Preserving Imperial Sovereignty in the Changing Political Order of Prewar Japan

Transcription

1 State University of New York College at Buffalo - Buffalo State College Digital Commons at Buffalo State History Theses History and Social Studies Education Preserving Imperial Sovereignty in the Changing Political Order of Prewar Japan Shane Vrabel State University of New York College at Buffalo, vrabels17@mounties.mansfield.edu Advisor Michael C. Lazich, Ph.D., Associate Professor of History and Social Studies First Reader York A. Norman, Ph.D., Associate Professor of History and Social Studies Department Chair Andrew D. Nicholls, Ph.D. Professor of History To learn more about the History and Social Studies Education Department and its educational programs, research, and resources, go to Recommended Citation Vrabel, Shane, "Preserving Imperial Sovereignty in the Changing Political Order of Prewar Japan" (2013). History Theses. Paper 22. Follow this and additional works at: Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons

2 Abstract During the nineteenth century, several Western powers began to establish a presence in East Asia through the use of gunboat diplomacy. In 1853, United States Commodore Matthew C. Perry arrived on Japanese shores intent on forcing the ruling Tokugawa Shogunate to end its policy of sakoku (seclusion) and interact with the West through trade. Angered over the policies of the Tokugawa Shogunate, the han (domains) of Chōshū and Satsuma decided to launch the Boshin Civil War by instigating rebellion against the shogun. The military forces of Chōshū and Satsuma eventually captured the imperial capital of Kyoto and the young Prince Mutsuhito in The following year, Prince Mutsuhito ascended to the imperial throne and took the posthumous title of Emperor Meiji, and announced that imperial rule had returned to the country. The leadership of Chōshū and Satsuma decided to learn from the West and adopted several components of Western civilization in order to strengthen the country by fundamentally transforming its economics, politics, and society. During the 1880s, that leadership was crippled in a debate over constitutionalism, and the role with which the Emperor was to have in the new political order. Those leaders who favored imperial over popular sovereignty eventually prevailed in the debate resulting in the creation of a political structure that preserved imperial sovereignty. In 1890, the Empire of Japan was officially recognized throughout the West when it adopted its own constitution. While great progress had been achieved during the reign of Emperor Meiji, the high-water mark for the development of party politics occurred during the reign of Emperor Taishō. Unlike his predecessor s, the early reign of Emperor Shōwa was marked with acts of political terrorism and international upheavals which threatened to uproot the Meiji political structure. As a result of this, mainstream politicians turned to the Imperial Japanese military and radical bureaucrats to enact reforms that would preserve the political system in the face of such turbulence.

3 State University of New York College at Buffalo Department of History Preserving Imperial Sovereignty in the Changing Political Order of Prewar Japan A Thesis in History By Shane Vrabel Submitted in Fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master s of Arts December 2013 Approved by: Michael C. Lazich, Ph.D. Associate Professor of History Thesis Advisor York Norman, Ph. D. Associate Professor of History Thesis Advisor Andrew Nicholls, Ph.D. Chair and Professor of History Kevin Railey, Ph.D. Associate Provost and Dean of the Graduate School

4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page i Chapter 1: The Oligarchic Years ( ) Page 1 Chapter 2: The Meiji Constitution and Japanese Imperialism ( ) Page 17 Chapter 3: The Taishō Years ( ) Page 32 Chapter 4: The Ascension of the Military ( ) Page 53 Conclusion Page 79 Bibliography Page 91

5 i Introduction Similar to the experience of many European nation-states during the Interwar period, the Empire of Japan witnessed a brief period of rule under a parliamentary regime. This period of Japanese history is often referred to as Taishō Democracy, and is coupled with the rise of political party prime ministers as well as the development of political intellectualism. It was followed by a chaotic and violent Shōwa period, during which Japan became a highly militarized society and joined other Fascist nation-states to fight against the West. Several historians have challenged whether or not it is proper to label the Empire of Japan a fascist state during the early Shōwa period. 1 A basic understanding of fascist ideology and its application to Japan from will demonstrate that Japan was indeed fascist. 2 Further examination of Japanese history from will show that the path that Japan and its political leaders had undertaken prior to the Shōwa period greatly aided the rise of fascism in Japan. By the time that United States Commodore Matthew C. Perry arrived on Japanese shores in 1853, the Tokugawa shogunate was over 250 years old. It was established in 1603 after its founder Tokugawa Ieyasu had won the Battle of Sekigahara in In 1543, the Portuguese were the first Europeans to reach the Japanese islands, and throughout the seventeenth century, three other European nations joined the Portuguese and made contact with Japan. In order to stem the increasing presence of Westerners on its shores, the Tokugawa shogunate decided to institute a policy of sakoku, or seclusion. Having witnessed gunboat diplomacy firsthand during the Anglo-Chinese Opium Wars of and , the Tokugawa shogunate was quick 1 See Peter Duus and Daniel I. Okimoto, Fascism and the History of Pre-War Japan: The Failure of a Concept, The Journal of Asian Studies Vol. 39, No. 1 (Nov. 1979): and George M. Wilson, A New Look at the Problem of Japanese Fascism, Comparative Studies in Society and History Vol. 10, No. 4 (July 1968): Three tenets will be stressed: (1) ultra-nationalism, (2) a cult of personality, and (3) an aggressive foreign policy.

6 ii to end sakoku and signed a series of Unequal Treaties with several Western powers. Then, at the end of 1867, a triumvirate of han, or feudal domains, which included Chōshū, Satsuma, and Tosa, decided to support the young Emperor Meiji ( ) over the shogun. The Meiji Revolution was orchestrated and carried out by samurai, who overthrew the centuries old Tokugawa shogunate. The samurai that led the Meiji Revolution then became the leaders of the new regime, and for the next twenty years these samurai ruled Japan as an oligarchy. During the late 1870s, the Meiji oligarchy was put into a state of shock when two influential oligarchs, Itagaki Taisuke ( ) and Saigō Takamori ( ), left the oligarchy over a variety of issues. Saigō returned to his native province of Satsuma where he led thousands of samurai in what became known as the Satsuma Rebellion. The Meiji oligarchs eventually defeated Saigō in late Rather than take up arms against the Meiji oligarchs, Itagaki Taisuke decided to create a populist movement. Known as the Jiyū Minken Undō (Freedom and People s Rights Movement), it was the first populist movement in Japan. Supported primarily by shizoku, or former samurai, the Jiyū Minken Undō vouched for limited suffrage and the need for a national assembly within the new Japanese political system. With the Satsuma Rebellion crushed, and the Jiyū Minken Undō too weak to offer any serious opposition, the oligarchs began to implement several important developments that transformed Japan into the first ever non-western imperial power. The first of the major developments included modernization. Modernization was implemented in order to fundamentally transform Japan s economics, politics, and society. The second major development involved political infighting between two Meiji oligarchs, Itō Hirobumi ( ) and Ōkuma Shigenobu ( ). The primary issue between the two oligarchs was over which constitutional model (either British or German) Japan should adopt. The ousting of Ōkuma Shigenobu from office in 1881 ended

7 iii the debate over constitutionalism, resulting in the adoption of the German constitutional model. Since Ōkuma Shigenobu was not from either Chōshū or Satsuma, the Meiji oligarchs from those two provinces were able to form a tighter political alliance that became known as the Sat-chō Clique. The third and final major development involved the actual establishment of the new political system. On 11 February 1889, the Empire of Japan was formally established with the release of the Meiji Constitution. Shortly after the release of the constitution, a new rank that of genrō, or Elder Statesmen was created in order to reward oligarchs with a position that would enable them to advise as well as oversee the operation of the new state. 3 In 1889, there were only two genrō: Itō Hirobumi, who was the author of the Meiji Constitution, and Yamagata Aritomo ( ), who was the father of the modern Imperial Japanese Army. In time, the number of genrō gradually increased. The first prime ministers belonged solely to this small ruling elite. In 1900, Itō Hirobumi decided to broaden and expand his political base and created the Rikken Seiyūkai (Constitutional Association of Political Friends). 4 The creation of the Seiyūkai marked a significant break between Itō and the other oligarchs. Since the adoption of the German constitutional model, the oligarchs had been united through a concept known as chōzen naikaku, or non-party cabinets (also known as transcendentalism). Chōzen naikaku was designed and implemented in order to prevent the appointment of prime ministers who were affiliated with political parties, and to keep the position of prime minister firmly in the hands of the Sat-chō 3 Throughout this thesis I interchange between genrō and the Sat-chō Clique. The two appellations essentially refer to the same small group of men who were the ruling elite for much of pre-war Japan. 4 All Japanese political parties will be italicized and introduced with their long names. Shortened versions of those names will be utilized afterwards.

8 iv Clique. By creating his own power base, Itō was essentially removing himself from his fellow genrō in the Sat-chō Clique. While significant progress was made during the reign of Meiji, the definitive period for the development of party politics in Japan occurred during the reign of the Taishō emperor ( ). On 30 July 1912, Emperor Meiji died, and his successor Taishō ( ) became emperor of Japan. Soon after Emperor Taishō succeeded to the Imperial Throne, Katsura Tarō ( ) became prime minister for a third time. As a member of the Sat-chō Clique, and a protégé of Yamagata Aritomo, Katsura Tarō had the unequivocal support of the army. Due to this unabashed support, the navy decided to not supply a minister to Katsura s third cabinet, paralyzing the administration. In order to resolve this Taishō political crisis, Prime Minister Katsura decided to take direct action and appealed to Emperor Taishō for assistance. Viewing this as a blatant violation of the Meiji Constitution, the mainstream political parties banded together to form the Movement to Protect the Constitution. Large scale riots initiated by the movement subsided only when Katsura resigned from office and the genrō declared that a new cabinet was in the process of forming. In 1913, Katsura decided to establish the Rikken Dōshikai (Constitutional Association of Friends). Like the Seiyūkai for Itō, the Dōshikai was meant to be a source of political power for Katsura. The opening of hostilities between the major European powers in 1914 resulted in the First World War, and bound by its 1902 alliance with Great Britain, the Empire of Japan entered on the side of the Allies. During the war, Japan seized all of Germany s territory in East Asia and the Pacific. In 1918, the major world powers met in order to negotiate an end to hostilities and bring about peace. As one of those major powers, Japan was a cosigner of the Treaty of Versailles and became one of the founding members of the League of Nations. In addition to

9 v this, a series of naval limitation treaties were signed between the Empire of Japan, Great Britain and the United States that granted Japan naval superiority in the Pacific, making it a regional power. During the war, the Dōshikai had merged with other smaller political parties to form the Rikken Kenseikai (Constitutional Party) in The death of Yamagata Aritomo in 1922 greatly reduced the influence that the genrō had over governmental affairs. 5 In that same year the Nihon Kyōsantō (Japanese Communist Party) had formed. 6 In 1925, the Kenseikai president Katō Kōmei ( ) had finally become prime minister and under his administration, Katō expanded suffrage to all males aged over 25 years old. In addition to this piece of liberal legislation, the Katō administration passed a new Peace Preservation Law which seriously hindered the ability of the J.C.P. and other radical Leftists in their ability to expand and grow. On 25 December 1926, Emperor Taishō died, and on that same day Prince Regent Shōwa succeeded to the Imperial Throne. The practice of appointing political party prime ministers continued during the early years of Emperor Shōwa s reign. In addition to this, the Kenseikai had merged yet again with smaller political parties to form the Rikken Minseitō (Constitutional Democratic Party) in Since the First Sino-Japanese War of , nationalism had been growing exponentially in Japan. By the time of Emperor Shōwa s reign, nationalism in Japan had reached its zenith. The establishment of secret ultranationalist societies like the Kokuryukai (Black Dragon Society) and the Sakurakai (Cherry Blossom Society) helped to further expand nationalist sentiments since most of these societies stressed radical nationalism as a key part of their ideology. At the outset of the 1930s, the Kwantung Army began to disregard the civilian government in Tokyo due to its non-expansionist stance on China. Many of the 5 Itō Hirobumi had been assassinated in Katsura Tarō died of natural causes in Only Matsukata Masayoshi ( ) and Prince Saionji remained alive during the Taishō years. 6 Henceforth known as J.C.P.

10 vi officers of the Kwantung Army were in fact members of either the Black Dragon, or Cherry Blossom Society and as such became radical ultranationalists. On 18 September 1931, officers from the Kwantung Army blew up a section of railway in Manchuria and blamed the incident on Chinese bandits. During the next several days, the Kwantung Army invaded Manchuria from its bases in Korea and seized the region from Chiang Kai-shek s Republic of China. Following this Manchurian Incident was an attack orchestrated by ultranationalists on various economic and political leaders. On 15 May 1932, Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi ( ) and several other business and political leaders were targeted for assassination. For political leaders like Prince Saionji Kinmochi ( ) and Prince Konoe Fumimaro ( ) these attacks (collectively known as the Ketsumeidan Incident) were unsettling since they were a violent attempt to change the very nature of the economic and political order. For several years ultranationalists consistently hounded the leaders of the mainstream political parties and carried out acts of political terrorism. The Ketsumeidan Incident is often seen as the end of Taishō Democracy ; for after Inukai s assassination, the position of prime minister would never be held by a member of a political party. The last surviving genrō, Prince Saionji Kinmochi, determined that only civilian bureaucrats (non-party affiliated) and military men would qualify to restore discipline and order to the deteriorating state that Japan found itself in during the 1930s. The greatest act of political terrorism that was carried out by ultranationalists however, occurred on 26 February 1936 and is known as the Two Twenty-six Incident. While initially successful in gaining control of the government district in Tokyo, the rebels were eventually crushed when the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy heeded the call of Emperor Shōwa to put down the coup. Due to the failure of the Two Twenty-six Incident, radical ultranationalists

11 vii would never again attempt to alter the economic or political order through violence. On 4 June 1937, Prince Konoe Fumimaro was thrust into a position of greater political power when he was nominated to the position of prime minister by Prince Saionji. Soon after taking office, Prince Konoe led the Empire of Japan into the Second Sino-Japanese War when Chinese and Japanese forces clashed over the Marco Polo Bridge in Beijing. At the end of 1937, after weeks of bitter fighting with Guomindang forces, the Imperial Japanese Army took the Chinese capital of Nanjing. Despite having seized the Chinese capital, the Guomindang leadership refused to negotiate with the Japanese, and the Chinese retreated westwards to Chongqing; ensuring that the conflict would continue. While presiding over the position of prime minister for a second time in 1940, Prince Konoe began seeking out ways which would internally strengthen the Empire of Japan. For Prince Konoe, the answer seemed to lie with Japan s new alliance with Germany, that had been established between the two nations in Prince Konoe decided to create the Tasei Yokusankai (Imperial Rule Assistance Association) on 12 October Having observed the strength of fascism in Europe, Prince Konoe sought to model the I.R.A.A. after the fascist parties found in both Germany and Italy. The mainstream political parties, the Seiyūkai and Minseitō, once the great bastions of opposition to the ruling elite decided to dissolve and merge with the I.R.A.A. in order to show their patriotism and solidarity with the new nationalist organization. The works utilized for the research aspect of this thesis fall under two distinct categories. The first category belongs to that of books, which are largely secondary works. Three monographs were used extensively and need to be acknowledged: George Akita s Foundations of Constitutional Government in Modern Japan, and Peter Duus Party Rivalry and 7 Henceforth known as I.R.A.A.

12 viii Political Change in Taishō Japan. In addition to these two is Gordon M. Berger s Parties Out of Power in Japan, Each of these monographs offer exceptional insight into the Japanese political system within the period that they cover. The second category belongs to academic journal articles. All of the journal articles used within this thesis concentrate on a particular theme within Japanese history. The majority of the journal articles used deal with the late Taishō and early Shōwa. One such example is Stephen S. Large s Nationalist Extremism in Early Shōwa Japan: Inoue Nisshō and the Blood-Pledge Corps Incident, The first monograph to be utilized in this thesis is George Akita s Foundations of Constitutional Government in Modern Japan, , which examines the creation of the Japanese political system. Akita s primary argument is centered on the idea that the Meiji oligarchs were neither benevolent nor domineering leaders, but a mix between the two. After seizing power in 1868, the oligarchs wanted to hold onto that power and transform Japan into a powerful nation-state that would be able to protect itself from Western imperialism. The Meiji oligarchs were turned into a smaller ruling elite known as the Sat-chō Clique when Ōkuma Shigenobu was ousted from office in While half of Foundations of Constitutional Government is dedicated to the years of 1868 to 1881 and the formation of the Sat-chō Clique, the remainder of the work is devoted to the concept of chōzen naikaku or non-party cabinets. For the members of the Sat-chō Clique, chōzen naikaku was a policy that was designed and implemented in order to protect their hold on power. Towards the end of Foundations of Constitutional Government, Akita demonstrated how the thinking of Itō Hirobumi and Yamagata Aritomo changed in the early years of the twentieth century after having witnessed obstructionism in the lower House of Representatives by the mainstream political parties towards

13 ix their policies. In 1900, Itō decided to create the Rikken Seiyūkai as a way to recruit members of the lower House of Representatives and to dominate that political institution. The next monograph used is Peter Duus Party Rivalry and Political Change in Taishō Japan and deals specifically with the development of the mainstream political parties and their ascendancy during the Taishō years ( ). Duus primary argument in Party Rivalry and Political Change is that during the Taishō years, Japan and its political leaders came very close to accepting a greater role for political party members in the governance of the country. This was made possible due to the political ambitions of the smaller political parties in the lower House of Representatives, all of whom wanted to challenge the Seiyūkai. In 1913, Katsura Tarō, a general of the Imperial Japanese Army and protégé of Yamagata Aritomo, helped create the Rikken Dōshikai. While Katsura would die shortly after founding the Dōshikai, the Dōshikai would continue to play an important role in Japanese politics. In 1916, the Dōshikai merged with smaller groups in the Imperial Diet for a second time to form the Rikken Kenseikai. The ability of this political party to merge and form a new political party would be crucial for its continued survival. The next significant development that Duus covered in Party Rivalry and Political Change is the resurgence of Seiyūkai dominance from while under the leadership of Hara Kei ( ). Both Akita and Duus attribute the creation of a successful political party to its association with a member of the Sat-chō Clique. In Chapter 3 of this thesis, two political intellectuals are introduced. The first is Yoshino Sakuzō ( ), a widely respected academic who espoused democratic principals in his writing. Two journal articles were used in order to acquire background information and further knowledge on Yoshino. The first journal article used is The Political Theory and Program of Yoshino Sakuzō, and was written by Bernard S. Silberman. Throughout the article, Silberman

14 x utilizes several of Yoshino s quotes, and then interprets them. The second journal article to be used is Envisioning a Liberal Empire in East Asia: Yoshino Sakuzō in Taishō Japan, and was written by Jung-sun N. Han. Unlike Silberman, who concentrated on Yoshino s views on constitutionalism, Han describes Yoshino s views on foreign policy and introduces the reader to several articles that deal specifically with Japanese expansionism. Han concludes his work and stated that because of the importance with which Westerners place on democratic values, Yoshino s views on constitutionalism overshadowed those on foreign policy. The primary source material that was used for Yoshino Sakuzō came from Sources of Japanese Tradition, a collection of translated primary source material first published by Columbia University in the 1950s. The second individual that will be mentioned is Kita Ikki ( ), who was an extremely controversial figure in Japanese history due to his radical political views. Three secondary sources were used to acquire knowledge on Kita. The first source was a book titled Radical Nationalist in Japan: Kita Ikki, , by George M. Wilson. In addition to this book, two journal articles were also used. The first article was written by Wilson and is titled Kita Ikki s Theory of Revolution. The second article was written by Christopher W. A. Szpilman and is titled Kita Ikki and the Politics of Coercion. In this article, Szpilman does mention Kita s work as a political radical but largely depicts Kita as a political bully. Primary source material on Kita Ikki came from Sources of Japanese Tradition. The third and final monograph to be used is Gordon M. Berger s Parties Out of Power in Japan, Berger s primary goal with Parties Out of Power is to show the reader how the collapse of the mainstream political parties, the Seiyūkai and Minseitō occurred and in addition to this, to show how the I.R.A.A. was formed. Within the first chapter of Parties Out of

15 xi Power, Berger details the history behind the mainstream political parties and their rise to power. Berger attributes the collapse of Taishō Democracy to the Minseitō Prime Minister Hamaguchi Osachi ( ), who presided over that position from Political party members would continue to dominate the position of prime minister for an additional two years, until Inukai Tsuyoshi s assassination in What followed Inukai s assassination was a five year period of National Unity Cabinets in which the military dominated the administrative aspects of the country. The position of prime minister was returned to civilian hands when Prince Konoe Fumimaro was nominated to that position on 4 June The remainder of Parties Out of Power is devoted to Prince Konoe and his attempt to establish a new political party (the I.R.A.A.) and its operation during the first few years of its existence. After having undergone an examination of Japanese history from , the conclusion will return back to the original purpose of this thesis; and show why the Empire of Japan can and should still be labeled a fascist state. Several key identifiers will be utilized from each of the sources used in order to support the claim that the Empire of Japan was a fascist state. If labeling the Empire of Japan a fascist state during the early Shōwa is wrong as some historians suggest, then perhaps it is time to look towards new political appellations for the Empire of Japan during this time period. 8 8 See Peter Duus and Daniel I. Okimoto, Fascism and the History of Pre-War Japan, 71.

16 1 Chapter 1 The Oligarchic Years ( ) During the summer of 1864, samurai from the han (domain) of Chōshū attempted to seize the imperial capital of Kyoto and overthrow the Tokugawa Shogunate. The attempted coup d état failed, and with approval from Emperor Komei, Tokugawa Iemochi first banished and then invaded Chōshū. For the next four years, the Tokugawa Shogunate found itself locked in internecine conflict with the defiant han. During the course of this Boshin Civil War, an alliance was eventually brokered between the han of Chōshū and Satsuma. Towards the end of 1867, this Sat-chō Alliance launched an invasion north and with their combined military strength seized the imperial capital of Kyoto from the Tokugawa Shogunate. At the outset of 1868, the recently inaugurated Emperor Meiji ( ) announced that an Ishin or Revolution had taken place and that imperial rule had been restored to Japan. By the summer of 1869, all pockets of Tokugawa resistance had been liquidated and the Boshin Civil War was concluded. In defeating the Tokugawa Shogunate and causing its collapse, the Sat-chō Alliance had removed the sole governing institution of Japan. The majority of the men who took part in the Meiji Revolution were samurai and for the next twenty two years an elite group of these samurai ruled Japan as an oligarchy. In order to strengthen Japan internally, these Meiji oligarchs decided to enact a nationwide modernization program that would fundamentally transform Japan s economics, politics and society. Following their victory over the Tokugawa Shogunate, the Meiji oligarchs began the process of dismantling the political system that had been set in place by the Tokugawa over two centuries ago. Influential men like Kido Takayoshi ( ), Ōkubo Toshimichi ( ) and Saigō Takamori ( ) helped to stabilize the regime through their leadership

17 2 capabilities as they began to make rapid changes. 9 In order to legitimize their seizure of power, the oligarchs placed Emperor Meiji as the focal point of their regime. In the beginning of 1868, several Meiji oligarchs were appointed as Sangi (councilors) and advised the emperor on important matters of state. On 7 April 1868, the oligarchs released the Charter Oath. Of all documents released by the oligarchs, none have been so heavily commented on or critiqued by historians as the Charter Oath. Its text stated concisely: By this oath, we set up as our aim the establishment of the national weal on a broad basis and the framing of a constitution and laws. 1. Deliberative assemblies shall be widely established and all matters decided by public discussion. 2. All classes, high and low, shall unite in vigorously carrying out the administration of affairs of state. 3. The common people, no less than the civil and military officials, shall each be allowed to pursue his own calling so that there may be no discontent. 4. Evil customs of the past shall be broken off and everything based upon the just laws of nature. 5. Knowledge shall be sought throughout the world so as to strengthen the foundations of imperial rule. 10 The message of the Charter Oath was clear and twofold. The first three articles were written in such a way as to provide the Japanese people a sense of unity. While the fourth article, perhaps the most important in the Charter Oath, paved the way for future reform since it attacked feudal tradition by labeling it as evil customs of the past. On 6 June 1868, the oligarchs released the Seitaisho or Constitution of This document reformed the original government that the oligarchs had established shortly after seizing power from the Tokugawa Shogunate. After restating the Charter Oath the text of the Seitaisho stated: 9 Each of these men had played a crucial part during the Boshin Civil War. Kido and Ōkubo were political leaders from Chōshū; while Saigō was a military leader from Satsuma. 10 Cited in William Theodore de Bary, Carol Gluck and Arthur E. Tiedemann, Sources of Japanese Tradition: 1600 to 2000, Vol. 2, 2 nd Ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 672.

18 3 I. All power and authority in the empire shall be vested in a Council of State, and thus grievances of divided government shall be done away with. The power and authority of the Council of State shall be threefold, legislative, executive and judicial. Thus the imbalance of authority among the different branches of government shall be avoided. II. The legislative organ shall not be permitted to perform executive functions. However, on extraordinary occasions the legislative organ may still perform such functions as tours of inspections of cities and the conduct of foreign affairs. 11 The main governing institution was called the Daijō-kan, or the Council of State, and was to be headed by a grand minister and two vice ministers. In addition to this, departments of state the number of which changed at various times were established in order to better manage various aspects of the new Meiji state. Most of the oligarchs who had been appointed as Sangi earlier in the regime retained their posts or were reassigned within the various departments of state. The next major reform campaign undertaken by the oligarchs was against the daimyo (feudal lords) and their samurai retainers. Under the feudal system, the daimyo and samurai had a well-established relationship. Seeking warriors to protect their domains, the daimyo hired samurai by giving them a yearly stipend for their services. Since the Charter Oath labeled feudal traditions as evil customs of the past it became necessary for the Meiji oligarchs to either reform or destroy such feudal traditions; and the relationship that had been built between the daimyo and samurai was one such feudal tradition that needed to be destroyed. Towards the end of 1868, an Imperial Rescript was written by Kido Takayoshi which proposed to have the daimyo promoted to the rank of kazoku (nobility) and the samurai demoted to the rank of shizoku (gentry). On 3 September 1868, the Daijō-kan moved the capital from Kyoto to Edo, which was then renamed Tokyo. Consolidation and Transformation 11 Cited in Sources of Japanese Tradition, 673.

19 4 In order to be able to call upon all of Japan s resources for their modernization program, the oligarchs began to consider the problem that the han posed to their rule. Despite having enacted some social reforms in 1868, the daimyo still retained control over their han. In addition to this, most daimyo had obtained the right to pass on their han to their heirs. At first the oligarchs proposed to keep the daimyo in control of their han as appointed governors. As appointed governors the daimyo would lose the right to pass on their han to their heirs. On 29 August 1871, the oligarchs released an Imperial Rescript which abolished the han: Profoundly regretting this condition of affairs, We now completely abolish the Clans (han) and convert them into Prefectures (ken), with the object of diligently retrenching expenditure and of arriving at convenience of working, or getting rid of the unreality of names and of abolishing the disease of government proceeding from multiple centers. 12 Upon learning of these developments, one Western observer wrote how the abolition of the feudal han affected the Japanese: The thunderbolt has fallen! The political earthquake has shaken Japan to its center. Its effects are very visible here in Fukui. Intense excitement reigns in the homes of the samurai of the city today. 13 By replacing the han with a modern political unit, the oligarchs achieved two goals. The first goal was the final removal of the daimyo as a legitimate class in Japanese society, while the second goal was the centralization of all territories under Tokyo s control. On 23 December 1871, a small group of Meiji oligarchs led by Prince Iwakura Tomomi ( ) left Japan in order to make visits to each of the major Western powers. Named after its leader, the Iwakura Mission spent the next two years abroad. The primary objective of the 12 Cited in Sources of Japanese Tradition, Cited in Marius B. Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge, M.A.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2000), 348.

20 5 mission was to revise the unequal treaties that the major Western powers had imposed on Japan at the end of the Tokugawa period. Its secondary objective was to observe the West and learn as much about it as possible. While in the West, the Japanese were impressed and wrote: Their trade is prosperous, their technology is superior, and they grealy enjoy the pleasures and comforts of life. When one observes such conditions, one is apt to think that these countries have always been like this, but such is not the case the wealth and prosperity one sees now in Europe dates to an appreciable degree from the period after It has taken scarcely forty years to produce such conditions. Those who read this record should reflect upon the lesson to be drawn for Japan. 14 As can be seen from the above quote, the Iwakura Mission had a profound impact on the Meiji oligarchs that went abroad. While the oligarchs were impressed by the wealth and power of the West, the oligarchs were equally impressed with the technological capabilities of the West. By visiting each of the major Western powers, the Iwakura Mission was able to obtain a vast array of information. In the early 1870s, Yamagata Aritomo ( ) rose to prominence and joined the ranks of the oligarchs as a major reformer. Having served as a commander for Chōshū during the Boshin Civil War, Yamagata had extensive military experience and knowledge. By the time that the Iwakura Mission had left for the West, Yamagata had already spent several years in France and Prussia. Having observed the progress of the Prussian armed forces during the Three Wars of German Unification, Yamagata was impressed by their performance and was determined to model the Imperial Japanese Army on the German system. Upon returning to Japan in 1873, Yamagata strongly advocated the need for a modern army. On 10 January 1873, Yamagata convinced the Daijō-kan to pass a Conscription Ordinance which stipulated: By this innovation the rulers and the ruled will be put on the same basis, the rights of the people will be 14 Cited in James L. McClain, Japan: A Modern History (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2002), 174.

21 6 equal, and the way will be cleared for the unity of soldier and peasant. 15 By making the armed forces to recruit from all levels of society (not just from former samurai) the oligarchs had once again passed a piece of legislation that helped bring an end to a deeply rooted piece of feudal tradition. Towards the middle of the 1870s, the Meiji oligarchs started to encounter sterner resistance towards their attempts at reform. Things came to a head when Itagaki Taisuke ( ) and Saigō Takamori left the oligarchy and returned to their native domains of Tosa and Satsuma in early The two men left the oligarchy over differences of opinion in regards to foreign affairs as well as the recent reforms levied against the former samurai class. The actions undertaken by Itagaki and Saigō clearly suggested that both men had a desire to aid the former samurai class in maintaining some measure of prestige. The oligarchs for their part feared that the actions of these two men would be seen as a catalyst for counter-revolution. The establishment of liberalism in Japan is often credited to Itagaki Taisuke. After returning to Tosa at the beginning of 1874, Itagaki and his followers created the Aikoku Kōtō (Public Patriotic Party). Upon its creation, the association released a memorial which stipulated: Unable to resist the promptings of our patriotic feelings, we have sought to devise a means of rescuing it from this danger. We find this means to consist in developing public discussion in the empire. The means of developing public discussion is the establishment of a council-chamber chosen by the people. Then a limit will be placed on the power of the officials, and high and low will obtain peace and prosperity. 16 The creation of the Aikoku Kōtō helped to establish a much wider political movement that was known as the Jiyū Minken Undō (Freedom and Popular Rights Movement). In order to begin developing an ideological foundation for the Jiyū Minken Undō, members of the Aikoku Kōtō 15 Cited in McClain, Japan: A Modern History, Cited in Sources of Japanese Tradition, 723.

22 7 began to translate works that dealt with Western political thought. Those works that influenced the thinking as well as writing of the Jiyū Minken Undō included the writings of such individuals as: John Stuart Mill and his works On Liberty and Considerations on Representative Government. One member of the Jiyū Minken Undō had written that: We have come together because government is for the people, and inherent rights of life and personal freedom, which are higher than the mountains and deeper than the sea, will endure forever on this earth. 17 In order to help spread the message that was being dispensed by the Jiyū Minken Undō, two additional associations were created: the Risshisha (Self-Help Society) was established in the spring of 1874, and the Aikokusha (Society of Patriots). In order to prevent more former samurai in joining Itagaki and the Jiyū Minken Undō, the oligarchs, in particular Kido Takayoshi, tried to mend relations with Itagaki. In 1875, Kido had the Daijō-kan create the Genrō-in (Senate), a institution that was meant to consult the oligarchs on all political matters. On 11 February, 1875, Kido hosted the Osaka Conference and invited Itagaki to discuss the issue of representative government with the other oligarchs. In an earlier memorial, Kido had written that: In enlightened countries, though there may be a sovereign, still he does not hold saw in an arbitrary fashion. The people of the whole country give expression to their united and harmonious wishes, and the business of the State is arranged accordingly, a department (styled the government) being charged with the execution of their judgements, and officials appointed to transact business. For this reason all who hold office respect the wishes of the whole nation and serve their country under a deep sense of responsibility, so that even in extraordinary crises, they take no arbitrary step contrary to the people s will. 18 The significance of this conference should not be overlooked, since this was the first real discussion on constitutionalism that was undertaken by the oligarchs. Failing to bring Itagaki 17 Cited in McClain, Japan: A Modern History, Cited in Sources of Japanese Tradition, 680.

23 8 back into the oligarchy, Kido retired in late Even without its creator, the Genrō-in continued to act as a consulting institution on all political matters for the oligarchy. It had even drafted a constitution in 1876, but this draft was rejected by Prince Iwakura, since it had lacked preference to imperial sovereignty. By the outset of 1877, the former samurai class was divided between two camps: Itagaki Taisuke and his Jiyū Minken Undō, and Saigō Takamori. Upon returning to Satsuma, Saigō assumed a position as an administrator and helped establish military academies in the capital of the prefecture, Kagoshima. When the oligarchs attempted to move a weapons cache from Kagoshima, students from one of the military academies that Saigō had helped establish prevented the government officials from carrying out their task. What started as a minor dispute between military students and government officials over the control of weapons being held in a government arsenal erupted into full scale rebellion when the students began to muster more strength to prevent the officials from moving the weapons. By the summer of 1877, Saigō had taken command of this small force and began to rally additional samurai units. After the siege of Kumamoto Castle, Saigō was forced to retreat back to Kagoshima by a new conscript army that was led by Yamagata Aritomo. The oligarchs eventually defeated the force that was led by Saigō on 24 September 1877 and Saigō himself committed ritual suicide upon witnessing the defeat of his forces. Both Saigō Takamori and Kido Takayoshi died in Ōkubo Toshimichi was assassinated by former samurai the following year in The death of these three men allowed for the rise of a new generation of oligarchs. One member of that new generation was Chōshū native Itō Hirobumi ( ), another was Hizen native Ōkuma Shigenobu ( ). Both men were careerists and had worked in the Daijō-kan throughout the turbulent

24 9 1870s. The issue of a national assembly was brought up again in 1879 when all Sangi were ordered to submit their views on constitutionalism. The two most favored constitutional systems at the time followed either the British or Prussian model. 19 The last Sangi to submit his views on constitutionalism was Ōkuma Shigenobu. When Ōkuma submitted his ideas on constitutionalism, the other oligarchs were shocked to find that Ōkuma s views were radically different from their own. The memorial that Ōkuma had prepared stated: 1. The date for the establishment of a parliament should be promulgated High officials should be appointed on the basis of the support of the people.... In constitutional government, the place where the will of the people can be indicated is indeed the parliament. What do I mean by will of the people? It is the will of more than half of the parliamentary representatives. Who commands the will? It is the leader of the political party that has a majority in parliament With imperial approval, we should establish a constitution We should elect representatives by the end of 1882 and convoke a parliament at the beginning of In an attempt to defend himself, Ōkuma expanded upon his ideas further and stated that: Constitutional government is party government, and the struggles between parties are the struggles of principles. When its principles are supported by more than half of the people, a party wins control of the government. When the opposite is true, it loses control. This is the operation of genuine constitutional government. 21 As can be seen from his memorial, Ōkuma favored a parliamentary system that allowed the people to have representative government. Most of the oligarchs were conservatives, and viewed the emperor as the only individual with the right 19 The primary distinction between the two political systems was over sovereignty. The British political system had a ceremonial monarch as well as a bicameral parliament. The lower house of parliament was elected by the people and influenced the creation and destruction of cabinets which governed the country. The Prussian political system had a monarch that exercised power and also had a bicameral parliament. The lower house of parliament was elected by the people, but its influence over the rest of the government was minimal. 20 Cited in Sources of Japanese Tradition, Ibid.

25 10 to govern. As such, the oligarchs favored a system where imperial sovereignty was indisputable and protected. Upon hearing of Ōkuma s ideas on constitutionalism, Itō went into a rage and attempted to browbeat Ōkuma: Your memorial calls for selecting the heads of ministries and imperial house-hold officials from political parties. In the finaly analysis this is equivalent to transferring the imperial prerogatives to the people. Such heretical views should not be held by any subject. I too, in confomority with the Imperial Rescript of 1875, some day hope to see the establishment of a national assembly. 22 As a sign of protest should the oligarchs come to accept Ōkuma s ideas, Itō offered his resignation from all of his posts since Ōkuma s ideas countered the oligarchic principal of imperial sovereignty. In order to keep the pressure on the oligarchs to finish the project and draft a constitution, Itagaki Taisuke decided to create a new organization, the Kokkai Kisei Dōmei (League for the Establishment of a National Assembly) in March By the outset of 1881, the political infighting between Itō and Ōkuma had extended beyond their different views on constitutionalism. Since the Meiji Revolution of 1868, the island of Hokkaido had received a large investment of capital and people. The Hokkaido Colonization Office was responsible for turning the northern island into an integral part of the other three Japanese islands. Satsuma native Kuroda Kiyotaka ( ) was the founder of the Hokkaido Colonization Office and oversaw its expansion since the Meiji Revolution. When Ōkuma released his ideas on constitutionalism in 1879, Itō and the oligarchs worked behind the scenes to get him ousted from office. Despite the fact that large sums of money and people had been invested into the island of Hokkaido, the Hokkaido Colonization Office had failed to make significant progress. Satsuma native Matsukata Masayoshi ( ), who was an economic 22 Cited in Akita, George. Foundations of Constitutional Government in Modern Japan, (Cambridge, M.A.: Harvard University Press, 1967), 30.

26 11 advisor for the oligarchy, proposed to Kuroda that the assets of the Hokkaido Colonization Office should be sold to cover the remaining costs of the office. Never out of touch with developments within the oligarchy, Ōkuma opposed Matsukata s proposed stratagem for the Hokkaido Colonization Office. Fearing that Ōkuma was attempting to garner public sympathy by opposing the plan to sell the assets of the Hokkaido Colonization Office, Itō decided that the time was right to make his move. Utilizing both Ōkuma s ideas on constitutionalism and his opposition to the proposed Hokkaido sale, Itō organized support amongst the other oligarchs and had Ōkuma ousted from office. Since Ōkuma was from the domain of Hizen, the ousting of Ōkuma from the oligarchy in late 1881 allowed for the creation of a much more centralized alliance between the two domains of Satsuma and Chōshū. Known as the Sat-chō Clique, this new alliance was made up of individuals like Chōshū natives Itō Hirobumi and Yamagata Aritomo, as well as Satsuma natives Kuroda Kiyotaka, and Matsukata Masayoshi. Following the success of the Kokkai Kisei Dōmei and the boost that it had given to the Jiyū Minken Undō during the crisis of 1881, Itagaki Taisuke decided to create the Jiyūtō (Liberal Party) on 1 October A year following his ousting from office by Itō and the other oligarchs, Ōkuma Shigenobu decided to create the Rikken Kaishintō (Constitutional Progressive Party) on 16 March In order to prevent the Jiyū Minken Undō from gaining too much momentum, the oligarchs decided to establish the Rikken Teseitō (Constitutional Imperial Rule Party) on 18 March Sacred and Inviolable 23 The Jiyūtō and Kaishintō are considered to be Japan s first political parties. The Kaishintō is also often seen as an integral part of the Jiyū Minken Undō.

27 12 With power firmly in the hands of the Sat-chō Clique, Itō felt confident enough to travel to Europe to study constitutions. Leaving in early 1883, Itō traveled to Germany and Austria; spending most of his time in the capitals of Berlin and Vienna. While in those countries, Itō utilized a trio of German scholars to assist him in understanding constitutionalism. Those men were Rudolph von Gneist, Lorenz von Stein and Herman Roesler. Through the work of these German scholars, Itō came to grasp various concepts related to constitutionalism as well as statecraft and had stated: Thanks to the famous German scholars von Gneist and von Stein, I have come to understand the essential features of the structure and operation of the state.... the most crucial matter of fixing the foundations of our imperial system and of retaining the prerogatives belonging to it, I have already found sufficient substantiation At the end of 1883, Itō returned to Japan and began to make the necessary preparations towards the drafting and implementation of a constitution. During the early years of their rule, the oligarchs had the Daijō-kan reform Japanese society to minimize traditional division within the population. On 7 July 1884, Itō had the Daijōkan pass the Kazoku (Peerage Law) which created a new set of ranks and titles (based on German instances) within Japanese society. There were six new ranks and titles which included: Prince, Duke, Marquis, Count, Viscount, and Baron. In addition to these ranks and titles, a House of Peers was established which was to be the upper house of a bicameral Diet once it was created. Many former daimyo and nobility that had lost their old ranks and prestige due to the reforms carried out by the oligarchs after the Meiji Revolution found themselves appointed to 24 Cited in Michael Montgomery, Imperialist Japan: The Yen to Dominate (New York: St. Martin s Press, 1987), 106.