Fair Housing and Discrimination After Inclusive Communities

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ACREL Notes September 2017 Fair Housing and Discrimination After Inclusive Communities David L. Callies, Wm. S. Richardson School of Law, Honolulu, HI Derek B. Simon**, Carlsmith Ball, LLP, Honolulu, HI I. Introduction One of the most effective means for combating housing discrimination is statutory prohibitions for protected minority classes. The U.S. Federal Fair Housing Act ( FHA ) represents a model for such statutory prohibitions. The FHA prohibits such discrimination by either public (state and local government agencies) or private (landlords) actors on the basis of race, religion, national origin, sex, family status or disability. Following a U.S. Supreme Court decision in the 1970's, proof of intent to discriminate became necessary to bring an action under the U.S. Constitution's 14th Amendment Due Process and Equal Protection clauses. However, no such intent need be demonstrated to sue under the FHA. For decades, the federal circuit courts of appeals have sustained dozens of lawsuits claiming discrimination based simply on the disparate impact of government or private actions on one of the aforementioned protected classes. In 2015, the Supreme Court affirmed the used of disparate impact claims under the FHA in Inclusive Communities Project v. Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs ( Inclusive Communities ) notwithstanding that disparate impact or effect is not explicitly mentioned in the FHA. However, the Court hedged application of disparate impact claims with so many caveats and restrictions that many federal courts have now ruled against parties bringing disparate impact claims that may have otherwise prevailed prior to Inclusive Communities. This article addresses the Formatted: Small caps * Benjamin A. Kudo Professor of Law, William S. Richardson Law School, The University of Hawai i at Mānoa. J.D., University of Michigan; LL.M., University of Nottingham, Life Member, Clare Hall College, Cambridge University. This article is abbreviated and modified from a longer version published by in the JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW earlier this year. The author wishes to acknowledge and thank Brian Connaolly, Ed Voss and Don Elliot, co-panelists in several recent national programs on the Fair Housing Act and the Inclusive Communities Decision, which helped form the basis of this paper. ** An associate at Carlsmith Ball, LLP, Honolulu, Hawaii, where he practices land use, real estate, and administrative law, and a 2016 magna cume laude graduate of the University of Hawaii's William S Richardson School of Law. The author would like to thank his family for their unwavering support and Professor Callies for the opportunity to co-author this article.

historical problem of discrimination in housing and the use of the FHA as a remedy. There follows a summary of how federal courts have addressed disparate impact claims following Inclusive Communities. II. Fair Housing and Discrimination in Housing a. Discriminatory Intent In 1976, the Supreme Court decided Arlington Heights v. MHDC, holding that the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause provided relief in cases involving discrimination in housing if, but only if, the plaintiff alleging discrimination can demonstrate that the defendant local or state government intends to discriminate against the plaintiff. 1 Relying primarily on its decision in Washington v. Davis, 2 decided after the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals decision but before oral argument in Arlington Heights, the Court reiterated that official action would not be held unconstitutional solely because it resulted in a racially disproportionate impact. In as plain words as can be imagined, the Court held: "Proof or racially discriminatory intent or purpose is required to show a violation of the Equal Protection Clause." 3 Absent that showing, the high court said, the Seventh Circuit s finding of an "discriminatory 'ultimate effect' is without independent constitutional significance." 4 Indeed, the Court s decision in Arlington Heights laid the foundation for disparate impact claims under the FHA to become one of the most prevalent mechanisms for fighting modern-day housing discrimination. b. The FHA and Disparate Impact 1 429 U.S. 252, 265 (1977). 2 426 U.S. 229 (1976). 3 Vill. of Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 265. 4

In 1968, Congress enacted the FHA following the urban unrest of the mid-1960s and the chaotic aftermath of the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 5 The FHA s goal: to provide, within constitutional limitations, fair housing throughout the United States. 6 Congress ambitiously believed the FHA s proscription of discriminatory housing practices would remove the walls of discrimination which enclose minority groups 7 and replace ghettos with truly integrated and balanced living patterns. 8 The thrust of the FHA is found within its two primary substantive provisions. First, 42 U.S.C. 3604(a) makes it unlawful to refuse or sell or rent after the making of a bona fide offer, or refuse to negotiate for the sale or rental of, or otherwise make available or deny, a dwelling to any person because of race, color, religion, sex, familial status or natural origin. 9 Second, 42 U.S.C. 3606(b), makes it unlawful to discriminate against any persons in the terms, conditions, or privileges of sale or rental of a dwelling, or in the provision of services or facilities in the connection therewith. 10 Today, the FHA protects the following classes, and no others (in particular, there is no per se protection for economic status): a. Race; b. Color; c. Religion; 5 H.R. Rep. No. 711, 100 th Cong., 2d Sess. 15 (1988). 6 42 U.S.C. 3601 (1988). 7 114 Cong. Rec. 9563 (1968) (statement of Sen. Celler). 8 114 Cong. Rec. 3422 (1968) (statement of Sen. Mondale). 9 42 U.S.C. 3604(a). 10 3606(b) (1988).

d. Sex (but not sexual orientation); e. Family status. f. National origin; g. Handicapped status. c. Disparate Impact and Its Emergence Under the FHA Prior to Inclusive Communities, the Supreme Court had previously recognized, and upheld, disparate impact claims under a number of statutes, including Title VII of the Civil Rights Act ( Title VII ), 11 the Age Discrimination in Employment Act ( ADEA ), 12 and the American with Disabilities Act ( ADA ). 13 The origins of disparate impact claims can be traced to the Court s decision in Griggs v. Duke Power Co. 14 In Griggs, an employer implemented new policies requiring prospective employees (or current employees seeking to transfer departments) to have a high school education and to pass two professionally prepared aptitude tests to be eligible for employment. 15 While the new policies were facially neutral, the Court nevertheless found that they violated Title VII because of the long history of African Americans receiving inferior education 16 and because the employer failed to establish that either requirement had a demonstrable relationship to successful job performance. 17 11 See Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424 (1971). 12 See Smith v. City of Jackson, 544 U.S. 228, 234 (2005). 13 See Raytheon Co. v. Hernandez, 540 U.S. 44 (2003). 14 401 U.S. 424 (1971). 15 See id. at 427 (the new policies, however, did not apply to the company s labor department). 16 The Court cited its prior decision in Gaston County v. United States, 395 U.S. 285 (1969), where it struck a literacy test required for voter registration because of North Carolina s long history of providing inferior education in its segregated schools. 17 See Griggs, 401 U.S. at 431.

Griggs provided the analytical framework for the Eight Circuit Court of Appeals s 1974 decision in United States v. City of Black Jack, 18 which signaled the emergence of disparate impact claims under the FHA. In Black Jack, the Eighth Circuit considered whether a zoning ordinance that prohibited the construction of new multi-family dwellings violated the FHA. 19 The court reversed the district court s determination that the ordinance did not have a discriminatory effect, holding instead that the court failed to take into account either the ultimate effect or the historical context of the City s actions. 20 Having found that the plaintiffs established a prima facie case of disparate impact, 21 the court shifted the burden to the City to demonstrate that its conduct was necessary to promote a compelling governmental interest. 22 The court ultimately invalidated the ordinance, finding there was no factual basis to support the City s assertion that its proffered interests were furthered by the ordinance. 23 III. Inclusive Communities Project a. Background and Lowers Court Decisions In March 2008, Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. ( ICP ) filed suit against the Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs ( TDHCA ) alleging, inter alia, discrimination under the FHA. 24 ICP is a non-profit organization dedicated to achieving racial and socioeconomic integration in the Dallas metropolitan area. 25 TDHCA is the agency vested with 18 508 F.2d. 1179 (8 th Cir. 1974). 19 See id. at 1182. 20 21 See id. at 1186 (the court found that the plaintiff s prima facie case was satisfied upon showing that exclusion of multi-family dwelling would contribute to the perpetuation of segregation in [the city]. 22 See id. at 1182. 23 See id. at 1187. 24 Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. v. Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs, 860 F.Supp.2d 312, 313-314 (N.D. Tex. 2012)[hereinafter Inclusive Communities Project I]. 25 According to its website, ICP works for the creation and maintenance of thriving racially and economically inclusive communities, expansion of fair and affordable housing opportunities for low income families, and redress

the responsibility of administering the federal government s Low Income Housing Tax Credits ( LIHTC ) program in Texas. 26 Under the LIHTC program, the federal government provides tax credits to developers of low-income housing, which the developers can then sell to finance construction of the low-income projects. 27 ICP alleged that TDHCA had been improperly exercising its discretion in making decisions regarding the allocation of the tax credits 28 by allocating the credits in a manner that had a discriminatory effect on African-American residents. 29 Specifically, ICP contended that TDHCA was disproportionately approving tax credit units for developments in predominantly minority neighborhoods and disproportionately disapproving tax credit units for developments in predominantly Caucasian neighborhoods. 30 The consequence, according to ICP, was the continued concentration of affordable units in minority neighborhoods, a lack of such units in Caucasian neighborhoods; and, therefore, a perpetuation of the housing segregation that the FHA seeks to end. 31 In 2012, the district court found that ICP succeeded in proving a prima facie case of disparate impact under the FHA, although it failed on its claims of intentional discrimination. 32 On appeal, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeal s review was limited to a single issue: whether the district for policies and practices that perpetuate the harmful effects of discrimination and segregation. http://www.inclusivecommunities.net/ (last visited Feb. 19, 2015). 26 See Tex. Gov t Code 2306.053(b) (10) ( The department may... administer federal housing, community affairs, or community development programs, including the low income housing tax credit program. ) 27 See 26 U.S.C. 42(c) (2013) ( The number of credits TDHCA may award for a low-income housing project is determined by calculating the project s qualified basis, which is a fraction representing the percentage of the project occupied by low-income residents multiplied by eligible costs. ) 28 See Inclusive Communities Project I, 860 F. Supp. 2d at 317. 29 See id. at 322. 30 See Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. v. Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs, 747 F. 3d 275, 278 (5 th Cir. 2014)[hereinafter Inclusive Communities Project II] cert. granted in part, 135 S. Ct. 46, 189 (2014). 31 32 See Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. v. Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs, 860 F.Supp.2d 312, 319-20 (N.D. Tex. 2012)

court correctly found that ICP proved a claim of violation of the [FHA]... based on disparate impact. 33 Subsequent to the district court s decision, the Department of Housing and Urban development ( HUD ) issued regulations codifying disparate impact under the FHA. 34 Adopting HUD s burden-shifting approach, the Fifth Circuit reversed and remanded the case back to the district court for application of HUD s regulations given its demonstrated expertise with [the] facts. 35 However, on October 2, 2014, the Supreme Court granted THDCA s petition for writ of certiorari, which presented to the Court the question of whether disparate impact claims were cognizable under the FHA. 36 b. Supreme Court Decision: Disparate Impact Saved? Maybe On June 25, 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court handed down its decision in Inclusive Communities. 37 That the Court found disparate impact claims cognizable under the FHA is no particular surprise since eleven federal circuit courts of appeals had previously done so, and itself had similarly done so in cases brought under the ADEA, ADA, and VII. 38 What is particularly significant, however, is the likely lasting effect the Court s decision will have on the ability of plaintiffs to prevail on such claims. Under Inclusive Communities, substantiating a violation of the FHA through a disparate impact claim requires satisfying the following three-prong analysis: First, the plaintiff must show that a policy or practice has a disparate impact on a class of persons protected under the FHA: race, religion, national origin, family status, handicapped status; 33 See Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. v. Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs, 747 F. 3d 275, 278 (5 th Cir. 2014)[hereinafter Inclusive Communities Project II]. 34 35 Inclusive Communities Project II, 747 F.3d. at 282. 36 See Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs v. Inclusive Communities Project, Inc., 135 S. Ct. 46 (2014). 37 135 S. Ct. 2507 (2015). 38 See Section II.c supra.

Second, the defendant must be given an opportunity to rebut the charge of discrimination by demonstrating that the practice or policy is not for discriminatory purposes, but for a benign and neutral public goal or purpose or polity, such as protection of the health, safety and welfare of the community; Third, the plaintiff alleging discrimination may still succeed if the plaintiff can show there are other, less burdensome methods to accomplish the benign and neutral goals the defendant claims for the purposes of the challenged public policy. Justice Kennedy s opinion in Inclusive Communities concentrated primarily on the first prong, under which a plaintiff must set forth a prima facie violation of the FHA. First, there is no liability if the allegation of disparate impact is based solely on a showing of statistical disparity. 39 Second, that statistical disparity must also fail if plaintiffs cannot point to a policy of the offending government, rather than a single instance of an action having such a statistical disparate impact. 40 As the Court explained, racial imbalance alone does not without more establish a prima facie case of disparate impact and a fiscal disparity must fail if plaintiff cannot point a defendant s policy causing disparity. 41 The Court characterized this as a robust causality requirement. 42 In considering the second and third prongs, the Court said that it would be paradoxical to construe the FHA to impose onerous costs on actors who encourage revitalization of dilapidated housing merely because some other priority might seem preferable. 43 According to Justice Kennedy, disparate-impact liability has always been properly limited in key respects that avoid the serious constitutional questions that might arise under the FHA, for instance, if such liability were imposed based solely on a showing of a statistical disparity. 44 Further, [d]isparate-impact 39 Inclusive Communities, 135 S. Ct. at 2522. 40 at 2523 (citations omitted). 41 42 43 at 2512. 44

liability mandates the removal of artificial, arbitrary, and unnecessary barriers, not the displacement of valid governmental policies. 45 Accordingly, [t]he FHA is not an instrument to force housing authorities to reorder their priorities, [but rather,] aims to ensure that those priorities can be achieved without arbitrarily creating discriminatory effects on perpetuating segregation. 46 Similarly, [i]t may also be difficult to establish causation because of the multiple factors that go into investment decisions about where to construct or renovate housing units.... 47 Therefore, while the Court upheld the use of disparate impact claims under the FHA, it also unquestionably elevated a plaintiff s burden for substantiating such claims. IV. Disparate Impact after Inclusive Communities a. Inclusive Communities on Remand and Rehearing The district court s treatment of Inclusive Communities on remand from the Supreme Court best illustrates how lower courts are construing Inclusive Communities as elevating the burden for plaintiffs, particularly at the prima facie stage. The court reconsidered whether ICP had established a prima facie case, noting that it had previously granted ICP partial summary judgment without the benefit of the Supreme Court s opinion. 48 Relying upon Justice Kennedy s cautionary language, the court concluded that it had not previously give[n] the prima facie requirement the same emphasis the Supreme Court had given it. 49 The court noted that, while ICP had not relied solely on evidence of statistical evidence 45 at 2522. 46 47 at 2523-24. 48 Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. v. Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs, No. 3:08-CV-0546-D, 2015 WL 5916220, at *3 (N.D. Tex. Oct. 8, 2015). 49 at *3; see also id. (in its order granting partial summary judgment, the district court had previously stated that ICP s prima facie burden is not a heavy one, explaining that ICP need only provide evidence that raises an inference of discrimination because we presume these acts, if otherwise unexplained, are more likely than not based on the consideration of impermissible factors. (citation omitted).

alone, many of the other sources ICP cited also largely relied upon statistical evidence, and thus the court arguably had not analyze[d] ICP s evidence through the prism of the robust causality requirement envisioned by the Supreme Court. 50 The court further emphasized that TDHCA also did not have the benefit of the Supreme Court s decision. 51 Noting that TDHCA essentially d[id] not contest ICP s prima facie case, the court concluded that TDHCA should be permitted to challenge ICP s prima facie showing based on a clearer understanding of the requirements and consequences of ICP s establishing a prima facie case. 52 Consequently, the interests of justice and fundamental fairness require[d] not only that ICP s disparate impact claim be decided anew under the burden-shifting regimen adopted by HUD and the Fifth Circuit, but that the court start with whether ICP has established a prima facie case. 53 Upon rebriefing and a fresh round of oral arguments, the district court held that ICP had failed to establish a prima facie violation of the FHA and dismissed the entirety of ICP s disparate impact claim. 54 The court s decision was not based on a single deficiency in ICP s claims, but rather, ICP s wholesale failure to satisfy the newly-informed disparate impact standard. First, ICP failed to point to a specific, facially neutral policy that purportedly caused a racially disparate impact. 55 Specifically, [b]y relying simply on TDHCA s exercise of discretion in awarding tax credits, ICP has not isolated and identified the specific practice that caused the 50 51 at 4* 52 53 54 Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. v. Texas Dep t of Hous. & Cmty. Affairs, No. 3:08-CV-0546-D, 2016 WL 4494322, at *1 (N.D. Tex. Aug. 26, 2016). 55 at *6.

disparity in the location of low-income housing. 56 Instead, ICP relied upon the cumulative effects of TDHCA s decision making process over a multi-year period, an argument that has been rejected as insufficient to underlie disparate impact claims in other contexts. 57 ICP s failure to identify a specific, facially neutral policy also became apparent when considering what potential remedy would be available in the event that ICP were to prevail. According to the court, Justice Kennedy s opinion requires that [r]emedial orders in disparate-impact cases... concentrate on the elimination of the offending practice, and courts should strive to design raceneutral remedies, and that lower courts should be careful not to impose racial targets or quotas, because doing so might raise difficult constitutional questions. 58 In other words, [t]o remedy disparate impact, the court must craft a race-neutral remedy that removes the offending practice. 59 Yet, [a]lthough ICP complains of TDHCA s exercise of discretion in housing decisions, it does not ask the court to prohibit TDHCA from using its discretion; rather, it asks the court to require that TDHCA exercise its discretion in a specific way: to desegregate housing. 60 Such a remedy, therefore, would not be race-neutral. Second, the court found that ICP s claim must be dismissed because, regardless of the label ICP places on its claim, it [wa]s actually complaining about disparate treatment, not disparate impact. 61 As the court explained, [w]here the plaintiff establishes that a subjective policy, such as the use of discretion, has been used to achieve a racial disparity, the plaintiff has shown 56 57 See id. (citing Anderson v. Douglas & Lomason Co., 26 F. 3d 1277, 1283-85 (5th Cir. 1994) (an employment discrimination case where the plaintiff unsuccessfully asserted that the cumulative effects of the defendant s employment practices caused a racial disparity in promotions). 58 (citing Inclusive Communities, 135 S. Ct. at 2512). 59 at *7 60 61 (emphasis added).

disparate treatment. 62 Therefore, because ICP was not complaining of the existence of TDHCA s discretion, but rather, how TDHCA was exercising such discretion, its claims was actually one of disparate treatment. 63 Third, the court found that even if TDHCA s use of its discretion is a specific, facially neutral policy, ICP nevertheless failed to establish a causal relationship between the exercise of that discretion caused racial disparity complained of. 64 Noting that Justice Kennedy cautioned that [i]t may be difficult [for ICP] to establish causation because of the multiple factors that go into investment decisions about whether to construct or renovate housing units[,] the court concluded that ICP has not proved that TDHCA s exercise of discretion and not other factors caused the statistical disparity. 65 Finally, further buttressing its conclusion, the court found that, even if ICP was able to establish that a specific, facially neutral policy caused the disparity it complained of, ICP failed to prove a statistically significant disparity warranting the imposition of FHA liability. 66 Simply put, the court concluded that the evidence ICP submitted failed to prove that the statistical disparity would have been lessened if TDHCA did not exercise the discretion that ICP s claim targeted. b. Other Cases Focusing on ICP s Cautionary Language The decisions of a significant number of courts that have confronted FHA disparate impact claims subsequent to the Supreme Court s decision in Inclusive Communities similarly demonstrate that plaintiffs now must carry undeniably heightened burdens simply to proceed past 62 (citing Johnson v. Metro. Gov t of Nashville & Davidson Cnty., 2008 WL 3163531, at *4-6 (M.D. Tenn. Aug. 4, 2008). 63 64 at *8 65 at *9 (alterations in original). 66 See id. at *10.

the prima facie stage. Generally, plaintiffs claims in these cases fail for one or more of the following reasons: (1) failure to satisfy the robust causality requirement; (2) inadequate evidence to demonstrate a statistical disparity; and (3) failure to identify a specific, facially neutral policy. Perhaps the most frequent identified deficiency is the failure to satisfy Justice Kennedy s robust causality requirement. For example, in Azam v. City of Columbia Heights, 67 the plaintiff alleged that the city s enforcement of its health and safety codes with respect to his rental properties ha[d] the effect of making affordable rental dwellings unavailable... [resulting in] a disparate impact [on] persons intended to be protected by the [FHA]. 68 In granting the defendant s motion for summary judgment, the court found that the plaintiff failed to establish a prima facie case of disparate impact, particularly the robust causality requirement and, in any event, failed to submit an alternative practice with a lesser impact. 69 With regard to a plaintiff s failure to proffer sufficient evidence demonstrating a statistical disparity, City of Los Angeles v. Wells Fargo & Co., 70 is illustrative. In that case, the city alleged that Wells Fargo s issuance of high-cost loans, that is, loans with an interest rate three percentage points or more above the federally established benchmark, was having a disparate 67 No. CV 14-1044 (JRT/BRT), 2016 WL 424966, at *1 (D. Minn. Feb. 3, 2016). 68 at 10 (some alterations in original). 69 at 11; see also Ellis v. City of Minneapolis, No, 14-CV-3045-SRN/JJK, 2015 WL 5009341, at *1 (D. Minn. Aug. 24, 2015) (finding that, even if plaintiff statistically demonstrated disparate impact, it nevertheless failed to satisfy the robust causality requirement ); De Reyes v. Waples Mobile Home Park Ltd. Partnership, No. 1:16-CV-563, 2016 WL 4582046, at *6 (E.D. Va. Sept. 1, 2016) (plaintiff s claims challenging mobile home park s newly instituted identification policy failed to satisfy robust causality requirement); Cobb Cty. v. Bank of Am. Corp., 183 F. Supp. 3d 1322, 1347 (N.D. Ga. 2016) (plaintiff failed to demonstrate causal connection between lender s lending practices and alleged disparity); City of Miami v. Wells Fargo & Co., No. 13-24508-CIV, 2016 WL 1156882, at *5 (S.D. Fla. Mar. 17, 2016) (city failed to meet ICP s robust causality requirement, which requires the City to allege facts at the pleading stage... demonstrating a causal connection between the challenged policy and the alleged statistical disparity. ). 70 No. 213CV09007ODWRZX, 2015 WL 4398858, at *1 (C.D. Cal. July 17, 2015).

impact on racial minorities. 71 The city submitted evidence demonstrating that an [sic] Hispanic Wells Fargo borrower with average non-race characteristics had a 0.0033% likelihood of receiving a High Cost Loan, a similarly situated African American Wells Fargo borrower had a 0.0067% likelihood of receiving a High Cost Loan, while a similarly situated non-hispanic white borrower face only a 0.0008% likelihood of receiving a High Cost Loan. 72 While the court noted that evidence is not to be weighed at summary judgment, it also pointed out that the Supreme Court s recent guidance in Inclusive Communities precludes the City s statistical disparity evidence from creating a genuine dispute regarding a prima facie case. 73 Therefore, the court concluded, the difference between 0.0033 percent and 0.0008 percent does not create a genuine dispute such that a jury must decide this issue, and comparing thousandths of a percentage fails to meet the minimum threshold of Inclusive Communities. 74 Similar to the district court on rehearing in Inclusive Communities, in City of Joliet, Illinois v. New W., L.P., the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the district court s dismissal of the plaintiff s claim for, inter alia, failing to identify a specific, facially neutral policy. 75 In that case, the city commenced condemnation proceedings against an allegedly dilapidated, crimeridden apartment complex that was comprised of approximately 95% African-Americans. 76 Noting Inclusive Communities caution that a one-time decision may not be a policy at all, the Seventh Circuit upheld the district court s findings... that the condemnation of [the complex wa]s a specific decision, not part of a policy to close minority housing in Joliet. 77 The court 71 72 at *7 73 at *8 74 75 825 F.3d 827, 830 (7 th Cir.). 76 at 829. 77 at 830.

further noted governmental entities... must not be prevented from achieving legitimate objectives, and that the city s condemnation was in furtherance goals approved by the Court in Inclusive Communities. 78 V. Conclusion Federal remedies for housing discrimination have a long history in the United States. After the Supreme Court required a showing of intentional discrimination as a prerequisite for a Constitutional challenge, the emphasis for challenging housing discrimination shifted to the FHA. In a series of federal appellate court decisions over the past 40 years, federal courts established the theory of disparate impact: no need to show intent to discriminate but only that the complained-of action has a discriminatory effect on a class (race, religion, gender, family status, disabilities) protected by the FHA. It is not particularly surprising, therefore, that the Supreme Court upheld theory in Inclusive Communities. However, the Court hedged its application with so many conditions and expressed so many concerns that arguably it has become significantly more difficult for plaintiffs alleging discrimination to succeed than it was before the Court weighed in. Such difficulty is apparent in the wave of federal district cases approving government actions and dismissing discrimination claims over the past two years. This trend is nowhere more apparent than in the district court s decision in Inclusive Communities on remand from the Supreme Court to reverse its previous finding of discrimination after the guidance from the Supreme Court. 78