INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY: TRANSITION TO CONSOLIDATION. R. William Liddle The Ohio State University Saiful Mujani Lembaga Survei Indonesia

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INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY: TRANSITION TO CONSOLIDATION R. William Liddle The Ohio State University Saiful Mujani Lembaga Survei Indonesia

TRANSITION: 1998-2004 FOUR LINZ AND STEPAN REQUIREMENTS: AGREEMENT ABOUT PROCEDURES (1999) GOVERNMENT DIRECTLY ELECTED IN POPULAR VOTE (1999) THAT GOVERNMNENT HAS AUTHORITY TO FORMULATE POLICIES (1999) NO POWER-SHARING OUTSIDE EXECUTIVE, LEGISLATIVE, JUDICIAL BRANCHES (2004)

EXPLAINING THE TRANSITION I CONSTRAINING AND ENABLING FACTORS THE ZEITGEIST END OF COLD WAR, ASIAN NEIGHBORS DEMOCRATIZE CIVILIAN ELITE ACTORS PREFERRED DEMOCRACY ARMED FORCES, UNDER WIRANTO, SUPPORTIVE AVAILABILITY/FAMILIARITY OF SUHARTO-ERA ELECTORAL LAWS

EXPLAINING THE TRANSITION II B. J. HABIBIE THE KEY DECISION MAKER WANTED DEMOCRACY CHOSE JUNE 1999 DATE DECENTRALIZED GOVERNMENT ALLOWED REFERENDUM IN EAST TIMOR TRY SUTRISNO AS COUNTERFACTUAL FAVORED PANCASILA DEMOCRACY FAVORED STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT FAVORED EAST TIMOR INTEGRATION

DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION

BEHAVIORAL CONSOLIDATION NO SIGNIFICANT GROUPS ATTEMPTING TO OVERTHROW REGIME BY TURNING TO VIOLENCE OR FOREIGN INTERVENTION TO SECEDE FROM THE STATE. Islamists mostly within the system National identity strong, Papuan separatism weak Decentralization positive Not like 1950s democracy, which was threatened by Islamists and communists

ATTITUDINAL CONSOLIDATION I A STRONG MAJORITY OF PUBLIC OPINION BELIEVES THAT FURTHER CHANGE SHOULD TAKE PLACE WITHIN THE PARAMETERS OF DEMOCRATIC FORMULAS. Voters know they were not free under Suharto, are free today Support for democracy high, growing (68% in 1999, 79% in 2008) But only 44% define democracy as freedom to elect and criticize government; 31% as affordability of basic commodities

ATTITUDINAL CONSOLIDATION II IF FORCED TO CHOOSE DEMOCRACY OR DEVELOPMENT: DEVELOPMENT 76% (!!!) DEMOCRACY 10% SBY REELECTED IN 2009 VOTERS EQUATED HIS PRESIDENCY WITH ECONOMIC SUCCESS SEVERE ECONOMIC CRISIS OR LONGTERM STAGNATION COULD HAVE NEGATIVE EFFECT ON CONSOLIDATION

Figure 1. Parallels Between Political Economy Components: Choice of President, Partai Demokrat, Evaluations of Presidential Performance and National Economic Condition (%) 85 75 65 55 45 85 85 83 67 65 61 48 50 55.5 39 85 71 58 78 80 53 54 52 50 76 46 45 78 56 55 80 79 69 63 63 58 43 38 Support f or democracy Satisf action with SBY Satisfaction with democratic perf ormance Choose SBY 35 25 33 23 32 33 33 27 31 28 31 24 25 32 25 31 32 23 Better national economic condition 15 16 10 12 14 13 17 9 9 13 17 Choose PD 5

CONSTITUTIONAL CONSOLIDATION GOVERNMENTAL AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL FORCES AGREE POLITICAL CONFLICT MUST BE RESOLVED WITHIN THE SPECIFIC LAWS, PROCEDURES AND INSTITUTIONS OF DEMOCRATIC REGIME. Tadjoeddin U.N. report on massive social conflict peaked in 1999-2000, over by 2001 (like previous national crises) Caveat ongoing U.N. research in this area

THREATS TO CONSOLIDATED DEMOCRACY IN FIVE ARENAS

CIVIL SOCIETY (FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND COMMUNICATION) ISLAMIST SOCIAL MOVEMENT (WITH ALLIES IN GOVERNMENT, INCLUDING MUI) POLITICAL SUCCESSES: ANTI-PORNOGRAPHY LAW, BANNING OF AHMADIYAH, RESTRICT PERSONAL FREEDOMS, ESPECIALLY OF WOMEN CSOs RESOURCE-STARVED DUE TO LOW LEVEL OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT EXAMPLES: LABOR, LEGAL AID, ENVIRONMENTAL GROUPS

POLITICAL SOCIETY (FREE AND INCLUSIVE ELECTORAL CONTESTATION) NO CONSENSUS ON ELECTORAL PROCEDURES AFTER THREE NATIONAL ELECTIONS LEGISLATORS AND POLITICAL PARTY LEADERS NOT WELL LINKED DOWN TO CIVIL SOCIETY OR UP TO GOVERNMENTAL PROCESS Legislative resources too small Legislators not responsive to constituents Weak executive support in parliament due to many small parties

RULE OF LAW (CONSTITUTIONALISM) INSTITUTIONS WEAK. GREATEST LONG TERM OBSTACLE TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION WORLD BANK RULE OF LAW INDEX INDONESIA AMONG LOWEST IN WORLD NO PRESIDENTIAL POLITICAL SUPPORT FROM SUKARNO TO SUKARNOPUTRI!!! KPK REPRESENTS PROGRESS, BUT OUTSIDE MAIN INSTITUTIONS GREATEST HOPE: POPULAR AND MEDIA PRESSURE

STATE APPARATUS (RATIONAL-LEGAL BUREAUCRATIC NORMS) STILL LIMITED CAPACITY TO COMMAND, REGULATE, AND EXTRACT DISADVANTAGES: NATIONAL BUDGET OF USD 70 BILLION FOR 230 MILLION PEOPLE (COMPARED TO BUDGET OF USD 65 BILLION FOR US STATE OF ILLINOIS WITH 13 MILLION) WIDESPREAD INCOMPETENCE, INEFFIENCY, CORRUPTION ADVANTAGES: IMPROVED STATE INFRASTRUCTURE BY NEW ORDER EPISTEMIC COMMUNITY OF ECONOMISTS NAÏVE OR TOLERANT CITIZENRY (E.G., HEALTH, EDUCATION POLICY)

ECONOMIC SOCIETY (INSTITUTIONALIZED MARKET) ECONOMIC FREEDOM NETWORK INDONESIA 101 ST/ 141 IN LEVEL OF ECONOMIC FREEDOM (2006) PRIVATE SECTOR DOMINATED BY SINO- INDONESIANS VULNERABLE TO EXTORTION BUT ALSO CAPABLE OF CAPITAL FLIGHT STATE SECTOR MORE THAN 150 STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISES (SOEs), FEW PROFITABLE BUT MANY MILCH COWS PERNICIOUS POLITICIAN SOE OFFICIAL BUSINESS NEXUS AN OLIGARCHY?

CONCLUSIONS I DEMOCRACY CONSOLIDATED BEHAVIORALLY: NO SIGNIFICANT GROUP SUPPORTS RETURN TO AUTHORITARIANISM OR SEPARATION ATTITUDINALLY: IN SURVEYS, VOTERS SUPPORT DEMOCRACY, UNDERSTAND DIFFERENCE WITH NEW ORDER CONSTITUTIONALLY: AMENDED 1945 CONSTITUTION WIDELY ACCEPTED

CONCLUSIONS II REASONS TO BE WATCHFUL/PRIHATIN: BEHAVIORALLY ISLAMIST THREAT TO FREEDOM, DEMOCRACY; LONG-TERM SEPARATISM IN PAPUA ATTITUDINALLY DEMOCRATIC SUPPORT HOSTAGE TO ECONOMIC SUCCESS FIVE INTERACTING ARENAS: LOW GDP/SLOW GROWTH; WEAK RULE OF LAW; CONCENTRATION OF ECONOMIC POWER IN STATE AND BUSINESS ELITE

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