Assessment and Consolidation Report on:

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1 Assessment and Consolidation Report on: Existing Approaches and Best Practices in Cross Border Peace Building and Conflict Mitigation and Strengthened CSOs Across the Ethio-Kenya Border ENHANCED LIVELIHOODS IN SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA PROJECT CIFA Ethiopia/CARE Ethiopia By: Integrated Agriculture Development Consult (IADC) December 2009 Addis Ababa 0

2 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Abbreviations...4 II. Executive Summary Introduction Background Methodology and Technical Approach Assessment Areas Methodology Findings of the Assessment Conflict History: Actors and Relationships Factors contributing to violent conflict Impacts of violent conflict Existing Peace Building and Conflict Mitigation Approaches Peace and Justice Committee Role of the Community Members in Peace Building Existing structure of peace committee in Kenya NGO s Role in Peace Building Conflict Early Warning SWOT Analysis of the Role of Actors Conclusion and Recommendations Work Plan Terms of Reference Persons Contacted and Raw Data References

3 List of Tables Table 1: Location of Ethnic groups...7 Table 2: Conflict hotspot areas along the Ethio-Kenyan Border...7 Table 3: Description of study areas in Ethiopia...8 Table 4: Description of study areas in Ethiopia...8 Table 5: Development of Violent Conflict: Chronology Events of the Turbi Massacre...9 Table 6: The role of the different segments of the community in generating conflicts...14 Table 7: The role of different community members in peace building/ conflicts resolution20 Table 8: SWOT Analysis of the Roles of Actors in mitigating conflicts...22 List of Figures Figure 1: Structural causes of conflict at different levels...13 Figure 2: Interplay of factors contributing to conflicts between pastoralist groups in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya...16 List of Boxes Box 1: Historical proliferation of small arms in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya 15 Box 2: Paving the Way for Conflict Transformation: the case of Borana and Gabra Peace building process...17 Box 3: Return the stick to the owner...19 Box 4: Peace Committee Structure in Kenya...21 Box 5: Community based conflict early warning indicators

4 I. Acknowledgements So many people have contributed to this report that it is impossible to name all of them here. However, we would particularly like to extend our thanks to the communities in the visited Kebeles of the program area who were patient to respond to all the questions and provide all the information gathered through this report with goodwill. Other thanks goes to the District and Woreda government offices who supported the field data collection, analysis and verification. We would also like to thank both CIFA Kenya and CIFA Ethiopia staff mainly Mr. Ibrahim and Mr. Guyo for their support in organizing logistics for the field work, data collection at all level and substantial inputs in reviewing and making this report a useful resource for development actors in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. 3

5 II. Abbreviations ALRMP Arid Land Risk Management Project CBOs Community Based Organizations CIFA Community Initiatives Facilitation Assistance CDC Community Development Commission CDF Consistency Development Fund CEWARN Conflict Early Warning Network CJPC Catholic Justice and Peace Commission DISC District Intelligence Security Committee DO District Officer DMO Drought Management Officer DPC District Peace Committee DSG District Steering Committee ELMT Enhanced Livelihoods in the Mandera Triangle ELSE Enhanced Livelihoods in Southern Ethiopia FBOs Faith Based Organizations FGD Focus Group Discussion FHI Food for Hungry International GOE Government of Ethiopia GOK Government of Kenya GPDI Gayo Pastoralist Development Initiative IADC Integrated Agricultural Development Consult IDPs Internal Displaced Persons IGAD Inter-Governmental Authority on Development KRCS Kenya Red Cross Society LVIA Lay Volunteers International Association MWADO Marsabit Women Advocacy and Development Organization NTC National Steering Committee on Peace Building and Conflict Management PISP Pastoralist Integrated Support Programme Save US Save the Children US WAO Woreda Administrative Office 4

6 III. Executive Summary The objective of this consultancy was to undertake an in depth review of existing peace building and conflict mitigation activities undertaken by different actors in the bordering districts of Borana zone and Northern Kenya to: (1) consolidate existing approaches and best practices in peace building and conflict mitigation across Ethio-Kenya boarder; (2) pinpoint challenges and gaps for policy interventions at regional level; and, (3) propose work plan to scale up best practices in future interventions. To this effect, CIFA and CARE Ethiopia through their Enhanced Livelihood in Southern Ethiopia (ELSE) project commissioned Integrated Agriculture Development Consult (IADC) to conduct this assessment on cross-border conflict with particular emphasis on the ethnic conflict in Miyo and Moyale Woredas of Ethiopia and Moyale, Marsabit and Sololo districts in Kenya. The pastoralists in the two regions under study are mobile. They live primarily in arid or semi-arid areas and depend on livestock for their livelihood. They rely on access to pasture and water, for the survival of their livestock, which are scarce and under increasing pressure and yet they must be shared amongst other pastoralists communities. In fact, conflicts involving pastoralists in southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya associated with resource competition, cattle rustling and wide availability of small arms are becoming of increasing concern. However, these factors take their shape from four structural causes of conflict: increasing household vulnerability, bad governance, insecure property right regime, and weak socio-cultural capital. The interaction between pastoralists and their institutions that underpin livelihood security and natural resource management, the circumstances that lead to competition over natural resources and the multi-faceted impact of conflict has been described. The pastoralist institutions in southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are weakening and the role a third party play in strengthening these institutions and in facilitating new institutional arrangements is becoming increasingly important. Recent initiatives by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in capacity building, peace building and conflict mitigation activities has contributed much to the stabilization of the area. On the basis of existing approaches and best practices, interventions are proposed on ways in which different stakeholders could contribute towards a concerted effort of curbing violent conflicts in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. 5

7 1. Introduction Mobility is a well arranged strategy within and between communities in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. Scarcity of water was the key variable that determined better use of scattered natural resources such as pasture. However, during the past 30 years the deeply rooted indigenous natural resource management systems of these pastoralists have experienced severe form of disturbances. The establishment of additional water points in the traditional wet season grazing areas was a well-intended but poorly designed development as ignored access rights in its implementation. Crop cultivation, bush encroachment and drought of increasing frequency and intensity 1 have exacerbated rangeland degradation leading to losses of livestock and unsustainable exploitation of natural resources. The rapid growth of population of about 2.5 to 3% put further pressure on the natural resource and severely reduced the per capita availability of natural resources and livestock. Competition over control and access to natural resources, erosion of customary institutions, ethnocentrism, and land demarcation are issues that drive conflict in the region. CIFA and CARE Ethiopia commissioned Integrated Agriculture Development Consultants to undertake an assessment and stakeholder consultation with key representatives from the ELSE/ELMT program area. ELMT has been designed to increase the economic resiliency of populations in the area touching the border of Ethiopia and Kenya, to change the paradigm of how the challenge in arid and semiarid areas can be addressed. The program will contribute to improving the ways through which these pastoral areas participate in a broader and coordinated cross border peace building processes. This requires that any future initiative should build on the experiences and knowledge on the context and the nature of the contending parties, put emphasis on the general community and institutions that are on the ground and collaboration with third parties. The objective of this consultancy is to undertake an in depth review of existing peace building and conflict resolution activities taken by different stakeholders in the bordering districts of Borana zone and Northern Kenya, first to consolidate existing approaches and best practices in peace building and conflict mitigation 1 Unpredictable rainfall patterns, late occurrence and early cessation of rains has became a common phenomenon. According to informants, the frequently of drought has reduced from once every 10 years to once every 4 years. In Southern Ethiopia this has reduced to once every 2-3 years. 6

8 across Ethio-Kenya boarder; secondly to pinpoint challenges and gaps for policy interventions at regional level; and, finally to scale up best practices for future interventions. To fulfill the assignment, and to subsequently propose a workable implementation plan for CIFA and CARE, consolidating a credible understanding of the capacities of different actors, the profile and nature of conflict was prerequisite. This was achieved by undertaking the following. The report is divided into five sections. Section one covers the background to the study and, section two provides the methodology adopted. Section three provides an overview of the six districts under study while section four provides an analysis of the findings of the study, presented under each of the six districts. The last section provides conclusions that are drawn from the study and provides recommendations and work plans. 2. Background Ethiopia and Kenya share over 600 km common boarder that extends from Dollo in the east to Turkana in the west. Pastoralists mainly relay on cattle, camel, goats and sheep for their diets and food security, earn cash for basic requirements or investments, or accumulate animals as savings for emergencies or as a symbol of wealth. Livestock also supply draught oxen for agro-pastoralist communities in some pocket areas. Settled agriculture is becoming a new means of livelihoods although this is considered a loss of status among most of the pastoralists. The vast majority of the people living in the southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are pastoralists who move with their livestock in response to temporal and special resource fluctuation. However, in relative terms Borana and Gabra communities occupy much of the area (Table 1). Hence the relationship between these groups determines the geo-political stability of the Ethio-Kenyan border. The mobility of pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya make them particularly vulnerable to the risk of conflict. However, some do maintain a military and cultural alliance (e.g., Samburu with Rendille) and others establish shifting alliance (e.g., Gabra with Garri or Borana) largely in response to pressures from other pastoralist groups. Any attempt to settle down in permanent locations reduced their self-sufficiency and ability to maintain their traditional values and practices. Table 1: Location of Ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya 7

9 Ethnic group Borana Gabra Location Religious affiliation Number of Districts occupied by the group Moyale (E/K), Miyo, Christian, Muslim, 6 Marsabit, Chalbi, Sololo Both Moyale Kenya and Ethiopia, Marsabit, Chalbi district-turbi location waqefata Muslim, Christian and Wakefeta Rendille Partly in Marsabit Christian 1 Garri Moyale Ethiopia and Moyale Muslim 2 Kenya Degodia Moyale Ethiopia and Moyale Muslim 2 Kenya Samburu Marsabit Christian 1 Turkana Chalbi, Marsabit Christian 1 Dasenech Chalbi Christian 1 Burji Marsabit and Moyale Muslim 2 4 Most of the pastoralists in southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are also organized around cattle and warfare for defense and for raiding others that remain a negative intervening factor towards peace. As can be seen from Table 2 below, Borana and Gabra appears to be the contending groups in most of the hotspots. 8

10 Table 2: Conflict hotspot areas along the Ethio-Kenyan Border Border areas Sibiloy - Sabarei, Buluk Gas Turbi - within and between the borders Dhukana - within and between the borders Elhadi - within and between the borders Dillo and Forole Shura Dillo - Hobok and Ballessaru Conflicting Ethnic groups Dasenech vs. Gabra Turkana vs. Gabra Gabra vs. Borana Gabra vs. Borana Gabra vs. Borana Borana vs. Gabra Gabra vs. Rendille and sometimes with Somali Ajuran and Degodia Borana and Hamer Pastoral groups have an elaborate age grades of about eight (Borana) or five (Samburu) years, with the new "class" of boys becoming warriors. The customary (religious) leaders of Garri (Sultan) and Degodia (Waber) play key role in peace building. Most of the pastoralist groups are independent, but although they are considered egalitarian, women are marginalized in their own society. Community decisions are normally made by men, often under a tree designated as a "council" meeting site. These meetings are ideal entry points for any peace building efforts. Women may sit in an outer circle and usually will not speak directly in the open council, but may convey a comment or concern through a male relative. Adult men care for the grazing cattle which are the major source of livelihood. Women are in charge of maintaining the portable huts, milking cows, obtaining water, gathering firewood and all household chores. In recent decades, many pastoralists (Somali, Borana, Turkana and Gabra as well as Rendille) have increasingly involved peace dialogues with their neighbors either through third party or through their own initiatives. Southern Ethiopia 9

11 On the Ethiopian side, the assessment covered Miyo and Moyale Woredas. These Woredas lie adjacent to each other with a total population of 105,539 and 71,233 people and a livestock population of 232,500. The mean annual rainfall across these Woredas varies between 500mm and 700mm with an overall average of 648mm. The mean maximum and minimum temperature of the area varies from C to C and C to C, respectively. On the Miyo side, Ethiopia shares border with the Sololo district of Kenya, while on the Moyale side, it shares border with Moyale district of Kenya. The Borana are numerically the dominant ethnic group inhabiting both Miyo and Moyale Woredas and co-existed for centuries with Shoa Oromo, Guji and Konso communities. Table 3: Description of study areas in Ethiopia Woreda Area (in Human 2 km population Moyale Oromia Livestock population Borana Zone Miyo SOURCE: Borana Administration The management of resources, as a common property, in Miyo and Moyale is relatively intact to date. Despite the weakening of most of the indigenous institutions over the last thirty years, those concerned with the administration of water sustained their importance. They give detailed accounts of Borana s water management strategy under drought conditions is as follows: Wet season: after rainfall, open water sources are used and wells are not used, Dry season: herds are successively shifted to more distant ponds and traditional wells are re-opened to preserve water near the homestead, Progressing dry season (water scarcity): the drinking frequency of cattle is gradually reduced to one day (dhabsuu), two days (limmaalimma), and three days (sadeen). The following are the most important sources of water (madda) which are highly regulated: Hand-dug shallow ponds (Haroo): A pond is the property of an individual or his direct descendants who initially excavated it and the person is called 10

12 abbaa Konfi. Rights to use the pond are obtained by providing labor for the maintenance of the pond. Although the property of the abbaa Konfi, the pond is administered by the local elders. Wells (eelaa): The wells are highly regulated in Borana. They are divided into two types, adadi (shallow wells) and tulla (deep wells). The tullas are famous because they can reach a depth of 30m and water is drawn by a row of people standing one above the other and passing containers of water. Natural ponds containing water throughout the year known as bookee River Temporary ponds Collection of rainwater The opportunistic nature of access to these water sources implies that the right of access to the water depends, above all, on the temporal and spatial of the water supply. Use rights from these sources have been privatized and are sold by individuals and groups in some cases in Borana. Access to these sources is mainly characterized by poor institutional development and little regulation. On the contrary, hand-dug ponds and wells are regulated and they are the most important sources of water as they are the most reliable and labor intensive types. The wells are managed by a council of the clan group which includes a retired hayyuu (special counselors or individuals who hold ritual authority to judge, the Jallaba (a local lineage of clan elder or special messenger, the aba Konfi (trustee of each well), the aba herregaa (the coordinator of water use and maintenance) and other members. An officer responsible for the day-to-day supervision of watering procedures, including the maintenance and cleaning of wells, enclosures and environs, is assigned at a meeting of clan group council known as Kora eelaa. Any violation of the customary rules of water use and maintenance is referred to and discussed by the Kora ella in the presence of the culprit. The rangeland is largely covered with light vegetation of predominantly podyielding Acacia species of low forage values. While Moyale and Miyo Woredas are prone to drought, adjacent areas in neighboring Kenya are even more likely to suffer from water scarcity. Grazing areas near traditional wells in Ethiopia: Gayo, Gorille, Dhas, Borbori and Godloni serve as dry season grazing areas while areas near Cheriliche and Didhara are wet season grazing areas. On the Kenyan side, Hori Godanna and the lowland landscape of Northern Kenya serve as wet season grazing areas both to the Ethiopian and Kenyan pastoralists. Pastoralists are flexible in their access to resources both within and outside Ethiopia. During the times of complete failure of rainy seasons in northern Kenya, there are often 11

13 apparent influxes of pastoralists from Kenya into Ethiopia. These situations lead to conditions where local people and "guests", often related by trans-border kinship and sharing common languages and cultures, use the same resources. However, this reciprocity is changing with the advent of new livelihood, increasing human and livestock population, the development of additional water points and drought of increasing intensity. Inhabitants across northern Kenya and southern Ethiopia perceive access to food and water as the most common sources of conflict risks, which are related to drought, market inefficiencies, or insecurity. The frequency and magnitude of conflicts has increased since the 1990s. The Borana elders form a dominant component of the customary mechanisms of conflict management. This is directly related to economic, political and social responsibilities functions of Gada system, to which women do not take a part. Siqe is a parallel women institution in which men are excluded. Men are responsible for most ritual services and for activities related to the defense of Borana camps, wells, herds, and shrines. Women practice Atete as a way of strengthening their solidarity and as a tool to counter atrocities staged against them by men. Pragmatic collaboration is yet to be innovated between the statutory and the customary institutions. It is still important in regulating interpersonal relations in the rural context and access to pastoral resources, but it is as a whole losing relevance due to land demarcation to the newcomers. A herder bringing cattle to an area would traditionally negotiate grazing rights with the Deedha council. The decision would be made according to the number of cattle already grazing in the area and forage availability. If the area are already being used to its maximum potential, the herder would be asked to explore other areas to graze under the traditional grazing management system. More recently, in the event of such a decision, herders who are refused access may gain legal permission to graze their animals in the area. This is particularly the case between Borana and Gabra although these groups are currently in a relative peace. Moyale is located at the extreme southwest corner of the Liban Zone, Moyale is bounded on the south by Kenya, on the west by the Oromia Region, and on the north and east by the Dawa, which separates Moyale from Dollo Odo. The southernmost point of this woreda is the southernmost point of Ethiopia.Moyale town located at the frontier between the Somali and Oromo peoples living in the southwestern part of Ethiopia. Accordingly, the town is the capital for both Moyale 12

14 Oromia and Moyale Oromia. One attempt to resolve the dispute between the two Regions was the October, 2004 referendum held in about 420 Kebeles in 12 Woredas across five zones of the Somali Region. Based on figures published by the Central Statistical Agency in 2005, this woreda has an estimated total population of 275,620, of whom 127,867 are men and 147,753 are women. The majority of the inhabitants of this woreda belong to the Garre clan of the Somali people, although a sizable minority belongs to the Gabra, a small pastoral group. The Moyale woreda has numerous social and economic ties with the adjacent Somali populated North Eastern Province of Kenya. The two largest clans in this woreda, the Garre and the Degodia are both "trans-national", having clansmen living across international boundaries. Sultan and Waber are the customary institution leaders of Garre and Degodia, respectively. On the other hand, cattle and small ruminants are taken across the border and traded in livestock markets located in Kenya, the most important of these being Mandera and the Kenya side of Moyale. Moyale town serves as the woreda capital both for Moyale (S) and Moyale (O). Somali traders usually buy shoats from the well established livestock market on the Somali side of the town to sell them in the open livestock market on the Oromia side or in Gambo -Moyale town of Kenya. Northern Kenya In Northern Kenya this assessment covered four districts namely: Moyale, Chalbi, Marsabit and Isiolo which form part of the eastern province. The four districts as a cluster are bordered by Samburu district to the south, Turkana district to the west, Wajir district to the east and the Federal republic of Ethiopia to the North. Table 4: Description of study areas in Ethiopia Province Districts Population Northern Marsabit 121,520 Province Moyale 9,400 Chalbi 75,000 Sololo (Uran) 2,305 District Development Plan

15 Moyale is one of the remote districts in the northern frontier district and was curved out of Marsabit district in the year It has a population size of 62,800 people and covers an area of 9,400sq km. The district is connected to other areas, with all weather roads and lies along the main Nairobi-Addis Ababa highway. The district has 4 administration divisions namely, Central, Golbo, Obbu and Uran inhabited mainly by Borana, Gabra, Garri, Sakuye, Burji, Ajuran and Degodia. The dominant Borana, Gabra, and Garri groups are livestock herders while the minority urban dwellers such as Burji and other small corner tribes practice sedentary agro-pastoralist and run small scale business as well. The district has one general hospital with 14 scattered dispensaries and several other private clinics are also mushrooming. The district has 28 public primary school and 5 secondary schools, 22 borehole, 32 ponds and 135 shallow wells. Marsabit district covers an area of 66,000 km 2, of which 4,956 km 2 is covered by Lake Turkana. It is the second largest district in Kenya accounting for 11 percent of the total area of the country. The Marsabit district is divided into six divisions namely: Central, Gadamoji, Laisamis, Maikona, Loiyangalani and North Horr. Human settlements are concentrated around the humid and sub-humid mountain areas where agro-pastoralist livelihood is practiced. Other pockets areas of settlement include the low lying areas where a mosaic of semi- permanent pastoralists manyattas live together around watering points and market centers along major roads and towns. Although the population density naturally vary with location, recurring drought in the past decades is largely responsible for increased rural to urban influx of pastoralist dropouts. According to the Distinct Commissioner of Marsabit, the total human population of the Greater Marsabit is 121,520, of which 25,100 people live in the central Marsabit division (based on the 1991 censors). 80% of the people in the great Marsabit are pastoralists deriving their livelihoods from livestock and livestock products. About 10% of the total population practice subsistence agriculture and reside mainly around mountain Marsabit in the divisions of Central and Gadamoji and others areas. Pockets of Loiyangalani and North Horr division with extremely unfavorable climatic conditions for agriculture are predominantly occupied by poor people who totally depend on livestock for their livelihood. The central division is one of the victims of tribal clashes, cattle rustlers and immigrants from other districts that come in search of relief food. 14

16 The dominated ethnic group in Marsabit is Borana (60%) and the remaining 40% is shared by Rendille, Gabra, Samburu, Turkana and Burji. In the events of drought, these groups migrate towards borehole water point (Shura, Kubiqalo, and Jaldessa) but if the drought becomes worse they migrates into Ethiopia. At times this leads to conflict between Borana and Rendille; Borana and Gabra. The latest conflict between Rendille and Gabra; and Rendille with Borana was observed in November-March, Forole is a sub location of Marsabit some 200 km from Turbi inhabited predominantly by Borana and Gabra pastoralists. Water points comprise of shallow wells adadi and boreholes which are not well managed. The changes in the rainfall pattern since 20 years have prompted the development of new water points. According to the informant (chief) the sporadic cross border conflict between Gabra and Borana groups has also started since 20 years. Development schemes that enhance access to water are believed to have negatively affected resource management patterns and social relationships resulting in overgrazing and conflicts. According to informants, Forole was dominated by savanna grassland with a good coverage of shrubs and acacia trees. However, these are now barely visible due to overgrazing and recurring drought. The water points have increased herd density on pastures reshaping seasonal use patterns and provided an area of competition and conflict on the access rights. For example, pasture and water utilization (the Gabra side endowed with better pasture while the Borana side is better endowed with water resources). A wet and dry season grazing pattern normally employed by pastoralists has been replaced by a political request for land demarcation. The spillover effect of livestock raiding and killing across the Ethio- Kenyan border is believed to have consolidated ethnocentric mentality among members of the same groups in the two countries explaining the cross border nature. Kenya has been in single party since 1963 from independence and since 1992 it has got multi party system. The clannish inclination of the PM members is believed to have further intensified the conflict. The situation in Forole has attracted Degodia from Wajir and Mandera districts, where increasing population has resulted in relative scarcity of water and pasture. The newly developed water points holding unclear access and use rights have been considered as public goods, although the grazing areas are under the control of the Gabra group. 15

17 Chalbi district has a total population 75,000 people and a livestock population of 2,800,000. According to Uri hills Chief, the major ethnic groups: Gabra, Borana, Turkana, Rendille and Dasenech use Burgabo, Bubissa, Maikona, Kallacha as wet season grazing areas and Wajir and southern Ethiopia as dry season grazing. Major hotspots for conflict include: Sabarei and Buluk border where Gabra often fights with Dasenech; Gas area where Turkana and Gabra interact. In the border area of Shura, Turkana used to fight with Rendille although peace building is underway now a days and also Gabra fights with Rendille (latent). The conflict between Gabra and Borana has been around Turbi, Dhukana, Elhadi and Forole. Turbi is inhabited by Borana, Dasenech, Hamer, Arbore, Turkana, Rendille and Somali (Degodia and Ajuran). Sakuye also occupy on the Moyale side while Samburu dwell on the western side of Marsabit. According to the Turbi informants, the causes of conflict with other ethnic groups are: political instigation, land demarcation, livestock raiding, competition for water and pasture and killings and revenge. This is clearly shown below (Table 5) following chronology of violent conflict between Borana and Gabra. 16

18 Table 5: Development of Violent Conflict - Chronology Events of the Turbi Massacre Time Incidence and impact August, Gabra was killed at Turbi and the Gabra revenged by raiding 728 goats from Borana. 6 th Sep,2002 A meeting between Gabra and Borana was held at Turbi to resolve the conflict. It was agreed that peace be maintained. 15 th A 2 day follow up meeting took place at Sololo, Moyale district. September Administrators, peace committees and opinion leaders from both 2002 districts attended this meeting. Based on the Modogashe declaration, the peace committees asked Borana to pay 100 cattle for the person killed and the Gabra to pay three times the number of goats they took from the Borana. Both parties opposed the verdict but did not 17 th October 2002 November th to 17 th September 2002 Throughout nd December th February 2004 forward an alternative either. Another meeting between the two communities was held at Funnanqumbi (near Turbi) to seek new solutions, but no agreement was reached. Borana from Funnanqumbi were denied access to Turbi town and the Gabra to Rawana and Waldaa water points. There was a looming disaster as the two communities prepared for a show down. The cross border committees from both Kenya and Ethiopia however thwarted the imminent war. A cross border meeting was held in Yabello, which reinforced the peace efforts, and the situation temporarily calmed down. Claim continued but the conflict remained unresolved. Neither of the parties agreed to pay the animals or to share resources. A meeting of 6 prominent Gabra leaders from Moyale was organized to make a peace campaign amongst the Gabra in Turbi, Bubissa and Marsabit for a week. The Moyale leaders had discussion with their Marsabit counterparts and organized a joint Marsabit and Moyale meeting for 12 th February While leaders from Moyale turned up in large numbers Turbi people claimed that they were not well informed. 2004/2005 The tension remained as stakeholders developed fatigue. There was neither exchange of animals nor sharing of resources. The peace committees in both Marsabit and Moyale were dissolved under political pressures. 17

19 March/April 2005 The Gabra and the Borana communities at Turbi and Rawana held their own meetings without much external facilitation. 23 rd May The two communities at Rawana and Turbi reached a verdict that the 2005 Gabra community returns the 728 goats without any multiplication and the Borana will compensate the Gabra for the dead person according to the Borana law. 5 th of June Three out of the five Ethiopian Borana traveling amongst the Gabra 2005 were killed near the Ethiopian border. The neighboring Ethiopian Borana in revenge invaded the Gabra villages along the border stole animals. Borana leaders and the government condemned the actions and quickly recovered the stolen animals. In the meantime, Ethiopian Borana made truce with the Kenyan Gabra that they should not revenge on the Kenyan Borana, while the recovery attempts were ongoing. However, three herds of Borana cattle were stolen from Marsabit and Hurri hills; a Borana chief and his reservist were also shot dead. Borana retaliated by burning Gabra houses in Marsabit and killing a Gabra. The final trigger for the bloodshed was pulled when the Gabra killed 6 Borana in their sleep around Forole, near the Ethiopian border. 12 July This was followed by a violent revenge attack presumably from a 2005 combined force of Kenya and the neighboring Ethiopian Borana at Turbi on 12 July. About 76 people died, several wounded. The same day the Gabra killed 9 Borana at Bubissa, one at Maikona and burnt 10 Borana houses at the same place. The livestock taken from the Turbi areas were; 1,500 Camels (13 recovered): 2,000 cattle (350 recovered); 5,000 goats (all recovered). Source: Marsabit conflict report, the Turbi Massacre July,

20 3. Methodology and Technical Approach 3.1 Assessment Areas This study covers two districts in Ethiopia (Moyale and Miyo) and four districts in Northern Kenya (Moyale, Sololo, Turbi, Chalbi and Marsabit). The fact that so many of the clans and ethnic groups that inhabit the area are found in both countries is a reality that deeply shapes the border dynamics and blurs distinctions between national citizenship and ethnic identity Methodology Document review: Comprehensive background information on the actors, the context and causes of conflict has been generated from various conflict analysis reports. Checklists were developed based on this background. Discussion with stakeholders: Information generated from the discussions made with governmental, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society organizations has been instrumental in distilling and deepening the principal findings as this represent a third party perspective to this assessment. Zonal/Woreda Administration Heads in Ethiopia and District Councils (DC) in Kenya were used. In addition, customary institution leaders, peace committees, NGOs (CIFA, CARE, GPDI, SC/US, LVIA) were interviewed. Focus Group Discussion: Through structured focus group discussions, a joint analysis of their respective districts was made with each group, which generated partial but striking depictions of the current conflict dynamics. The perspective of the different groups used to analyze their needs and to triangulate findings as well as to understand the awareness and responses that these contexts demand including their comments on the effectiveness of their institutions and the different stakeholders in playing their role. In some cases, this was followed by key informant interview to deepen the principal findings. The team traveled to Moyale (Ethiopia) and Miyo in Ethiopia and Moyale (Kenya), Marsabit, Chalbi of Kenya and facilitated 10 FGD and a number of interviews. FGD was held with all major ethnic groups and effort was 19

21 made to ensure the representation of clans or tribes and marginalized groups such as women. SWOT Analysis: The joint analysis of the strengths (S), limitations (L), Opportunities (O), and Threats (T) of range of stakeholders including customary institution leaders, local government officials, women and youth, CBO/NGOs, Peace Committee and business persons held during each FGD was analyzed to suggest interventions building on existing capacities and opportunities and to manage shortcomings and threats. 4. Findings of the Assessment 4.1. Conflict History: Actors and Relationships The more detailed conflict analysis of the report captures concerns between ethnic in the six districts: Sololo, Chalbi, Marsabit, Moyale (Kenya) and Moyale and Miyo in Oromia (Ethiopia). Despite its incongruence with the customary land tenure system, district is a sensible administrative unit for conflict analysis as it provides a visible inter-connectivity between groups and across the Ethio-Kenya borders and boundaries. It is also convenient for the purposes of planning and implementation of peace building activities. This assessment describes the intervening factors within the framework of the underlying and proximate and structural causes of conflict. A general observation at the local level is provided below: Gabra Vs Borana: Informants from both groups believe on the common ethnology and culture including marital relationships. They speak the same language, they have cultural similarities and experience intermarriage. Today, the major point of tension appears to be the conflict between the Borana and the Gabra (from Oromia Region in Ethiopia, down through Moyale and Marsabit in Kenya). This struggle over ethnic identity and independent territory, and the resultant dispute over land, is a major destabilizing factor. In addition to the claim for border demarcation to formalize the colonial boundary, politicization of ethnicity and the influence of elite groups that started around the 70s is believed to be the root cause of the conflict between Gabra and Borana. A series of claims and counter claims, accompanied by raiding and sporadic killing erupted in July 2005 with major human fatality and loss of livestock (76 persons and thousands of livestock). 20

22 Although a number of peace initiatives have taken place and the levels of violence has reduced for now, the accrual of resolutions not yet implemented and the grievances not yet addressed are still worrying. In this regard, the efforts being made by third parties in building local capacities among the communities to follow up and transform the conflict are vital. The urgency of the situation requires a bilateral political commitment from the Ethiopian and Kenyan governments to complement the efforts of NGOs and to sustain them over time. In the cultural setting, it is almost certain that if issues are left un-addressed conflict can reoccur in the future. Borana Vs Garri: According to informants, the history of conflict between the two ethnic groups traces back in the 1930s when the Italians had upper hand in the area. Among the factors contributing to conflict assessed, the root cause of the conflict between Borana and Garri Somali is believed to be claims for historical land and territorial claim. The line between the Somali border to the east and the Borana grazing areas to the west is becoming increasingly contested. The animosity between these groups is not only the product of land demarcation which suddenly shifted land ownership and use right as first stipulated in the Ethiopian Transitional Government Charter (TGE, 1991:18) and later adopted in the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE, 1995). In Kenya, because of pressures on pasture and land, there is a gradual push of the Somali clans westwards, despite Borana resistance. Lack of resolution over the administrative and boundary tensions between the Oromia and Somali, and the Garri management of regulated access for Borana El-lay and El-Gof traditional wells and pasture, is a volatile situation. This is a trend that many informants believed is known to the authorities who seem either indifferent or intend not to intervene. In addition, the occurrence of conflict between Borana and Garri on the ground of opportunistic proximate causes, not related to water and pasture is a testimony for the grievance for the unresolved broader concerns. Rendille Vs Borana: in Northern Kenya, a sporadic conflict is observed between Rendille and Borana in response to traditional values and beliefs originating from time immemorial. More recently this conflict has been politically instigated by District Consolers who took opportunity to favor one group and disfavor the other. 21

23 According to the informants from central Marsabit, the attitudinal inclination of the District Councilors (DC) towards Rendille and Gabra ethnic groups is believed to exacerbate the conflict between Borana on one hand and Rendille and Gabra on the other. Rendille affiliate former politicians have tried to bring Rendille towards Songa, Karari areas while Gabra affiliates are believed to have played a similar role. The Borana who are not represented at that time lost part of Karari, Logo logo, Hula Hula, Augicho areas, and were gradually pushed to the Mountainous areas. Eventually, Borana were on the losing end as they lost their property right although they still possess usufruct right. Thus accrual of grievances by the Borana may erupt at any point in time unless conflict prevention activities are undertaken. Gabra Vs Rendille: recent conflict between the two ethnic groups was due to raid of 10 camels by Rendille from Gabra communities. The stolen camels have been returned to their owner and the situation returned to normal through peace dialogues made between customary institution leaders. Although, this is encouraging, the fact that raiding has been one of the common features of many pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya remain a negative intervening factor towards any peace process in the area. Burji vs Borana: conflict between these ethnic groups started before long years ago, the major cause being killing and a vicious cycle of revenge which tended to build a tendency of consolidating animosity between the two groups. In relative terms, these groups have no deep rooted or structural problems; although a tailored peace building activities are required to stop any further conflict. Key connectors such as religion and languages seem to have mixed effect in reducing the probability of conflict between groups sharing them. Borana and Gabra speak the same language, but yet some religious leaders promote or undermine ethnic tolerance and co-existence. Although open violent conflict between Borana and Gabra has subsided after the Turbi massacre, in some areas, low level killings still continue. The latent nature of conflict and unmet structural causes means that there may be potential for conflict to re-emerge. Thus without addressing the major underlying causes of instability in the area, progress in terms of improved livelihoods may be constrained. 22

24 4.2. Factors contributing to violent conflict Although competition over resources is frequently cited as the cause of violent conflict in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya, evidences from this assessment as well as similar studies elsewhere, show that it is more complex than one may imagine. The patterns of conflict in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are complex. Different factors contribute to violent conflict and these factors tended to mutually reinforce each other. Structural factors embedded deep in the religion such as long-standing border disputes, state building processes, shift in property right and ecological degradation conditions shape conflict over time although their effect is slow overtime. It was also observed that these factors have been used as entry points by elite groups. Ignoring these factors or trying to address the visible causes of conflict through legislative or other soft measures is mostly ineffective. Thorough understanding of the factors contributing to conflict at various level contributes to conflicts resolution. Figure 1: structural causes of conflict at different levels ROOT CAUSES Governance - Colonial history - Power relationship - Post colonial nation building process Socio-Cultural - Negative traditional values and believes - Eroding values Property Right - Historical land and/or territorial claim Vulnerability Context - Residual impacts of state war - Temporal and spatial variability of resources and adaptive responses PROXIMATE CAUSES Governance - Government regionalization policy - Cross border ethnic affinities and support - Weakness of customary institution & mechanisms - Government judiciary system - Government ignorance of local conflicts Property Right Regime - Incompatible resources management system & objectives Socio-Cultural - Shifting alliances - Free-rider tendency - Rebel movements - Raiding for survival or revenge - Killing & vicious cycle of revenge Vulnerability Context - The influence of ethnic groups in Diaspora Positive Intervening Factors Community, Government & NGO peace initiatives NEGATIVE INTERVENING FACTORS Proliferation of small arms Instigation of local elites Politicization of ethnicity Rumor syndrome Ill designed development activities Asymmetric access to communication technology P E A C E / V I O L E N C E 23

25 In this assessment, the complex interplay of factors is summarized under four headings to characterize the causes of conflict in the context of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya as follow. Vulnerability of households: asymmetric power relations within and between groups and exotic factors (e.g., drought) have made certain groups more vulnerable than the others. The relative abundance of resources among one group and its scarcity among the other is observed to result in a greater risk of conflict as the latter tries to restock herds from the latter. When more and more households become vulnerable due to environmental shocks or conflict itself, the likelihood of violent conflicts increases. In all areas visited by the assessment team, livelihood insecurity is conspicuous. In Kenya, for example, Increasing levels of poverty and idleness tended to push some youth warriors to involve in commercial raiding and target livestock traders are affecting people s ability to take their livestock to the market. Socio-Cultural Factors: Some cultural values and beliefs, such as raiding and cattle rustling, or killing member of groups considered enemy have a long history and to some extent continued to be an aspect of traditional culture pastoralist in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. As indicated in Table 1 below, each segment of the community (elder, women, youth boys and girls) is socially gendered to contribute its part towards generating conflict. Such traditional conflicts have become increasingly destructive to potential or ongoing peace building efforts. For example, although a comprehensive peace declaration has been enacted by Borana and Gabra communities, raiding has continued. Some pastoralist groups for example, must kill contending group to get married or to get recognized and respected by the community. These factors have eroded social capital, undermined customary rules, increased mistrust and mutual suspicion and weaken cultural ties of the communities. Both Ethiopian and Kenyan local Government officials believe that breakdown in community values and lack of awareness on the mainstream secular legal system and its application as the main cause of the problem. Any peace building initiative should develop its intervention strategy to change the mind set of the community based on the barriers identified under each groups and using faith leaders as change agent. 24

26 As shown in Table 1 below, violent attacks are blessed by elders and encouraged by women, many of whom want the prestige and benefits of becoming the wife of a warrior. According to the informants from others tribes the Rendille, a young man never feed from the hands of a women (even from his mother), rather escapes to the bushes unless he commits raid or killing in order to get privilege and respect from the community and proud as a great warrior. Circumcision, providing dowry culture to marry also insists to raid from other ethnic groups. This is the negative side of culture. Traditional initiation ceremonies put pressure on young men to prove themselves as killers and hunters and the culture of body markings allow the youth to parade their skills as warriors to garner the respect of the community. Heroism are becoming uncontrollable as external factors such as weapon commercialization facilitate and provide incentives for individual s violent behaviour. Table 6: The role of the different segments of the community in generating conflicts Elders Faith leaders Women Youth (boys) Youth (Girls) Inciting /provocative/ They don t participate in conflicts but give advices to the community not to be involved in the wars. Insult those men who protest of fail to participate Warmongers, plays adulation role Warrior /actual implementers of attacks Rewards the youth boys with bead and traditional jewelry and necklaces Plans for war Tries to cool down the hot tempered members Feeding fighters Action planners set strategies Motivate warriors, singing hero songs, Bless the warriors Tells back history to Preach peace Disseminate propaganda Bless the warriors Livestock raider Aggressor, provoker Praising the warriors Agitates youths Give recognition to 25

27 boost moral of them to initiate youths Pressing the warriors through songs Joins conflict picking guns the attackers Governance: Informants indicated elite resort to violence to secure their interests. Asymmetric access to modern technologies such as small arms, motorized transportation and long-distance communication also reshape the dynamics of conflict which has significantly increased the magnitude of human fatalities. Wrongly conceived development schemes and investments implemented without the active participation of local communities results in unclear property rights mechanism thus increasing tensions. According to the ODI, politics can be a driver of conflict in pastoralist areas. In Kenya, new election constituencies are likely to be created before the polls and ethnically dominant communities stand a better chance of electing a leader from among their own. For example, a new district, Baragoi, has been carved out of Samburu, north of the main town of Maralal. It is mainly occupied by the Samburu and Turkana, who clash from time to time, which could result in the Samburu being marginalized. People no longer use spears or arrows for offence and defense. The proliferation of illicit arms is associated with the weakening of customary institution and their diminished role in the local leadership which has not been adequately bridged through policing and security arrangements. This has in part led to the proliferation of weapons and the proximity of the study area to unstable neighbors such as Somalia is another reason. According to informants from Marsabit, the availability of weapons was to some extent a deterrent to petty crime, although the use of sophisticated guns increases fatalities. Remote areas in the north rely on community-organized security groups such as militia (Ethiopia) and police reservists (Kenya) to maintain law and order. At times, the absence of the government force in some parts makes people take the law into their own hands which is becoming an obstacle to the free movement of traders and pastoralists, contributing to chronic vulnerability of pastoralists. 26