China After the East Asian Crisis

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China After the East Asian Crisis Ross Garnaut Director and Professor of Economics Asia Pacific School of Economics and Management The Australian National University China After the East Asian Crisis When the China Economy and Business Program met last December to assess Chinese economic reform at the 20-year mark, there was strong focus on whether China s growth would be dragged down by the East Asian crisis (Garnaut and Song, 1999). Today, the focus has shifted to older problems of reform, to the consequences of deflation and some other challenging legacies of anti-crisis policies, and to complications for integration into the international economy arising out of tensions in Sino-American relations. In the months after the devaluation of the Thai baht in July, 1997, there was great pressure on currencies and economies throughout East Asia and speculation about which of them would succumb to financial crisis and recession. Crisis was transmitted from one economy to another at first through financial mechanisms rapid changes in expectations followed by outflows of capital and then through real economic interactions, especially the diminution of export opportunities within East Asia. The transmission of recessionary tendencies through contraction of trade amongst East Asian economies was powerful through late 1997 and throughout 1998. It was so powerful because expansion of intra-east Asian trade and investment had provided substantial reinforcement for rapid economic growth in the decade that ended with the financial crisis. Rapid economic growth and trade and investment liberalisation in each economy expanded imports and therefore the export opportunities of others. Continued rapid growth in the more advanced economies of the region forced contraction of technologically simple and labour-intensive industries and eased the way for latecomers to internationally-oriented growth. Expanding opportunities for exports, in turn, reinforced commitment to trade and investment liberalisation and economic growth momentum. A large part of Western Pacific export expansion during the long boom was to other Western China Update 1999 conference papers 1

Pacific markets, and by the mid-1990s, half of East Asian developing economies total exports were to East Asia. Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation and the 1994 commitment to free and open trade and investment reflected these beneficent processes, and strengthened commitment to the policies that underpinned them. This virtuous circle of economic growth, trade liberalisation, real exchange rate appreciation in higher-income economies and trade liberalisation went into reverse through the crisis. Or partial reverse there was no substantial retreat from open trade and investment. While interest in new unilateral initiatives in liberalisation diminished, reductions in protection that had been announced in APEC and WTO contexts were generally honoured, and there was further investment liberalisation within some IMF programs, notably in Korea. Nevertheless, recession and currency depreciation in many East Asian economies reduced intra-regional trade and transmitted powerful recessionary tendencies throughout the region, including to China. China adopted distinctive domestic policy responses to recessionary pressures from the East Asian crisis. It committed itself to holding the value of the renminbi steady against the strong and for a while strengthening United States dollar, and maintained growth through huge fiscal expansion. It was a bold strategy, the success of which depended on recovery through 1999 of East Asian currencies and economic activity, and therefore of the opportunities they provided China for expanded trade and investment. The bold strategy worked. The crisis phase of East Asia s problems is over, and China has been able to maintain the dollar value of the renminbi and moderately strong if diminished economic growth. The end of the East Asian crisis for China is demonstrated in three charts. Chart 1 describes the large appreciation of the real exchange rate of China and Hong Kong against their 10 largest trading partners in the early months of the crisis. This was the period when the renminbi s dollar peg was under greatest pressure. Chart 1 also shows that depreciation of the real effective exchange rate over the past year has more than reversed the appreciation in the first year of crisis. The renminbi depreciation has resulted from partial recovery of East Asian against international currencies, from the weakening of the United States dollar against the rest of the world, and from reductions in the China Update 1999 conference papers 2

Chinese price and cost levels absolutely and relative to East Asian trading partners. Just as the strong dollar in 1997 raised the value of the renminbi and the Hong Kong dollar against third currencies without any initiative in Beijing or Hong Kong, so the renminbi and Hong Kong dollar have fallen over the past year, to levels below those immediately preceding the crisis. The continued fall in the Chinese domestic price level is extending the real depreciation of the renminbi. Chart 2 describes the rapid expansion of East Asian imports from other East Asian economies in the first half of the 1990s (continuing the tendency of the 1980s), and then the collapse of intra-regional trade which transmitted crisis and recession across East Asia. East Asian imports from East Asia returned to growth in the last quarter of 1998, and the growth has gained momentum through 1999. China s strategy of hard currency and soft budgets made it a stabilising influence on East Asian trade through the crisis, helping to break and then to reverse the downward spiral in intra-regional trade. Chart 3 describes the recovery of financial markets since he third quarter of 1998. The United States dollar value of the Northeast Asian stock exchange indexes over the past year has recovered most of the ground lost in the first year of the crisis. This is restoring confidence capacity to fund investment in China. Southeast Asian financial markets have much further to go to recover pre-crisis values. China s exports to East Asia have returned to growth in the context of East Asian recovery, after an unusual period of sharp decline through to the second quarter of 1998 (Chart 4). The validation of the premise of China s economic strategy by East Asian recovery through 1999 does not mean that China s economic problems are over. The effects of East Asian recovery and currency re-alignments on China will be evident only after substantial lags. More importantly, the ending of the East Asian financial crisis of 1997 99 shifts the spotlight back to problems of long-term policy and institutional reform and structural change. China s growth is now well below average levels in the half dozen years to the eve of the crisis. This is partly because the growth of the preceding period was unsustainably high. China Update 1999 conference papers 3

There is weak private demand and falling prices in China in the aftermath of the East Asian crisis (Song, this update). The deflation makes its own contribution to weakening consumption and investment demand. In Western minds, the deflation resonates with the general depression that surrounded falling prices in the 1930s. One of the questions for the 1999 China Update is whether it should do so. A period of falling prices can be seen as part of the adjustment to the East Asian crisis that is necessary with an exchange rate fixed to the United States dollar. However, early completion of the relative price adjustment through devaluation rather than through continued deflation could be expected to strengthen domestic demand. With the passing of the crisis in East Asia, the international constraints on Chinese devaluation have eased. However, East Asian financial stabilisation and economic recovery mean that exchange rate adjustment is not now an urgent matter, forced by immediate pressures. With relative price adjustment being well advanced (Chart 1), there is a case for the next change in exchange rate policy being towards a floating rate rather than a discrete devaluation. While the weakness in domestic financial institutions would preclude free convertibility on the capital account at this stage, there is room for significant foreign exchange liberalisation in the context of institutional development that includes movement into a floating exchange rate. The most damaging legacy in China of the East Asian crisis has been the caution that it encouraged about reform, notably in relation to employment in state-owned enterprises. This raises different questions about the sustainability of strong growth (Wang, this Update). The prominence of employment in the determinants of progress in reform has placed a spotlight on social security as an element in economic reform (Meng, this Update). There has also been an unfortunate policy response to deflation, with attempts to control falling prices introducing new rigidities into the economy, and with large increases in regulated wages (effective in the public sector) in an attempt to stimulate consumption. The latter response seems likely to exacerbate unemployment. But the crisis has also left a positive legacy, of awareness that a weak financial system introduces large risks into the process of rapid economic growth, and that reform to China Update 1999 conference papers 4

strengthen the system against these risks is important and urgent (Huang, Hasenstab, Adamovich, this Update). The intensification of employment problems through the slower growth of the past two years has encouraged and led to acceleration of structural reform with obviously positive employment implications. The most important of these is the legitimation of the private sector in China, embodied in the constitutional amendment approved by the National People s Congress in early 1999 (Yao, this Update). Increased tension and reduced trust in China s external relations, especially in the pivotal relationship with the United States, is proving to be a significant constraint on China s return to the reform commitment and momentum of 1997 (Li, this Update). Structural change on the scale implied by China s deepening integration into the international economy requires China s full participation in a rules-based international trading system. (Yang, this Update). From this perspective, it is helpful that Australia and China have agreed the terms of China s entry into the WTO. It is a major problem that the United States administration failed to recognise the opportunity for agreement on favourable terms when Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji visited Washington last April. The Auckland meeting between the Presidents of China and the United States provided an opportunity to continue the search for agreement, but so far to no avail. The wider context of APEC leaders recommitting their economies to free and open trade and investment after the East Asian crisis can also help to build a more congenial environment for deeper integration of China into the international economy. The 1999 China Update thus comes at a pivotal time in Chinese reform and development. The strengths of the Chinese economy on the back of acceleration of reform through the first half of the 1990s allowed China to be one of a small number of Western Pacific economies (with Australia and Taiwan) to avoid recession during the East Asian crisis. But the passing of the crisis leaves a number of deep problems. Some, like the critical importance of state enterprise and financial sector reform are old problems with new urgency but greater political resistance to them. Some derive from the anti-crisis strategy itself, including the higher controlled wages, price controls and other sources of rigidity China Update 1999 conference papers 5

that have accompanied the contemporary deflation. Some have become more important independently of the financial crisis in East Asia, including those associated with the deterioration in Sino-American relations. This year s Update discusses the issues, and allows participants to form an overall assessment. Reference Garnaut, Ross and Ligang Song (1999), China: Twenty Years of Economic Growth, Asia Pacific Press Canberra. China Update 1999 conference papers 6

Chart 1: GREATER CHINA: REAL EXCHANGE RATE: 1997 99 (August) 115 1997Q1=100 110 105 100 95 90 97Q1 97Q2 97Q3 97Q4 98Q1 98Q2 98Q3 98Q4 99Q1 99Q2 99 Jul- Aug China Update 1999 conference papers 7

Chart 2: GROWTH IN EAST ASIAN TRADE (year-to-quarter, per cent) (Growth of imports of East Asia from other East Asian countries) 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Jun-91 Jun-92 Jun-93 Jun-94 Jun-95 Jun-96 Jun-97 Jun-98 Jun-99-5 -10-15 China Update 1999 conference papers 8

Chart 3: INDEX OF INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL STOCKMARKET VALUES: 30 June 1997 24 August 1999 Value of US$100 invested on the stock exchange on 30 September 1998 on Market 30-Jun-97 30-Sep-98 24-Aug-99 Northeast Asia Hong Kong 192 100 173 Seoul 385 100 348 Shanghai 100 100 133 Taipei 178 100 126 Tokyo 182 100 165 Southeast Asia Bangkok 357 100 180 Jakarta 1111 100 300 Kuala Lumpur 435 100 208 Manila 385 100 198 Singapore 250 100 226 Other Pacific Auckland 197 100 130 New York 98 100 144 Sydney 133 100 126 Toronto 127 100 130 China Update 1999 conference papers 9

Chart 4: GROWTH OF CHINA S EXPORTS TO EAST ASIA (year-to-quarter, per cent) 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Mar-93 Mar-94 Mar-95 Mar-96 Mar-97 Mar-98 Mar-99-5 -10-15 China Update 1999 conference papers 10