Competitiveness: A Blessing or a Curse for Gender Equality? Yana van der Muelen Rodgers

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Competitiveness: A Blessing or a Curse for Gender Equality? Yana van der Muelen Rodgers Selected Paper prepared for presentation at the International Agricultural Trade Research Consortium s (IATRC s) 2015 Annual Meeting: Trade and Societal Well-Being, December 13-15, 2015, Clearwater Beach, FL. Copyright 2015 by Yana van der Meulen Rodgers. All rights reserved. Readers may make verbatim copies of this document for non-commercial purposes by any means, provided that this copyright notice appears on all such copies.

Competitiveness: A Blessing or a Curse for Gender Equality? Yana van der Meulen Rodgers Rutgers University International Agricultural Trade Research Consortium Theme Day Program December 13, 2015

Organization of Presentation Introductory Remarks Theoretical Model Data Description and Methodology Gender Equality and Competitiveness: Evidence India Taiwan & South Korea Take-Home Points and Gender-Aware Policies

Introductory Remarks Greater openness to international trade has brought mixed blessings to women in developing and industrialized countries Developing countries: have seen a feminization of foreign exchange earnings through female-labor intensity of export production Trade has brought employment gains for women, but: Often low wage jobs with unfavorable working conditions in LDCs due to intense price competition Few opportunities to move up the ladder to higher-wage, skilled jobs or to supervisory positions Firms turning more to flexible and informal work arrangements Tendency to sub-contract to smaller-scale, home-based operations

Introductory Remarks Some transition and industrialized economies have seen job losses for women and growing gender wage gaps as a result of trade Shift to higher-tech and capital intensive production has led to substitution away from female labor Off-shoring of information, communications, and technology services to lower-wage economies also contributed to gender wage gaps and employment losses for women Yet gender inequality can also stimulate export-led growth Relatively low female wages contribute to lower labor costs Helps to raise investment and improve export performance Growth in foreign exchange earnings helps finance greater capital goods and intermediate inputs Contributes to productivity and economic growth

Introductory Remarks Numerous countries have adopted trade liberalization resulting in higher levels of competition Reductions in non-tariff barriers, fewer export restrictions, tariff cuts across industries Greater competition through trade liberalization may have affected wages of men and women differently Increased participation in global economy pressures firms to cut costs If discrimination is costly, increased competition reduces incentives for employers to discriminate Expect to see smaller pay differentials

Introductory Remarks Objective: present and test a theoretical model of competition and industry concentration that incorporates firms tastes for discrimination (Becker 1971) Variation in rates of liberalization across industries good opportunity for empirical estimation Identification strategy: effects from trade competition should be more pronounced in concentrated sectors employers can use rents to indulge taste for discrimination any reduction in wage gap in concentrated industries should be attributed to international trade, not domestic forces

Introductory Remarks Test theoretical model with data from India, Taiwan, and S. Korea Household and labor force survey data, merged with data on trade, output, and industry structure, at industry level Contribution to literature Few econometric studies on competition, trade, and gender wage gap, with conflicting results This research adds new evidence to these debates, grounded in a theoretical model of trade competition and wage inequality

Theoretical Model Neoclassical model of foreign competition, market power, and wage inequality (Borjas and Ramey 1995) used as a foundation Obtain expression for equilibrium wage for workers in concentrated sector Incorporate taste for discrimination (Becker 1971) to model distribution of equilibrium wages for men and women in concentrated sector Derive expression for gender wage differential Under certain conditions, international trade competition can cause male-female wage gap to widen Introduces non-neoclassical elements (lower bargaining power and lower-status jobs for women) into a neoclassical framework

Theoretical Model Set-up: domestic economy has 2 sectors Competitive and concentrated Assume no wage differential btw men and women in competitive sector Next step: model distribution of wages for male and female workers in concentrated sector Males and females substitutes in production, but each firm has a taste for discrimination against female workers Firms must be willing to pay in order to indulge this taste male workers paid a relatively higher wage (higher by 1+d, where d=discrimination coefficient; d 0) Firms hire less than the profit-maximizing number of females For d=0, males and females get equal share of rents; for d>0, males get larger share of rents

Theoretical Model Final step: define ψ, the gender wage differential in concentrated sector Function of d and volume of net trade (v) ψ/ v < 0, so as trade increases, gender wage gap narrows ψ/ d > 0, so gender wage gap widens with an increase in the taste for discrimination parameter Why might d rise? Following reasoning in Rosen (2003), firms with a lower d are less profitable and exit the market with competition from trade, while firms with a higher d remain in the market and protect male workers at expense of female workers with relatively high wage payments and more favorable employment decisions Net effect on gender gap is ambiguous and depends on the changes in v and d; if d is initially small, the net effect could be a widening in the wage gap

Data Description Used repeated cross-sections of individual-level surveys India: National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) Taiwan: Manpower Utilization Survey (MUS) S. Korea: Occupational Wage Survey (OWS) Sample: all regular wage employees of working age (15-60) with positive weekly cash wages Used to construct residual gender wage gaps by industry in each country Oaxaca-Blinder procedure: divides overall wage gap into portion explained by measured characteristics and a residual commonly (with caveats) attributed to discrimination

Data Description Combined data on wage gaps with industry-level data, matched by industry codes: Exports and imports: World Bank s Trade, Production, and Protection Database (India); ANU s International Economic Data Bank (Taiwan * S. Korea) Used to construct x/output, m/output, and (x+m)/output Output: Annual Survey of Industries (India); National Income Accounts (Taiwan); UNIDO (S. Korea) Domestic concentration: Annual Survey of Industries (India); Industrial Census (Taiwan & S. Korea) 1-# enterprises/output (India, Taiwan, S. Korea) Pareto function estimates and k-firm concentration ratios (Taiwan, S. Korea)

Methodology Empirical strategy: Test relationship between male-female residual wage gap by industry over time, and: Domestic concentration by industry Trade share by industry Post-liberalization dummy variable Interaction between concentration, trade share, and postliberalization dummy Focus on coefficient on the three-way interaction term as representing marginal effect of more international trade competition in concentrated industries after liberalization

Evidence for India Series of shocks in 1990-91 led to stand-by assistance from IMF in Aug. 1991 SSA policies included reduction in tariff levels across sectors, with subsequent waves of reform in 94, 97 Imports and exports responded with strong growth (next figure) Superimposed on figure: residual gender wage gaps In midst of trade liberalization, residual wage gap increased

Evidence for India Source: Menon and Rodgers (2009)

Evidence for India Industries classified according to index of domestic concentration Higher values correspond with greater concentration (fewer establishments) Most concentrated: petroleum refinery, industrial chemicals, iron and steel Least concentrated: wood products, furniture, tobacco, pottery Less concentrated industries opened more to trade after trade policy reforms Data on tariffs show drastic cuts post-1990 in across industries

Evidence for India: Average Trade Ratios and Tariff Rates by Levels of Domestic Concentration More Concentrated Industries Less Concentrated Industries

Evidence for India Test 6 specifications with OLS Variations by measurement of time (post-liberalization vs. time trend) and by measurement of trade share (x/output, m/output, and (x+m)/output) Greater trade openness over time in more concentrated industries associated with higher male-female residual wage gaps Result statistically significant across 4/6 models (all but specifications with m/output) Robust to estimations with fixed effects to control for time-invariant, industry-specific characteristics

Evidence for India Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Interaction 0.197** 0.054 0.222* 0.496* 0.214 0.730* Term (0.099) (0.106) (0.123) (0.260) (0.297) (0.399) Models 1 & 4: X/output Models 2 & 5: M/output Models 3 & 6: (X+M)/output Models 1-3: Time specified as trend term Models 3-6: Time specified as post-liberalization dummy

Evidence for Taiwan and S. Korea Both economies known for: High degree of outward orientation and export-oriented growth Trade growth accompanied by rapid structural transformation Active role of their governments in guiding development and using subsidies, tax privileges, and trade policies to promote exports Taiwan has relatively more competitive industrial structure with numerous SME s; S. Korea s industrial structure dominated by very large firms During period of analysis, Taiwan s trade openness increased while it stagnated and even declined somewhat in S. Korea

Evidence for Taiwan and S. Korea Most concentrated industries: chemical materials, petroleum, coal products, iron & steel, and electronic products Least concentrated industries: fabricated metal products, wood products, and furniture Regression results show that in both economies, greater trade openness associated with larger residual gender wage gaps For Taiwan, holds mostly for imports For S. Korea, holds mostly for exports

Evidence for Taiwan & S. Korea Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Taiwan Interaction with 11.07** 9.41** 49.85** 131.35** X/output (3.72) (3.68) (17.86) (43.59) Interaction with 8.64 11.77* 25.90 78.42 M/output (6.04) (5.91) (15.01) (55.95) S. Korea Interaction with -1.36 3.03 6.36 0.50 X/output (3.80) (4.18) (15.94) (2.78) Interaction with 7.05 15.09** 21.46* 6.30 M/output (6.34) (6.41) (10.45) (4.97) Models 1-4 vary with specification of Concentration: (1) C = Pareto-function estimates, dummy; (2) C = # enterprises/output, dummy; (3) C = Paretofunction estimates, continuous; and (4) C = # enterprises/output continuous.

Take-Home Points Summary: competition from international trade associated with increased wage discrepancies between men and women Identification strategy controls for domestic concentration and worker characteristics Results consistent with theoretical model under the condition of an increasing taste for discrimination Declining rents post-liberalization put pressure on firms to cut costs; women bore the brunt of these cuts

Take-Home Points Female workers relatively vulnerable in the global market place: have weak bargaining power, low workplace status less able to negotiate for higher pay employer practices favor male workers lack of enforcement of anti-discrimination labor standards Policy implications of this research and other studies on gender and trade competition center on gender-aware policies with links to trade-related outcomes

Gender-Aware Policies 1. Use positive trade incentives to improve working conditions in developing countries, similar to U.S. trade agreement with Cambodia 2. Direct spending on infrastructure: Reduces costs of doing business and care burden Physical infrastructure: Roads, transportation, green energy research Social infrastructure: Education, child care, health care, training for young and older adults, food and housing support These investments more than pay for themselves because they raise productivity, business investment, job growth, and tax revenues

Gender-Aware Policies 3. Mobilize resources for investment in human capital. Examples include: Promote skill development through better education and vocational training In developing countries: support small-scale farmers with extension services to improve productivity, and fund conditional cash transfer programs Requires a new approach to fiscal budgeting recognizing that returns from human capital investments are realized over the long-run 4. Enforcement of anti-discrimination legislation in pay and employment