THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN MEXICO AND IN THE AMERICAS, 2016/17

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1 The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas, 216/17 216/17 The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas, 216/17 assessments of, and commitment to democratic forms of government. The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico and in the Americas The AmericasBarometer is a regional survey carried out by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). LAPOP has deep roots in the Latin America and Caribbean region, via public opinion research that dates back over four decades. Its headquarters are at VanderThe AmericasBarometer is a regional survey carried out by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). bilt University, in the United States. The AmericasBarometer is possible due to the activities LAPOP has deep roots in the Latin America and Caribbean region, via public opinion research that dates back and support of a consortium of institutions located across the Americas. To carry out each over four decades. Its headquarters are at Vanderbilt University, in the United States. The AmericasBarometer round of the survey, LAPOP partners with local individuals, firms, universities, development is possible dueothers to thein activities and support a consortium of institutions organizations, and 34 countries in theofwestern Hemisphere. Theselocated effortsacross have the Americas. To three core purposes: to produce objective, non-partisan, and scientifically sound studies of public opinion; to build capacity and strengthen international relations; and to disseminate important findings regarding citizens experiences with, assessments of, and commitment to democratic forms of government. Since 24, the AmericasBarometer has received generous support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Vanderbilt University. Other institutions Since 24, the AmericasBarometer has received generous support from the United States Agency- for Interna that have contributed to multiple rounds of the survey project include Ciudadanía, tional Development (USAID) and Vanderbilt University. Other institutions that have contributed to multiple Environics, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Tinker Foundation, and the United rounds of the survey project include Ciudadanía, Environics, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Tinker Nations Development Programme. The project has also benefited from grants from the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF), the National Center for Research in Brazil (CNPq), and from the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF), the National Center Research in Brazil the Open Society Foundation. Collaborations with university partners whofor sponsor items on (CNPq), and the Open Society Foundation. Collaborations with university partners who sponsor items on the survey also the survey also sustain the project. In this most recent round, those contributors included Dartmouth, Florida International University, the University of Illinois, the Pontificia Universisustain the project. In this most recent round, those contributors included Dartmouth, Florida International dad Católica de Chile, the Universidad Católica Andrés Bello in Venezuela, and several centersandrés at Vanderbilt University.and several centers at Vanderbilt University. Bello in Venezuela, The 216/17 AmericasBarometer was carried out via face-to-face interviews in 27 countries The 216/17 AmericasBarometer was carried out via face-to-face interviews in 27 countries across the Latin across the Latin America and Caribbean region, and via the internet in Canada and the U.S. America and Caribbean region, and via the internet in Canada and the U.S. All samples are designed to be All samples are designed to be nationally representative of voting-age adults and electronic representative of voting-age adults and electronic devices were used for data entry in all countries. devicesnationally were used for data entry in all countries. In all, more than 43, individuals were In all,inmore than 43, individuals were in this latest round of the survey. The complete interviewed this latest round of the survey. Theinterviewed complete /17 AmericasBaromedataset contains responsesacross from over /17 ter dataset containsamericasbarometer responses from over 25, individuals the25, region.individuals Common across the region. Common standardized core modules, techniques, standardizedand techniques, rigorous quality control procedures permit valid core modules, rigorousand quality control procedures permit valid comparisons across individuals, subgroups, subnational areas, supra-regions, countries, comparisons across individuals, subgroups, certaincertain subnational areas, countries, and time. supra-regions, and time. AmericasBarometer data and reports are available for free download from the project website: - AmericasBarometer data from and reports are available for freevia download from the Surveys.org Datasets the project can also be accessed data repositories andproject subscribing institutions website: Datasets from the project can also be accessed via data at universities across the Americas. Through such open access practices and these collaborations, LAPOP repositories and subscribing institutions at universities across the Americas. Through such works to contribute to the pursuit of excellence in public opinion research and ongoing discussions over how open access practices and these collaborations, LAPOP works to contribute to the pursuit of programs and policies related to democratic governance can improve the quality of life and for individuals in the excellence in public opinion research and ongoing discussions over how programs Americas and beyond. policies related to democratic governance can improve the quality of life for individuals in the Americas and beyond. United States Agency for International LAPOPDevelopment (USAID/Mexico) Paseo de la Reforma 35, Cuauhtemoc Vanderbilt University MexicoPMB City 55, 23 Appleton Place MexicoNashville, TN , US Tel.: THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN MEXICO AND IN THE AMERICAS, 216/17 A Comparative Study of Democracy and Governance Executive Summary A Comparative Study of Democracy and Governance Vidal Romero, Ph.D. ITAM Report Editors: Mollie J. Cohen, Ph.D. Pablo Paras, Ph.D. Noam Lupu, Ph.D.University - Data OPM Georgetown Elizabeth J. Zechmeister, Ph.D. Georgina Pizzolitto LAPOP Coordinator of Special Studies and Report Editor Vanderbilt University Elizabeth J. Zechmeister, Ph.D. LAPOP Director and Series Editor Vanderbilt University

2 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico and in the Americas, 216/17: A Comparative Study of Democracy and Governance Executive Summary By: Vidal Romero, Ph.D. ITAM Pablo Parás, Ph.D. Data Opinión Pública y Mercados Georgina Pizzolitto LAPOP Coordinator of Special Studies and Report Editor Vanderbilt University Elizabeth J. Zechmeister, Ph.D. LAPOP Director and Series Editor Vanderbilt University February 218 This study is made possible by the support of the American People through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents of this study are the sole responsibility of the authors and LAPOP and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government.

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4 Executive Summary Table of Contents Introduction Support for Electoral Democracy in the Americas Democratic Orientations in the Americas The Negative Effects of Insecurity: The Perceived Need to Move to a Different Neighborhood Institutional and Interpersonal Trust in Mexico Perceptions of Freedoms and Basic Rights of Citizens in Mexico Corruption in Mexico The Digital Gap: The Social Determinants of Internet and Social Networks Use in Mexico Page 3

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6 Executive Summary Introduction Democracy is on the defense in the Americas and around the world. In a number of places across the Americas, countries have been coping with security and economic crises, and scandals emanating from governments and parties. Among the mass public, skepticism is brewing over democracy s ability to succeed in delivering on citizens expectations and improving the quality of their daily lives. The 216/17 AmericasBarometer taps into this simmering frustration and allows it to be studied in comparative perspective across population subgroups, countries, and time. It also documents some notable signs of resilience. In this same vein, the survey reveals important nuances in challenges to democratic governance across a heterogeneous region. In this way, the AmericasBarometer provides a refined tool with which to make the types of diagnoses and distinctions that are so important to designing and implementing effective policy. A core focus of the AmericasBarometer is citizens evaluations of democratic governance. Democratic governance refers to a system of politics and policy in which citizens direct, indirect, and representative participation is privileged and enabled via basic freedoms, with the goal of ensuring that states are held accountable for their actions. As the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) (213) 1 has defined it, Democratic governance is governance that takes place in the context of a democratic political system, which is representative of the will and interests of the people and is infused with the principles of participation, inclusion, and accountability (p. 37). The appeal of democratic governance is derived from its potential to improve the quality of citizens lives by facilitating efforts to decrease corruption, increase economic development (and decrease poverty), and build strong communities. The legitimacy of democratic governance hinges, at least in part, on how well it delivers on these expectations (Booth and Seligson 29) 2. For this reason, taking stock of its successes and short-comings requires assessing citizens varied experiences and evaluations under democratic governance. This report summarizes the main findings of the 216/17 AmericasBarometer survey in México. LAPOP has carried out the AmericasBarometer in México since 24. The 216/17 survey was conducted by DATA-OPM between January and March, and 1,563 people were interviewed as part of the nationally representative survey. 1. Support for Electoral Democracy in the Americas This chapter considers support for the abstract concept of democracy and two of its most fundamental components: elections and parties. There is a significant decline in the extent to which the public agrees that democracy, despite its flaws, is better than any other form of government. In the Latin America and Caribbean region, support for democracy decreased by almost 9 percentage points between 214 and 216/17. Overall, in an average country in the 1 USAID USAID Strategy on Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance. Washington, D.C. (Accessed on July 29, ). 2 Booth, John A., and Mitchell A. Seligson. 29. The Legitimacy Puzzle in Latin America: Political Support and Democracy in Eight Nations. New York: Cambridge University Press. Page 5

7 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 region, as many as two out of five people do not express support for democracy in the abstract. As shown in Figure 1, although most citizens in México have supported democracy since 24, the percentage that supports democracy has declined to its lowest level in (49.4%). Less than half of the citizens support democracy as the best form of government in México, which places the country in the lower range of support for democracy compared to the rest of the countries in the region. Figure 1. Support for Democracy in México and in the Americas In addition to support for democracy in theory, acceptance of democracy as the only game in town is key to the stability and persistence of democratic governance. This means, in short, that citizens in democratic societies should not support the shutdown of legislative bodies by the executive branch. Support for executive coups in México is much lower than support for military coups. 3 As shown in Figure 2, the levels of support for an executive closure of Congress has remained stable in the AmericasBarometer 216/17 for México (17.%). México ranks among the countries with lowest support for executive coups in 216/17. 3 The 216/17 AmericasBarometer includes two items that tap participants hypothetical willingness to support a military takeover of the government: in the face of a lot of crime and a lot of corruption. Support for military coups under high crime is 47.5% in México, which places the country among the highest ranks in the region. Support for military coups under high corruption is a little higher (49.9%), higher than the average for the region. Page 6

8 Executive Summary Peru 37.8% Support congressional shutdown(%) % 14.1% 17.4% 17.% Haiti Paraguay Bolivia Guatemala Chile Panama Canada Ecuador Nicaragua Honduras Brazil Dominican Republic Costa Rica Jamaica Mexico United States El Salvador Colombia Venezuela Argentina Uruguay 3.% 28.7% 24.8% 24.4% 23.% 22.8% 22.% 21.6% 19.9% 19.7% 19.5% 19.1% 18.9% 18.4% 17.% 16.6% 16.1% 15.3% 13.% 11.3% 8.7% Year Support congressional shutdown(%) Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 21-; GM_v.717 Figure 2. Support for Executive Coups in México and in the Americas Electoral democracy relies on citizen participation through elections: voters select their representatives and voice their preferences at the ballot box. Public trust and participation in these institutions are therefore important for understanding citizen support for democracy as it functions in the real world and, as well, serve as a signal of citizens commitment to democracy (a foundational part of democratic consolidation). Citizens legitimate electoral democracy by trusting in elections as a mechanism to select leaders and by participating in elections. On average, trust in elections is low in the Americas. As shown in Figure 3, México is in a low range compared to other countries in the region, with about two-third of respondents reporting trust in elections, a drop of more than 2 percentage points compared to the 214 round and more than 2 percentage points compared to 212. Page 7

9 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 Uruguay 73.3% % Canada Costa Rica Nicaragua 67.% 56.5% 51.5% United States 49.8% Trust elections (%) % 26.2% Ecuador Bolivia Chile Argentina Venezuela Peru Panama El Salvador Dominican Republic Guatemala Honduras Jamaica Paraguay Mexico Colombia 49.3% 45.2% 44.2% 42.4% 41.4% 41.% 38.2% 38.% 34.8% 34.7% 34.3% 31.8% 31.6% 26.2% 24.% Brazil Haiti 23.4% 18.5% Year Trust elections (%) Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 212-; GM_v.717 Figure 3. Trust in Elections in México and in the Americas Parties also serve an important role for citizens. By organizing politics on policy lines, parties enable voters to identify a team that aligns with their preferences. At their best, then, parties facilitate citizen participation in the democratic process and ensure high quality representation. México has an intermediate level of confidence in political parties (13.8%) compared to the countries in the region. Figure 4 shows that confidence in political parties has declined sharply in México since 24: while 32.5% trusted parties in 24, only 13.8% report trusting parties in the 216/17 round. Indeed, the levels of trust in political parties in the AmericasBarometer of 216/17 are the lowest that have been recorded since the study began in México. Between 214 and 216, confidence in political parties in México declined by nearly five percentage points. Whereas on average trust in elections did not decline for the LAC region as a whole between 214 and 216/17, trust in parties did. Thus, on this latter measure (parties), the decrease in trust mirrors a regional trend, while on the former (elections), Mexico stands out as distinct from the region s cross-time trend. Page 8

10 Executive Summary Trust political parties (%) % 34.4% 32.5% 29.% 24.7% 18.% 13.8% Nicaragua Canada Uruguay Venezuela Honduras Jamaica Dominican Republic Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Argentina Bolivia Paraguay Guatemala Mexico United States Haiti Panama Colombia Brazil Chile Peru 35.1% 31.7% 26.7% 23.3% 22.8% 22.5% 2.4% 2.1% 2.% 19.1% 17.2% 16.3% 15.5% 14.6% 13.8% 13.5% 13.5% 13.3% 1.% 9.% 8.5% 7.5% Year Trust political parties (%) Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 214-; GM_v.717 Figure 4. Trust in Political Parties in México and in the Americas 2. Democratic Orientations in the Americas Over the years, LAPOP has hypothesized and found that democracy rests on firmer grounds to the extent that the following joint conditions are met: the public perceives the political system to be legitimate and it supports the right to participate for those who may hold diverging political views. Legitimacy and tolerance are, therefore, core elements of democratic culture. These attitudes combine to make unique profiles of democratic orientations. Figure 5 compares levels of the system support index and its five components in México since 24. The index and individual component variables are scores that from to 1, where higher values indicate more positive attitudes toward the system. Support for the political system has reached its lowest level in México in (45.5). This is due to a decline in several components of this system support index in : respect for institutions, level of normative support for the system, confidence that basic rights are protected, and pride in the political system of México. Page 9

11 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 System Support Respect for Political Institutions Pride in Political System Courts Guarantee Fair Trial Basic Rights are Protected Should support the Political System Average Average Average Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 24-; v.gm_v.717 Figure 5. System Support and Its Components in México, 24- As shown in Figure 6, México ranks at an intermediate level in terms of its mean degrees of support for the political system when compared to the other countries in the region. Page 1

12 Executive Summary Guyana Nicaragua Canada Costa Rica Grenada St. Kitts & Nevis Uruguay Antigua & Barbuda Ecuador St. Vincent & the Grenadines United States Guatemala El Salvador Argentina Panama Bolivia Dominican Republic Jamaica Honduras Colombia Mexico St. Lucia Peru Dominica Chile Paraguay Venezuela Haiti Brazil System Support Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, 216/17; v.gm_v.717 Figure 6. System Support in the Americas, 216/17 High levels of support for the political system do not guarantee the quality and survival of liberal democratic institutions. Liberal democracy also requires citizens to accept the principles of open democratic competition and tolerance of dissent. Political tolerance in Mexico increased significantly to 54.3 degrees after a period of stability between 21 and 214 (see Figure 7). However, political tolerance for the country remains below the levels observed between 24 and 26. The increase in political tolerance among Mexicans is due to significant increases in all components of this index, which constitute measures of approval of the right to protest, vote, give speeches and be a political candidate. Page 11

13 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 Tolerance Right to Peaceful Demonstrations Right to Make Speeches Right to Vote Right to Run for Office Average Average Average Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 24-; v.gm_v.717 Figure 7. Political Tolerance and Its Components in Mexico, 24- Although Mexico experienced a significant increase in political tolerance between 214 and, the country is positioned among the countries of the region with the lowest levels of political tolerance. As shown in Figure 8 and compared to other countries, Mexico ranks at an intermediate level in terms of its mean degrees of tolerance. Page 12

14 Executive Summary Canada United States Jamaica St. Kitts & Nevis Brazil Uruguay Dominican Republic Guyana Venezuela Dominica Costa Rica Mexico Haiti Paraguay Grenada Nicaragua Panama Chile St. Vincent & the Grenadines Honduras Guatemala St. Lucia Bolivia Ecuador Argentina Antigua & Barbuda El Salvador Peru Colombia Tolerance Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, 216/17; v.gm_v.717 Figure 8. Political Tolerance in the Americas, 216/17 Page 13

15 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 3. The Negative Effects of Insecurity: The Perceived Need to Move to a Different Neighborhood The AmericasBarometer in Mexico includes an important group of variables on security. The questions cover topics such as crime victimization, perceptions of insecurity and changes in respondents attitudes due to fear of crime. Figure 8 shows citizens perception of insecurity in the neighborhood. We observed a general upward trend from 24 (4.8 points) to (48.1 points), although it decreases in after reaching a peak in 214 (51.6 points). Perception of Neighborhood Insecurity Year Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, Mexico 24-; v.717 Figure 9. Perception of neighborhood insecurity, Mexico 24- The proportion of Mexicans who felt the need to move out of their neighborhood for fear of crime was 18.7% in. This is not a trivial number given that it represents over 22 million people. This number is greater than the total population of the State of Mexico; and more than twice the number of residents of Mexico City. The percentage of Mexicans that felt the need to move to a different neighborhood out of fear of crime increased in with respect 214 by five percentage points. In the region, Mexico is not badly positioned at the moment. Compared with other countries, the percentage of Mexicans who felt the need to move to a different neighborhood due to fear of crime is just above the regional average, below countries such as El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Panama. Page 14

16 Executive Summary El Salvador 21.1% Has felt need to move to a different neighborhood for fear of crime % 15.2% 13.2% Guatemala Honduras Panama Mexico Costa Rica Nicaragua 19.7% 19.5% 19.4% 18.7% 15.4% 15.% Year Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 24-; GM_v.717 Figure 1. Has felt the need to move to another neighborhood for fear of crime 4. Institutional and Interpersonal Trust in Mexico Trust is a specific condition to the subject of reference or interaction; that is, an individual can trust some subjects and distrust others. It is also a matter of degree. The levels of institutional trust in Mexico vary significantly across institutions. Figure 11 shows the average levels of trust in various institutions on a -1 scale of institutional trust. The armed forces are among the more trusted institutions in Mexico, followed by the media, the local government and the congress although the latest are below the 5 points. Below, with levels of trust of about 35 points are the judiciary and elections, and the last three places in descending order and with grades less than 3 points are occupied by the police, the executive and political parties. Page 15

17 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 Armed Forces 64.8 Media 49.2 Trust in Local Government 47.5 Congress 44.3 Courts Guarantee Fair Trial 36.5 Elections 34.8 National Police 31.4 Excecutive 27.1 Political Parties Average Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, Mexico ; GM v.717 Figure 11. Level of Trust in Institutions, Mexico To measure the level of institutional trust, the AmericasBarometer has eight different indicators that provide a robust measurement of this concept. The indicators are: trust in the justice system, armed forces, national congress, police, Catholic Church, political parties, federal government and local government. These eight indicators were combined in a simple additive index normalized to a scale from to 1 where higher values indicate higher reported levels of trust. Page 16

18 Executive Summary Institutional Trust Index Year 95 % Intervalo de confianza (Efecto de diseño incorporado) Fuente: Barómetro de las Américas por LAPOP, Mexico ; GM_v.717 Figure 12. Institutional Trust Index, Mexico 24- The average level of interpersonal trust in Mexico has remained stable between 24 and 214 with values between 56 and 6 points. However, in, interpersonal trust drops from 59.3 to 53.3 points, reaching the lowest level for the country since 24. In the region, Mexico ranks among the countries with the lowest levels of interpersonal trust, placing only above Venezuela, Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, and Haiti. Interpersonal Trust Antigua & Barbuda Canada St. Kitts & Nevis Uruguay Costa Rica Guyana Argentina Honduras Paraguay United States Grenada Nicaragua El Salvador Chile Colombia Guatemala St. Vincent & the Grenadines Dominican Republic St. Lucia Dominica Ecuador Panama Jamaica Mexico Venezuela Peru Bolivia Brazil Haiti Year Interpersonal Trust Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, Mexico 24-; GM_v.717 Figure 13. Interpersonal Trust in Mexico and in the Americas Page 17

19 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 5. Perceptions of Freedoms and Basic Rights of Citizens in Mexico Basic liberties, such as freedom of the media, expression, and fundamental human rights, are critical to the public s engagement and inclusion in the democratic political system. Restrictions in basic liberties may undermine motivations to participate in politics and erode individuals support for the incumbent administration and the democratic system more generally. Figure 14 shows Mexicans perceptions regarding the protection of basic rights. The highest level is observed in the year 24, which reflects an average of 53.7 points, as of that moment Mexicans perception that basic rights are protected shows a constant decrease (with the exception of 212). In, reaches 37.5 points, its lowest level. In the region, Mexico ranks among the countries with the lowest levels of perception that basic rights are protected. Basic Rights are Protected Year Canada Guyana Nicaragua Ecuador Grenada Costa Rica Antigua & Barbuda United States St. Kitts & Nevis St. Vincent & the Grenadines Uruguay Bolivia Guatemala El Salvador Dominica Panama Colombia St. Lucia Jamaica Honduras Dominican Republic Peru Argentina Mexico Chile Paraguay Venezuela Haiti Brazil Basic Rights are Protected Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, Mexico 24-; GM_v.717 Figure 14. Basic Rights are Protected As can be seen in Figure 15, 57.6% of Mexicans believe that there is very little press freedom, 24.6% believe that the level of freedom of the press is sufficient and 17.8% believe that there is too much. The percentage of Mexicans that believe that there is little freedom of expression is 62.% in, while almost a quarter of the population thinks that there is enough freedom to express opinions. Freedom to express political opinions is particularly important in a democracy. Around 1% of Mexicans feel that there is little freedom to express political views without fear in. Also, 2% of the population thinks that there is enough freedom to express political opinions. México is among the countries with the greatest percentage of citizens perceiving very little freedom of political expression. Page 18

20 Executive Summary 17.8% 13.6% 24.6% 57.6% Too Little Sufficient Too Much 24.4% 62.% Too Little Sufficient Too Much Level of Freedom of the Press Today Level of Freedom of Expression Today 2.4% 9.5% 7.% Too Little Sufficient Too Much Level of Freedom to Express Political Opinions without Fear Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México ; v.gm_v.717 Figure 15. Basic Rights are Protected, Mexico While concerns about deficiencies in levels of freedom of the press and of expression are elevated in the Americas, data from the 216/17 AmericasBarometer reveal that concerns about human rights are even more pronounced. Mexico is among the countries with the lowest percentage of citizens who believe there is sufficient protection of human rights in the country, with 71% saying that there is very little protection for this type of rights in. Page 19

21 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 Canada United S tates Uruguay Costa Rica Chile Argentina Nicaragua Ecuador Paraguay Panama Guatemala Brazil Dominican Republic Mexico El Salvador Peru Bolivia Colombia Honduras Venezuela Jamaica Haiti 19% 37% 45% 49% 55% 57% 57% 63% 65% 65% 68% 69% 7% 71% 72% 74% 75% 77% 77% 77% 78% 79% 72% 9% 56% 7% 45% 1% 41% 11% 34% 1% 29% 14% 33% 1% 3% 7% 2% 15% 22% 12% 21% 11% 14% 17% 19% 11% 22% 7% 21% 7% 18% 8% 18% 7% 19% 5% 16% 7% 15% 8% 14% 7% 14% 6% Level of Protection of Human Rights Today Very Little Sufficient Too Much Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, 216/17 (Lib4) Figure 16. Assessments of Protection of Human Rights, 216/17 6. Corruption in Mexico The AmericasBarometer surveys have employed over time a series of questions that measure corruption victimization, focusing specifically on bribery because this is the form that is most common for average citizens. In Mexico, corruption victimization increased to 29.8% in. In the region, Mexico ranks among the countries with the higher levels of corruption victimization, just below Bolivia (4.4%), Haiti (35.8%) and Paraguay (31.%), and is slightly above Peru (29.6%) and Venezuela (29.6%). Page 2

22 Executive Summary Corruption Victimization % 35.1% 32.1% 3.3% 31.2% 29.8% 27.8% Bolivia Haiti Paraguay Mexico Peru Venezuela Ecuador Honduras Guatemala Dominican Republic Nicaragua Colombia Argentina Panama Guyana Brazil Jamaica El Salvador Costa Rica Dominica Chile Antigua & Barbuda Uruguay St. Lucia St. Kitts & Nevis St. Vincent & the Grenadines Grenada 4.4% 35.8% 31.% 29.8% 29.6% 28.6% 27.8% 27.5% 25.1% 23.1% 2.1% 17.4% 16.1% 13.6% 13.3% 11.2% 1.% 9.8% 9.2% 8.9% 7.3% 6.6% 6.3% 6.% 5.3% 4.7% 3.7% Year Corruption Victimization Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 24-; GM_v.717 Figure 17. Corruption victimization in Mexico and in the Americas Several studies have suggested individuals can see corruption as necessary to grease bureaucratic wheels, particularly when regulatory agencies are inefficient (Méon and Weill 21; Dreher and Gassebner 211). In such circumstances, the worry is that citizens might begin to consider corruption a natural part of politics. Thus the questions become whether Mexicans believe that bribery is an acceptable practice and, in particular, whether those who engage in it are more likely to justify it. The percentage of Mexicans who think bribes can be justified 22% (Figure 18) is similar (only 7 percentage points lower) to the number of people who were asked for bribes. Figure 18 also shows the degree to which citizens justify corruption in a comparative perspective. As can be seen, Mexico is among the countries with the highest proportion of citizens that justify paying bribes but has a proportion that is close to the region average. Page 21

23 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/ % 27.2% Haiti Dominican Republic Ecuador 29.8% 27.6% 38.5% Paying a Bribe is Justified % 22.% 2.9% 19.1% Jamaica Honduras Panama Nicaragua Mexico Costa Rica Bolivia Paraguay Colombia Venezuela Peru Guatemala Chile El Salvador Brazil Argentina Uruguay 26.7% 25.8% 25.6% 23.6% 22.% 2.7% 2.2% 18.7% 18.3% 18.1% 17.6% 17.4% 16.7% 11.9% 11.% 1.4% 1.1% Year Paying a Bribe is Justified Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 24-; GM_v.717 Figure 18. Bribe Justification in Mexico and in the Americas In, the vast majority of Mexicans considers corruption a common practice among public officials as they believe that more than half of politicians are involved in corruption. A little less than 8% believe that more than half (or all) of public officials are involved in acts of corruption, 16.1% think that only half, and less than 7% that are less than half or none corrupt government agents (Figure 19). In the Latin American context, Mexico ranks in second place, with a level of perceived corruption of 77.9 points (in a to 1 scale). In first place is Brazil with 79.5 points and in third place Panama with 76.7 points. The discrepancy between perceived levels of corruption and reported corruption rates is a common pattern in corruption studies because measures of corruption victimization tap the day-to-day corruption people observe and endure while questions about corruption in government often also track large-scale corruption such as national scandals that respondents do not have personal experience with. Respondents may also have different tolerances for what kinds of activities are considered corrupt. Page 22

24 Executive Summary Brazil Mexico 77.9 Panama 76.7 Venezuela 75.8 Peru 75.1 Perception of corruption % None 5.8% Less than half 16.1% Half of Politicians 35.4% More than half 41.8% All Colombia 74.3 Chile 72.7 Paraguay 71.9 Guatemala 71.4 Argentina 7. Bolivia 69.6 Dominican Republic 66.7 Honduras 66.6 Haiti 66.5 Ecuador 65.3 El Salvador 64.9 Jamaica 6.8 Costa Rica 59.5 Nicaragua 58. Uruguay Amount of Corruption among Politicians Perception of corruption Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, México 24-; GM_v.717 Figure 19. Perception of Corruption in Mexico and in the Americas 7. The Digital Gap: The Social Determinants of Internet and Social Networks Use in Mexico In recent years, the study of social networks has focused on its political impact. That is, if the "likes" on Facebook, or the "retweets" or "favs" on Twitter have an impact on the electoral behavior and attitudes towards certain political phenomena. The frequency of Internet use in Mexico has increased notably since 28 year in which for the first time the AmericasBarometer measured the extent of internet use in Mexico. As shown in figure 2, a decade ago seven out of ten Mexicans declared that they never use Internet, while ten years later, less than four out of ten reported this same behavior. Ten years ago 17% of Mexicans used internet daily or a few times a week, today 48% of Mexicans use the internet weekly. In short, the change has been remarkable. Page 23

25 The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico, 216/17 33% 15% 4% 12% 35% % 13% 8% 11% 47% % 12% 7% 11% 59% 21 13% 13% 6% 1% 57% 28 8% 9% 4% 1% 69% Internet Usage Daily A few times a week A few times a month Rarely Never Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, Mexico 28-; GM_v.717 Figure 2. Frequency of Internet use in Mexico, 28- The way in which Mexicans communicate and access information has also changed drastically. In the year, 46.2% of Mexicans reported to have a profile on Facebook and 54% use WhatsApp to communicate. Only 38% of the Mexicans said they had a conventional or landline telephone, which suggests that, in effect, the way through which Mexicans communicate and access information have varied considerably, moving to a more connected-mobile word. Within the so-called social networks there are also preferences in their use. The most popular social network in Mexico is WhatsApp with 54% of the Mexicans reporting using this social network. In second place is Facebook (46% of Mexicans) and in third place is Twitter with 11% of Mexican reporting to have an account. Those who access the Internet more frequently and report the use of social networks are generally young, people with higher levels of education, who have higher levels of wealth, do not have or only have two children and who reside in urban areas. The digital divide seems to be exacerbated when analyzing variables related to available resources, such as schooling and wealth. Page 24

26 Executive Summary 1 1 Percentage % 35.2% 15.4% 4.2% 11.8% Daily A few times A few times Rarely Never a week a month Percentage % Yes 53.8% No Internet Usage Has Facebook Account 1 1 Percentage % 88.7% Percentage % 45.9% Yes No Yes No Has Twitter Account Uses Whatsapp Source: AmericasBarometer, LAPOP, Mexico ; GM_v.717 Figure 21. Frequency of Internet and Social Networks use in Mexico, Page 25

27 The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas, 216/17 216/17 The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas, 216/17 assessments of, and commitment to democratic forms of government. The Political Culture of Democracy in Mexico and in the Americas The AmericasBarometer is a regional survey carried out by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). LAPOP has deep roots in the Latin America and Caribbean region, via public opinion research that dates back over four decades. Its headquarters are at VanderThe AmericasBarometer is a regional survey carried out by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). bilt University, in the United States. The AmericasBarometer is possible due to the activities LAPOP has deep roots in the Latin America and Caribbean region, via public opinion research that dates back and support of a consortium of institutions located across the Americas. To carry out each over four decades. Its headquarters are at Vanderbilt University, in the United States. The AmericasBarometer round of the survey, LAPOP partners with local individuals, firms, universities, development is possible dueothers to thein activities and support a consortium of institutions organizations, and 34 countries in theofwestern Hemisphere. Theselocated effortsacross have the Americas. To three core purposes: to produce objective, non-partisan, and scientifically sound studies of public opinion; to build capacity and strengthen international relations; and to disseminate important findings regarding citizens experiences with, assessments of, and commitment to democratic forms of government. Since 24, the AmericasBarometer has received generous support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Vanderbilt University. Other institutions Since 24, the AmericasBarometer has received generous support from the United States Agency- for Interna that have contributed to multiple rounds of the survey project include Ciudadanía, tional Development (USAID) and Vanderbilt University. Other institutions that have contributed to multiple Environics, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Tinker Foundation, and the United rounds of the survey project include Ciudadanía, Environics, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Tinker Nations Development Programme. The project has also benefited from grants from the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF), the National Center for Research in Brazil (CNPq), and from the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF), the National Center Research in Brazil the Open Society Foundation. Collaborations with university partners whofor sponsor items on (CNPq), and the Open Society Foundation. Collaborations with university partners who sponsor items on the survey also the survey also sustain the project. In this most recent round, those contributors included Dartmouth, Florida International University, the University of Illinois, the Pontificia Universisustain the project. In this most recent round, those contributors included Dartmouth, Florida International dad Católica de Chile, the Universidad Católica Andrés Bello in Venezuela, and several centersandrés at Vanderbilt University.and several centers at Vanderbilt University. Bello in Venezuela, The 216/17 AmericasBarometer was carried out via face-to-face interviews in 27 countries The 216/17 AmericasBarometer was carried out via face-to-face interviews in 27 countries across the Latin across the Latin America and Caribbean region, and via the internet in Canada and the U.S. America and Caribbean region, and via the internet in Canada and the U.S. All samples are designed to be All samples are designed to be nationally representative of voting-age adults and electronic representative of voting-age adults and electronic devices were used for data entry in all countries. devicesnationally were used for data entry in all countries. In all, more than 43, individuals were In all,inmore than 43, individuals were in this latest round of the survey. The complete interviewed this latest round of the survey. Theinterviewed complete /17 AmericasBaromedataset contains responsesacross from over /17 ter dataset containsamericasbarometer responses from over 25, individuals the25, region.individuals Common across the region. Common standardized core modules, techniques, standardizedand techniques, rigorous quality control procedures permit valid core modules, rigorousand quality control procedures permit valid comparisons across individuals, subgroups, subnational areas, supra-regions, countries, comparisons across individuals, subgroups, certaincertain subnational areas, countries, and time. supra-regions, and time. AmericasBarometer data and reports are available for free download from the project website: - AmericasBarometer data from and reports are available for freevia download from the Surveys.org Datasets the project can also be accessed data repositories andproject subscribing institutions website: Datasets from the project can also be accessed via data at universities across the Americas. Through such open access practices and these collaborations, LAPOP repositories and subscribing institutions at universities across the Americas. Through such works to contribute to the pursuit of excellence in public opinion research and ongoing discussions over how open access practices and these collaborations, LAPOP works to contribute to the pursuit of programs and policies related to democratic governance can improve the quality of life and for individuals in the excellence in public opinion research and ongoing discussions over how programs Americas and beyond. policies related to democratic governance can improve the quality of life for individuals in the Americas and beyond. United States Agency for International LAPOPDevelopment (USAID/Mexico) Paseo de la Reforma 35, Cuauhtemoc Vanderbilt University MexicoPMB City 55, 23 Appleton Place MexicoNashville, TN , US Tel.: THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN MEXICO AND IN THE AMERICAS, 216/17 A Comparative Study of Democracy and Governance Executive Summary A Comparative Study of Democracy and Governance Vidal Romero, Ph.D. ITAM Report Editors: Mollie J. Cohen, Ph.D. Pablo Paras, Ph.D. Noam Lupu, Ph.D.University - Data OPM Georgetown Elizabeth J. Zechmeister, Ph.D. Georgina Pizzolitto LAPOP Coordinator of Special Studies and Report Editor Vanderbilt University Elizabeth J. Zechmeister, Ph.D. LAPOP Director and Series Editor Vanderbilt University