actual welfare burden that these new immigrants represent is a matter of debate, several studies based on U.S. Census data show that, except for refugees who are legally eligible for public assistance upon arrival, immigrants of working age are less likely than natives of similar socioeconomic backgrounds to receive public assistance (Bean, Van Hook, & Glick, 1997; Fix & Passel, 1994; Tienda & Jensen, 1986; Trejo, 1992). There is a great deal of difference in the propensity of immigrants to use public support, however, depending upon their nation of origin and age. Mexican, Central American, and Asian immigrants draw upon public assistance at far higher rates than European immigrant groups, and regardless of their nation of origin, older immigrants draw upon Supplemental Security Income (SSI) at higher rates than native-born individuals (Van Hook, 1996). The welfare picture for immigrants is, therefore, complex and it is clear that compositional differences among groups, as well as their individual migration experiences, influence their use of various forms of welfare. For the most part, the higher rates of welfare use by Asian and Mexican/Central American immigrants are accounted for by their less favorable socioeconomic profiles (Bean, Van Hook, & Glick, 1997; Tienda & Jensen, 1986). In this article we examine the income sources and living arrangements of older Mexicanorigin immigrants. We are particularly interested in the impact of the age at which an individual comes to the United States on his or her access to income from private pensions,, and SSI. Previous work makes it clear that the most significant factor that differentiates the economically secure from the insecure in retirement is a private pension (Angel & Angel, 1997). If older Mexican immigrants are less likely than natives or earlier migrants to have a pension, and if they do not receive or SSI, then they have nowhere to turn but to family members. This potential burden may play a role in a family's reunification decision. Even if an older individual provides useful domestic services, the financial burden he or she can potentially represent may make reunification impossible. The Consequences of Later Life Migration Our examination of the consequences of one's age at migration is informed by a life-course perspective from which the motivations for, as well as the consequences of, migration differ for different age groups. Children, of course, migrate because they accompany their parents. Young adults, for the most part, migrate to find jobs and a better place to raise their families. International migrants have historically been young people and families seeking new opportunities. people tend not to move, and sending areas often become old as the young migrate and leave their parents and grandparents behind. At a certain point in life, giving up one's familiar environment is too great a cost to pay for uncertain gains in a totally new environment. Those older individuals who do migrate usually do so to rejoin their families (Portes & Rumbaut, 1990; Wilmoth, Dejong, & Himes, 1997). Elderly migrants, therefore, are selected both on the basis of their willingness to move and by the availability of sponsors in the receiving area. International migrants are overwhelmingly young because the young are more adaptable than the old and find it easier to learn a new language and culture. Those individuals who migrate in childhood are often indistinguishable in adulthood from the native born. Because of their psychological and intellectual adaptability, the young are better able to assimilate into the new culture, to learn the workings of its institutions, and to become occupationally and economically successful. As a consequence, they have a good chance of becoming financially independent by the time of retirement. Unfortunately, as anyone who has attempted to learn a second language in adulthood can testify, the ease with which a language can be learned is lost fairly quickly, and the older one becomes the more difficulty he or she encounters in adapting to an entirely new set of cultural rules and institutions. Of necessity, therefore, the assimilation experience is far less complete, both culturally and structurally, for those who migrate later in life than for those who migrate in childhood or young adulthood (Angel & Angel, 1992; Evans, 1987; Findley, 1988; Kasl & Berkman, 1983; Rogler, Gurak, & Cooney, 1987). In addition, those who come with few resources and begin accumulating assets in mature adulthood simply do not have the time necessary to amass a large reserve. Today, family reunification and migration by entire families means that a significant number of individuals come to the United States later in life (Angel & Angel, 1992; Treas, 1997). For the immigrant, the family is a haven both of choice and of necessity. Immigrants of all ages are more likely than the native born to live with family members and to rely on them for assistance (Angel & Angel, 1992; Biafora & Longino, 1990; Weeks & Cuellar, 1981, 1983). For the older immigrant, the family is often the only source of instrumental and emotional assistance (Angel & Angel, 1992). Clearly older individuals can provide valuable domestic services that allow other family members to enter the labor force, thereby enhancing the overall economic welfare of a household (Angel & Tienda, 1982). Nonetheless, because their own income remains low, the option of living alone often does not exist, and the needs of the older individual for economic support often mean that they remain dependent on the family. In what follows, we examine the consequences of the age at which older Mexican Americans came to the United States on their living arrangements and their sources of income. One's living arrangements and income sources are closely linked because the adequacy of one's income determines whether one can live alone 60 The Gerontologist

3 if one chooses. Previous research also shows that the sources of one's retirement income greatly determine the adequacy of one's retirement income. The largest fraction of the incomes of those retirees who are well off financially is from private pensions. Those older individuals who must rely on alone or on Supplemental Security Income (SSI) are far worse off (Angel & Angel, 1997). The data on which the following analyses are based are from a new benchmark survey of older Mexican Americans in five southwestern states. The topic is particularly timely because of recent changes in immigration and welfare policy that may affect the elderly immigrant. immigrants who are sponsored by their children are forced into dependency on them by the fact that voluntary immigrants do not qualify for SSI for a period of five years and by the fact that the income and asset eligibility criteria for SSI are quite stringent. In determining eligibility for SSI the sponsor's income and assets are taken into account. An older immigrant may well, therefore, find himself or herself permanently dependent on family because neither employment nor public support are realistic options. Data The study employs data from the Hispanic Established Population for Epidemiologic Studies of the Elderly (HEPESE), a large, multistage probability sample of Mexican Americans aged 65 and older who reside in the southwestern states of Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas (Markides, Rudkin, Angel, & Espino, 1997). The present analysis is based on the first wave of the study, which consists of a survey of 3,050 individuals. All respondents were interviewed in their homes for approximately two hours by trained interviewers who assessed their functional capacity and collected information on nativity, age at migration, acculturation, demographics, household structure, and socioeconomic resources. For those individuals who were too cognitively or physically impaired to participate in the study, information on objective questions was obtained from a proxy familiar with the older person. Ten percent of the completed interviews were either entirely or partially carried out with a proxy's assistance. Results The logic of the analysis is as follows. We begin with detailed descriptions of the socioeconomic profile, including detailed income sources, of older individuals who immigrated at different ages and compare them to the native born. We present these data separately for men and women because income sources for the two genders differ significantly in this sample. We then examine the living arrangements of married and single older men and women who immigrated at different ages and compare those with the living arrangements of the native born. Finally we present logistic regressions predicting the three major sources of income among the elderly, private pensions, Social Security, and Supplemental Security Income (SSI), to determine the net impact of age at migration on these various sources of income. Table 1 presents information on the socioeconomic profile of Mexican-origin men 65 and older by the age at which they immigrated to the United States. The last column presents information for the native born. Table 2 presents similar information for Mexican-origin women aged 65 and older. Because of the complex sampling design of the survey, we employ the program package SUDAAN (Research Triangle Institute, 1995) to adjust for design effects in computing descriptive statistics, parameter estimates, and tests of significance in all of the following analyses. Tables 1 and 2 show that those older individuals who immigrated when they were 50 years of age or older have different income profiles than those who came when they were younger. For both men and women, those who came in mature adulthood are more likely than either natives or those who immigrated at younger ages to report the lowest household incomes. Those who came when they were older are also less likely than natives or those who came when they were younger to receive. The findings with regard to private pensions are striking. Although those who migrated later in life are less likely to report having a private pension than either the native born or those who came earlier in life, in none of the age at migration groups does a substantial fraction of individuals receive income from a private pension. Only 36% of native-born men report a private pension and only 6.9% of those who immigrated after Table 1. Income Sources by and Nativity, Mexican-Origin Men Household income $0-4,999 $5,000-9,999 $10,000-14,999 $15,000 or more Total percent Percent receiving $50 or more from Private pension Supplemental Security Income Children Railroad or military pension General assistance Stocks, bonds, rent " 88.1 b 14.3 ab b a (153) ab 94.0 b 13.3" a b (275) a 6.9 a a a (109) b 35.9 b b b (714) Note: Total percents may not add to 100 due to rounding error. "Significantly different from the native born, p <.05. Significantly different from those older, p <.05. Vol. 39, No. 1,

4 Table 2. Income Sources by and Nativity, Mexican-Origin Women Household income $0-4,999 $5,000-9,999 $10,000-14,999 $15,000 or more Total percent Percent receiving $50 or more from Private pension Supplemental Security Income Children Railroad or military General assistance Stocks, bonds, rent ' 83.0 b b 3.5*' b 1.2' * (194) ' 84.2 b 9.6'- b b (358) ' 3.2* ' ' (165) b 89.5 b 13.0 b b b (990) Note: Total percents may not add to 100 due to rounding error. 'Significantly different from the native born, p <.05. Significantly different from those older, p <.05. age 50 report income from this source. Because income from a private pension is such an important determinant of an adequate income in old age, the lack of pension income has significant negative implications for the Mexican origin elderly generally (Angel & Angel, 1997). Finally, Table 1 reveals that for native-born men and those who immigrated before age 20, the military is a significant source of retirement income. In our data this category includes those who receive Railroad Retirement income, but it consists overwhelmingly of military retirees. Supplemental Security Income (SSI) is the meanstested support program for unemployed older individuals who have not contributed enough to the system to qualify for regular earnings-based benefits. It is a particularly important source of income for older individuals with no private retirement income and few assets. Although there is some tendency for foreignborn men to receive SSI at higher rates than the native born, these differences are not statistically significant. Table 2 shows that women rely on SSI much more heavily than men, but those who arrived later in life are less likely than those who arrived at the earliest age to receive SSI. Under the new guidelines, recent immigrants are barred from receiving SSI for a period of five years. During this time they are entirely dependent on their sponsors for support. Table 2 also reveals that a larger fraction of those women who immigrated at age older receive money from children than those who came before age 20. In general, then, these data indicate that women who immigrated at 50 years of age or older are more dependent on their families for support Table 3. Percentage of Mexican-Origin Men in Various Living Arrangements by, Nativity, and Marital Status Married men Couple alone Single men Alone 1.4" 38.0 b 60.6 b (103) (50) 2.2 b 47.8" 50.1 b (219) b 50.8 (59) 21.2' 47.3' 31.6' (79) (30) 'Significantly different from the native born, p <.05. Significantly different from those older, p < b 37.0 b 61.7 b (535) (179) than are the native born or those who came earlier in life. In order to examine another aspect of older immigrants' dependency on family, in Tables 3 and 4 we present information on the living arrangements of older married and single Mexican-origin men and women, again by the age at which they immigrated to the United States. These tables illustrate the greater dependence of those who immigrated in mature adulthood on others. Among married men and women, those who came to the United States when they were older are far less likely than the native born or those who immigrated at earlier ages to be the head of the household^ in which they reside. Among single women (Table 4, second panel), those who came later in life are far more likely than the native born or those who arrived earlier to live with someone else, but not as the head of household, and they are the least likely to live alone. These data, therefore, suggest that women who come later in life are heavily dependent on their Table 4. Percentage of Mexican-Origin Women in Various Living Arrangements by, Nativity, and Marital Status Married women Couple alone Single women Alone 8.2 b b (55) b (139) 4.6 b 41.7' 53.6 (166) 26.0* 20.9' b 53.0" (192) 36.8* 23.7' 39.5' (49) 65.2' 15.6' 19.2' (116) 'Significantly different from the native born, p <.05. Significantly different from those older, p < b 32.8 b 64.3 b (443) 17.5 b 34.1 b 48.4 b (547) 62 The Gerontologist

5 families for support. Clearly, at this level of disaggregation cell sizes become rather small so, although our findings are suggestive, they are only tentative. Again these data demonstrate that those individuals who immigrated earlier in life are more similar to the native born than they are to later-life migrants. In Table 5 we present logistic regression models predicting the three major income sources among the elderly for single and married individuals. These models control for several factors that influence the probability of receiving income from each source, including current age, gender, education, age at migration, problems with instrumental activities of daily living, one's living arrangements, one's own and one's spouse's employment status, and the number of children one has. The reference categories for categorical variables are listed in parentheses under the variable label. These models also control for language of interview. Nearly 77% of unmarried and 80% of married individuals responded to the survey in Spanish. A control for proxy response was not significant so it was dropped from the models. Our focus in this table is on the net impact of one's age when one immigrated on the probability of receiving income from the three main sources available to elders. These models reveal clear net disadvantages among later-life migrants in the receipt of income from the most common formal sources. Among single individuals, those who immigrated at age older are significantly less likely to receive SSI,, or private pensions. The odds ratios associated with these coefficients reveal that those who came later in life are only 46% as likely as the native born to receive SSI (e- 77 ), 25% as likely to receive Social Security (e~ 1-40 ), and 14% as likely to receive income from a private pension (e~ 1 "). Among married individuals, those who immigrated at age older are less likely to receive (21% as likely as the native born). When Spanish interview is not included, married indviduals are also far less likely to receive income from a private pension. When Spanish interview is included, the coefficient for private pension becomes insignificant. For both single and married individuals, though, the use of Spanish is associated with a greatly reduced likelihood of having a private pension. Because those who immigrated at later ages are most likely to have taken the interview in Spanish (73% for single individuals and over 97% for married individuals) and to be less fluent in English, this variable further underscores the private pension disadvantage of later-life migrants. Discussion These data provide some intriguing evidence that later-life immigrants are particularly dependent on their families. Because they arrive with few resources, and have few opportunities and little time to save for retirement, that dependency may in many cases be permanent. Given the recent tightening of eligibility criteria for SSI and other social programs, this dependency has important implications for families' decisions as to whether to bring an older relative to the United States. For such families the desire to bring their parents or other relatives to be with them is a natural outgrowth of love and a sense of obligation. For social policy, Table 5. Logistic Models of Income Sources Among Elderly Mexican-Origin Individuals Single Persons Married Couples SSI b Private Pension SSI b Private Pension Independent variable 3 Age Female Less than high school education At least 1 IADL C Age at immigration (native born) years years older Live with others (live alone or as couple only) Respondent employed (not employed full- or part-time) Spouse employed (not employed full- or part-time) Number of children Spanish interview Nsize N receiving.01.60**.61* ** n/a (1,325) (491) * ** 1.17** n/a (1,320) (1136) ** -.78** ** ** n/a ** (1,315) (164) ** ** **.51 (1,619) (357) * ** **.76** -1.44** (1,616) (1,462) ** -.82** ** **.52* -.07* -1.12** (1,607) (291) *p<.05; **p<.01. a Reference categories presented in parentheses. b Supplemental Security Income. c At least one problem with performing instrumental activities of daily living (IADL; i.e., driving, shopping, housework, preparing meals, taking medicines, using the phone, and managing money). Vol. 39, No. 1,

6 the relevant questions we must address have to do with the consequences of changes in the way social welfare is provided for both the older individual and his or her family. The recent changes in immigration law and tighter restrictions on SSI for even legal immigrants run the risk of making the situation of many older Mexican immigrants and their families more difficult than it already is. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) excluded even legal immigrants from receiving SSI or food stamps unless they fall into certain exemption categories (Dunkelberg, 1997). The Balanced Budget Act of 1997 relaxed some of these restrictions and allowed those legal immigrants who were receiving SSI prior to August 22, 1996, or those who were legal immigrants prior to that date and who subsequently become disabled, to continue receiving or to qualify for benefits. These individuals, however, cannot receive SSI based solely on economic need and old age as can native-born U.S. citizens. Immigrants who arrived after August 22, 1996, are treated very differently, though, and are excluded from participation in all federal means-tested benefit programs for a period of five years (Dunkelberg, 1997). In this new immigration environment those who sponsor an older immigrant assume a large and potentially burdensome responsibility. For at least five years family members who wish to bring their aging parents to live closer to them must provide housing and all of the older person's other needs, even in the case of serious disability. During periods of low unemployment and relative economic prosperity, many families with dependent elderly members find it possible to bear the burden of a dependent older parent. However, as times become more difficult such families may be placed under greater strain because they must provide for both children and for the dependent elders. Among groups that are struggling to survive and to move into the economic mainstream, such a burden may prove excessive and hinder the social mobility of all concerned. Our immigration policy has been based on a desire to help reunify families. It reflects a belief that immigrants have the same rights as those who came earlier to bring parents, as well as children, to this nation. Such policies clearly reflect basic values and imply a certain commitment of material resources to make that outcome possible. Current antiwelfare and anti-immigrant public sentiments, however, make the objective of family reunification more difficult. Families that choose to bring aging parents to this country, and especially those families wno are themselves new arrivals and who bring aging parents with them, assume a rather large responsibility with no assurance against serious economic reversals. If the older individual becomes seriously disabled the potential drain on family resources could be devastating. We have yet to see if private charity will prove adequate in assisting these families. Our current welfare policy concerning immigrants is based on a philosophy that we have not seen for several decades and one that has serious implications for the welfare of the elderly population, as does the dismantling of traditional welfare for children. This harsher public policy philosophy in which many vulnerable individuals are denied welfare is new and its full implications will be known only after several years of experience. Although there is no way of knowing for sure at this point, our previous experiences with economic dependency suggests that the need that one level of government ceases to provide for must be provided for by another. It is doubtful that, at this point in our history, we as a nation are willing to accept the serious deprivation that the lack of an adequate system of social welfare brought in previous eras. If we are still committed to family values and to the reunification of older parents with their children, some new means of ensuring their welfare without overburdening vulnerable families will have to be found. References Alba, R. D. (1990). Ethnic identity: The transformation of White America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Angel, J. L, & Angel. R. J. (1992). Age at migration, social connections, and well-being among elderly Hispanics. Journal of Aging and Health, 4, Angel, R. J., & Angel, J. L. (1997). Who will care for us? Aging and longterm care in multicultural America. 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Health status of Hispanic elderly. In L. C. Martin & B. J. Soldo (Eds.), Racial and ethnic differences in the health of older Americans (pp ). Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Massey, D. S., Alarcon, R., Durand, J., & Gonzalez, H. (1987). Return to Aztlan: The social process of international migration from western Mexico. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Portes, A., & Bach, R. L. (1985). Latin journey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the United States. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (1990). Immigrant America: A portrait. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Rogler, L. H., Gurak, D. T., & Cooney, R. S. (1987). The migration experience and mental health: Formulations relevant to Hispanics and other immigrants. In M. Gaviria & J.D. Arana (Eds.), Health and behavior: Research agenda for Hispanics. Simon Bolivar Research Monograph, No. 1. Chicago: University of Illinois. Research Triangle Institute. (1995). 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7 Tienda, M., & Jensen, L. (1986). Immigration and public assistance participation: Dispelling the myth of dependency. Social Science Research, 15, Treas, J. (1997). immigrants and U.S. welfare reform. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 17, Trejo, S. J. (1992). Immigrant welfare recipiency: Recent trends and future implications. Contemporary Political Issues, 10, Van Hook, J. L. (1996). The determinants of Supplemental Security Income recipiency among immigrants. Unpublished Dissertation. Austin, TX: The University of Texas at Austin. Weeks, J. R., & Cuellar, J. B. (1981). The role of family members in the helping networks of older people. The Cerontologist, 21, Weeks, J. R., & Cuellar, J. B. (1983). Isolation of older.persons: The influence of immigration and length of residence. Research on Aging, 5, Wilmoth, J. M., Dejong, G. F., & Himes, C. L. (1997). Immigrant and non-immigrant living arangements among America's White, Hispanic, and Asian elderly population. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 17, Received January 7, 1998 Accepted October 23, 1998 Now Available! Life in the Middle PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE AGE Edited by Sherry L. Willis and James D. Reid KEY FEATURES: Contributors are outstanding scholars in the field of adult development Addresses critical theoretical issues in midlife Includes important contributions to our understanding of physical health at midlife Presents a thorough review of women's health at midlife 4-Takes a holistic approach to biopsychosocial functioning at midlife 1999, 304 pp., $59.95/ISBN: Handbook of the Aging Brain Edited by Eugenia Wang and D. Stephen Snyder This book contains easy-to-read summaries of research findings on brain disorders of the aged, such as Alzheimer's and Parkinson's Disease. Other subjects include studies on the effects of aging on learning and memory, language, and cognition. Scientists, clinicians and non-neuroscientists will find this handbook a valuable tool with a broad range of appeal. 1998, 263 pp., $79.95/ISBN: Coming Soon: Social Cognition and Aging Thomas M. Hess and Fredda Blanchard-Fields June 1999, c. 368 pp., $85.00 (tentative)/isbn: Order from your local bookseller or directly from: Academic Press Order Fulfillment Dept. DM Sea Harbor Drive Orlando, FL Call Toll Free: (800) Fax Toll Free: (800) ap@acad.com Find us on the web! Secure ordering online! Prices are subject to change without notice by Academic Press. All Rights Reserved. BB/VA/SBE /99 Vol. 39, No. 1,