DALITS IN INDIAN POLITY A SURVEY

Transcription

1 Regional Studies, Vol, XXIV, No. 2 (Spring 2008) DALITS IN INDIAN POLITY A SURVEY Introduction India aspires and seeks a major power status in contemporary international politics. It is claiming this status on the basis of being the world s largest democracy, having a secular disposition, armed with nuclear power with a booming economy. But notwithstanding these claims, the Indian society is daunted by the challenge the Dalits pose who form the great mass of its deprived and downtrodden class which it is unable to assimilate into its diversity. Their inhumane treatment by the high caste Hindus threatens the Indian federation and stands in the way of rising to the major power status it aspires in the world. Despite India s manifold growth, Dalits still lag behind, largely due to economic disparity, which is a consequence of the deep-rooted caste system. Dalits constitute more than 160 million of the population of India (according to 2001 census) (1) yet (specifically in the rural areas) they face discrimination ranging from the trivial domestic chore of fetching water from the community well, to the major question of economic survival by getting employment. However, the situation is not the same as it was 50 years ago. By virtue of a 1950s amendment in the Constitution, untouchability had been abolished and a reservation system (privilege in education and other sectors and services given only to Dalits) implemented. This was chiefly attained with the efforts of Dr B.R. Aambedkar, a Dalit himself who had drafted the Constitution. (2) Maryam Mastoor is Research Intern at the Institute of Regional Studies.

2 2 Therefore, they have succeeded to some extent by gaining a share in national progress, however minuscule that may be, in political as well as socio-economic spheres. There is emerging a strong middle class, with a considerable section of Dalits in it, but those who do not have access to education and other benefits form the bulk of the real Dalit section of society. This paper aims to provide an overview of the imprints of Dalits in Indian polity, their plight in general, their procured status which is affirmative indeed, and the prospective scenario of Dalits gaining power. Finally, this paper will suggest what can be a solution within the existing Indian set up. The Dalits issue has its roots in the stratified nature of the Indian society ridden by the caste system whose origins are blurred and ambiguous. Therefore this aspect will be discussed first. The caste system The Caste system originates from Varna. According to the ancient Hindu book Rig Veda, Varna refers to the Hindu belief that humans have been created from different parts of the body of the divinity Purusha Brahmin (the teacher, scholar or priest) is made from the head, Kshatriya (the warrior class) from the arms, Vaishias (the farmers and traders) from the thighs and Shudras from the feet. The part from which a Varna was supposedly created determines a person's social status with regard to issues such as who they could marry and which profession they could pursue. (3) Figure 1: (4)

3 3 There is another belief, of Karma, according to which every being passes through a process of re-incarnation. The next life is either a reward or punishment depending on the deeds in the earlier life. Consequently, Dalits are supposed to be suffering from the punishment for their deeds in previous lives. (5) There are various theories about the identity of Dalits. According to the Indo- Aryan theory the main proponents of which are William Jones 1790, Friedrich Schlegel 1808 (who proposed the term Indo-Germanic) and Friedrich Max Muller (6) that the Aryans out of fear of revolt from the aboriginal Dravidian legitimized their superiority in the form of the Hindu religion which relegated their status to the lowest rung of the Hindu society under the caste system who ultimately came to be known as Harijans (children of God), a term Gandhi used that was bitterly opposed by Dr Ambedkar who was himself a Dalit. He warned Dalits to beware of Gandhi who had opposed the right of separate electorate to the untouchables before partition of India. (7) The word Dalit has its origin in the Indo-Aryan root, dal which means held under check or oppressed probably from a quote of Swami Vivekananda (a social activist) --- Dena Dalita Dukhi Devo Bhava (service to the weak, the down trodden and the suffering masses is itself a worship of God) (8) or it may have been taken from the writings of Govindro Phule ( ) a social activist. The literature published by Dalit Panthers, a political group formed in 1972 in the state of Maharashtra also used the word Dalit. Another name given to this oppressed class is Pariah (those of the drum/ or the leather people) which is mostly used in Southern India. (9) Coming to the theoretical explanation, another view was presented by Dr. Ambedkar, who refutes the Aryan invasion theory of the western scholars as a perversion of scientific investigation (10) of the Rig Veda. He was of the view that Dalits were ranked among the kashtriya and were not a separate Varna, but there was a continuous feud between the Brahmins and the Shudra kings which resulted in the creation of a new fourth Varna. (11) By proclaiming the Kashatriya status it appears that Dr. Ambedkar had tried to amalgamate Dalits in the caste system but ultimately converted to Buddhism in 1956, which is also the year of his death.

4 4 Another pronounced Dalit activist Kancha IIaiah, is a staunch critic of Brahmin domination and exploitation of Dalits in society. He goes with the Aryan theory. In his book Why I am not a Hindu he says that South India.was casteless until the Brahmins from the north established it there (12) The origin of Dalit is in fact as blurred as the foundation of Hinduism itself. Regardless of the confusion about Dalit origins their present reality is that they are the people doing work that is considered to be lowly and menial such as manual scavengers, shoe makers, (called Chamar), poor farmers and landless labourers, street handicrafters, folk artistes, washer men etc. They are the untouchables. (13) Economic disparity strengthens the authority of the upper class or upper castes to retain their superior status over these down trodden people who are looked down upon as unequals condemned by the so-called divine rules. Dalitism has now emerged as a phenomenon which has engulfed the entire Indian society. Today we find Dalits in almost every religious community, Muslims, Sikhs and Christians. Their inclusion in any religious fold is customarily to serve the vote politics, which does not necessarily help them to rise from the status of a Dalit. (14) Their lot is determined by their poverty irrespective of their religion taking the prehistoric discrimination supplemented by religion into the era of industrialization. A kaleidoscopic view of Dalits in society Choo-o choo-o na chee! O je chandalini r jhi! Noshto hobe je doi,she kotha janoo na ki? (Don t touch her, don t touch her ugh! She is a daughter of a dalit woman! Your yogurt will get spoiled, don t you know?) -- Song from Rabindranath Tagore s Bengali dance drama Chandalika

5 5 Untouchability as the fate of a Dalit, is more explicit in rural areas of India. Though it was abolished in the Constitution (Article 17) yet still persists in various forms. For instance, Dalits are prohibited to use village wells, to enter temples and are supposed to use a marked cup in the local tea-shop. There is strong discouragement of inter-caste marriages in society. Even today, when the son of a Dalit millionaire wishes to marry outside his caste, demonstrations are held in the city to deter that unholy act of mixing the pure blooded with the impure. (15) They are untouchable because their religious duty is supposed to be manual scavenging. This profession is widely looked down upon in society. Poignantly, a large number of Dalits are associated with this profession. Lack of proper sanitation system in public toilets makes the Dalits even more detestable. In , the union ministry for social justice and empowerment admitted the existence of 6.76 lakh people who clean human excreta from lavatories for a living and the presence of 92 lakh dry latrines, spread across 21 states and union territories. (16) The untouchable status of a Dalit becomes scornfully explicit when they have to fetch water from exclusive wells in rural areas. For instance, in the village of Palliyad the water source of Dalit scavengers is 30 minutes or more away from their homes. (17) Another problem with Dalits is that owing to their untouchable status, they hardly find any productive work. Consequently they are compelled to borrow debts in times of need. Their debt is by and large, ancestral in nature. According to a report by Human Rights Watch published in 1999, Dalits, usually work to pay off debts that were incurred generations ago, 15 million of whom are children working in fields or factories in slave-like conditions. As Emily Wax puts it in her article A broken people in booming India, By virtue of birth, some castes inherit wealth; the Dalits inherit debt (18) There has been some improvement in their situation lately owing to the implementation of reservation system. Some Dalits have acquired a reasonable position in society.

6 6 Scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes; The Reservation system In constitutional language Dalits are denoted as Scheduled Castes and Adivasis (the people living in tribes in rural India/ aboriginal or indigenous people) as Scheduled Tribes. Dr Ambedkar, one of the chief architects of the Indian Constitution, being a Dalit himself, recognizing and experiencing the natural calamity of fate befallen on Dalits, has included various provisions in the basic document regarding rights of Dalits. In the Constitution, Article 46 deals with the promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections of society. Article 335 gives the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes right to services and posts. Article 243T, 330 and 332 deals with the reservation of seats for SC/ST in municipalities, House of Peoples and Legislative Assembly respectively. (19) Under the 1950 constitution, 15 per cent of educational and civil service seats were reserved for Scheduled Castes and 7.5 per cent for Scheduled Tribes. In 1979 a Commission (Mandal Commission) was set up by the Janta Party, to further improve the status of backward classes on the whole. The basic task of this Commission was to identify OBCs and to recommend reservations for the backward classes. It recommended 27 per cent of quota in public sector and in higher educational institutions over and above the existing 22.5 per cent reservation for SC and ST. (20) OBCs or (Other Backward Classes) still stand as a controversial term, which officially include economically and educationally backward people in lower castes. On the contrary, poverty stricken Muslims, Sikhs and Christians and higher castes who happen to be economically lower also seek to be considered as OBC in order to enjoy the reservation rights primarily in education. (21) In 1990, Prime Minister V.P Singh tried to implement the recommendations of Mandal Commission. His critics called it a dicey move to win votes. (22) Still the allocation of 27 per cent quota for OBC/SC/ST in elite educational institutions lingers on, in the Supreme Court despite the fact that the Reservation Act, December 2006, provided for its enactment in (23) The reservation and quota system has met much criticism. The opponents of Reservation system argue that it has embodied discrimination by law. Subsequently, a

7 7 voucher system was introduced, in which needy students were supposed to be given vouchers by which they would be able to payoff their educational bills, (24) but this is not accepted yet. Critics of Reservation system believe that this system despite being an affirmative move is not workable where introduction of opportunity to the lowest among oppressed, is concerned. For instance, few years back, the Government of Tamil Nadu decided to reserve 15 per cent of the seats in professional courses for students in rural areas. This progressive move, led more students from villages to medical colleges in However, the actual beneficiaries were not the less-privileged rural students whom the government wanted to favour. Those who walked away with the golden opportunities were the more-privileged students from upmarket schools that just happened to be in rural areas. (25) Critics of Reservation system are to some extent justified because Reservation system has no place where meritocracy comes, the rule adopted by progressive nations. But considering the ground realities of India where general public has a peculiar mindset, due to primitive caste system, an affirmative discrimination is needed to give untouchables access to a good life. (26) There is another section of society, which is largely ignored and is unable to benefit from the positive discrimination, the Dalit women. Women among Dalits are considered as the lowest in the low and need to be empowered in the same capacity. Women Dalit among Dalits Women being the weaker gender though physically, are maltreated even by those, who themselves demand dignity and respect from others. Ruth Manorama, a social activist and the head of a newly constituted Federation for Dalit Women, has rightly called women Dalit among Dalits. (27) Referring to their plight she said, Dalit women are at the bottom in our community. Within the women's movement, Dalit issues have not been taken seriously.. Caste, class, and gender need to be looked at together. Women's labor is already undervalued; when she is a Dalit, it is nil... (28) Dalit women are discriminated on the basis of not only caste but gender also. The crimes against Dalit women are exceedingly high. According to a report of Human Rights

8 8 Watch (1999) Dalit women make up the majority of landless laborers and scavengers, a significant percentage of the women is forced into prostitution in rural areas or sold into urban brothels In Laxmanpur-Bathe, Bihar, women were raped and mutilated before being massacred by members of the Ranvir Sena in In Bihar and Tamil Nadu, women have been beaten, arrested, and sometimes tortured during violent search and raid operations on Dalit villages in recent years. (29) Dalit women have limited access to justice, for them justice is not only delayed but rejected altogether. According to Human Rights Watch report, out of the total (rape) cases in which trials were completed, 41.5 percent ended in conviction during 1990, 34.2 percent in 1991 and 33.8 percent in 1992 and 30.3 percent in (30) Thus the acquittal percentage is showing an upward trend over the years. The rate of disposal of cases in courts was 23.9 percent in 1992and 16.8 percent in On an average, 80 percent of the cases remained pending for trial. (31) Today in contemporary Indian politics with the accession of power to Mayawati, newly elected Chief Minister in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit herself, a better plight for Dalit women can be expected in the days to come. Though Dalits have acquired political power, yet the atrocities related to them on basis of their servile status, are still reported. De-facto segregation of Dalits Despite the abolition of untouchability, allocation of 23 per cent quota for SC/ST, they are discriminated against everywhere. In various cases of atrocities against Dalits were reported. Here is an account of some such cases ranging from March 2007 to date. Some Rajputs put some dalit houses on fire in Salwan (Karnal). (32) Chandrika, of Dallipur; a 24 year old Dalit mother recalled that she along with her 20 month old daughter and two years old son was thrown out of a local health centre owing to her caste and her children died uncared for. (33) In Ramnagar, (Lakhisarai district) high caste men raped six Dalit women because they voted for some other member, defying the recommendation of high caste Hindus. In flood hit Madhubari district, a Dalit man Shiv Kumar was blinded by pouring acid into his eyes by the husband of a village head for demanding his bit of the flood relief provided by the government. (34) In Gulbarga,

9 9 (Shahapur district), a social boycott was imposed on Dalits which resulted in cancellation of all lease agreements, of Dalit farmers as a punishment of the sin of taking water from the community well which was meant for the usage of upper caste Hindus. (35) In Patna, (Bihar) two boys were beaten up by upper caste Hindus, as they were playing near a temple. (36) In 2006 a review survey of Indian media during a six-month period in 2006 illustrates the plight of Dalits: Dalit leader abused for daring to sit on a chair (37) Dalit worker beaten on suspicion of theft (38) Dalit lynched while gathering grain (39) Dalit beaten for entering temple (40) UP Dalit girl resists rape, loses arm as a result (41) Dalit tries to fetch water beaten to death (42) In tsunami relief camp (2004) and earthquake relief camps (October 8, 2005), discrimination was witnessed regardless of crucial circumstances, when upper caste victims refused to get facilitated with the lower caste victims. (43) In Paliyad village of Gujarat, a study has indicated that 40 per cent of manual scavengers are frequently or always denied access to the market places. (44) A manual scavenger from Paliyad village, (Ahmedabad district), has described his plight in these words: the water mixes with the faeces that we carry in baskets on our heads, it drips onto our clothes, our faces. When I return home, I find it difficult to eat food. But in the summer there is often no water to wash your hands before eating. It is difficult to say which [season] is worse. (45) The reason for mentioning these few horrifying events, is to give an idea of the nature of the lives the Dalits lead. The advancement of positive discrimination by constitutional measures and showering of favours on Scheduled Castes, has benefited some, but the lowest still remain the wretched of the earth. Serious efforts are needed to weaken this de-facto segregation of Dalits. Still millions of Dalits are not willfully included in the societal set up. Consequently, the trend of conversion on a massive level is gaining momentum.

10 10 Propelled trend towards conversion and the restrictions On May 27, 2007 in Mumbai, on the occasion of 50th anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar s conversion to Buddhism, more than 1 lakh Dalits and tribals converted to Buddhism. (46) It seems that Buddhism has appeared as the last resort for Dalits to save themselves from the atrocities attached to their lower caste status. On the occasion, a landless labourer who came from a distant village for conversion asserted that conversion is his only hope to live a life of dignity in India. He painfully voiced that I am 45 and I don t want my children to suffer my fate (47) There have been conversions in the past as well. Some 50,000 Dalits converted to Buddhism on November 4, 2001 at the Diksha ceremony organized by All India Confederation of SC/ST Organizations and the Lord Buddha Club. (48) This was followed by another conversion ceremony (January 2002 Kerala district) in which 25,000 Dalits converted to Buddhism. Earlier, some Dalits had converted to Christianity and Islam as well. In early 80 s a number of Dalits converted to Islam, this conversion resulted in a Hindutva move, of banning the act of conversion. (49) But the Mumbai ceremony appeared as the biggest event of conversion after the first conversion ceremony in 1956, in which about 5 lack Dalits converted to Buddhism. (50) Conversion which appears as a remedy for Dalit problem is in fact, not effectual enough to heal the deep wounds of disrespect for Dalits. Their conversion in any religious fold does not help in changing the status of a Dalit. In Sikhism the temples for Dalits are separate, when they are Christians they are discriminated in churches, when Muslims they are not allowed to inter-marry with affluent Muslims. (51) Thus discrimination like their skin is always there, wherever they go. Buddhism on the contrary, is more trusted by Dalits as it is considered closer to Hinduism and does not believe in any caste system from which Dalits want an escape. This propelled trend towards conversion has been countered by certain restrictions. In Northern state of Himachal Pradesh, the government of Congress party has passed an anti-conversion bill without considering the need for it. S Vijay Kumar, secretary of state home department admitted that the government has no official data regarding the forcible conversion to justify the bill. (52)

11 11 In Tamil Nadu, AIADMK government, had also introduced an anti-conversion bill in October It was primarily produced to woo BJP, the ruling party of National Democratic Alliance (NDA) but NDA lost the elections. Eventually, the then Jayalalitha s government repealed the law calling it anti people legislation. In Orisa, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh anti-conversion laws are in force from 40 years and not even a single person is found guilty of forced conversion. (53) Critics of anti-conversion law believe that it is enforced and repealed only in order to cater to the vested interests of political parties making it a tool of politics. It does not protect people from forced conversion nor is punishment enacted on the perpetrators. (54) In addition to law, some groups have taken the case of conversion in their own hands. In 2001 Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal turned their guns against Christian missionaries in the state of Gujarat who were accused of forcibly converting Dalits and other low caste tribals. Schools, hospitals and churches were attacked and priests and nuns were assaulted. The incident which received much publicity in the press was burning alive of an Australian priest based in Orissa and his son in their car by a Bajrang Dal activist. (55) The ceremonies that were held on the celebration of 50th year of B.R. Ambedkar s conversion to Buddhism, have facilitated Dalits for conversion. Thousands among Dalits, endeavour to convert, openly and willfully, on such occasions. The massive conversion of Dalits on 27th May 2007, show the uselessness of anti-conversion bills. Moreover, this conversion on such a massive level, in the age of globalization, has revealed the frustration of suppressed classes which constitute half of India s population. (because arithmetically, taking backward castes as a whole, SC, ST and Other Backward Classes (OBC) into consideration; that approximately form about 52 percent). (56) In view of some scholars this conversion, (27th May 2007) is not taken as a good omen regarding the consolidation of Indian federation and unveils the reality that something extremely wrong is happening to Dalits. This trend depicts that Dalits want respect not mere favours and it has its roots in the conversion of B.R. Ambedkar. A Dalit is a human; Awakening When we talk about India as an independent state, the prevalent Dalit phenomenon, which was very much there before partition as well, received wide

12 12 recognition and constitutional accommodation by the efforts of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. Various laudable efforts had been made before partition as well the Bhakti movement (14th-15th Century) initiated by Kabir, a saint and Mirabai, to help the oppressed. (57) Then Jotiro Phule started a movement ( ) in the shape of Satyashodhak Samaj (Truth seeking society) in Maharashtra which focused on emancipation of Dalits from caste system. E.V Ramaswami Naicker ( ) in Madras state founded the self respect movement and rejected the idea of caste. Today the two descendent parties of this movement, Dravida Munetra Kazagham (DMK) and All India Anna Dravida Munetra Kazagham (AIADMK) (58) have a lot of influence in Tamil Nadu politics but in reality they have veered away from rationalism and atheism of Naicker and lapsed into various forms of Hindu obscurantism. (59) During British period as well, the government did not neglect Dalits and first special schools were opened for untouchables which were encouraged not only by missionaries but British administration also. Dalits attended schools for the first time in (60) Ambedkar struggled to achieve fundamental rights for Dalits. Though Ambedkar was critical of Mohammad Ali Jinnah (61) yet like him he struggled for right of separate electorate for Dalits. Jinnah talked about permanent seats for Muslims in the executive and the legislature. Ambedkar demanded the same for Dalits in the Indian Constitution but unlike him he did not demand a separate state for Dalits when he failed to achieve his demands but continued to struggle for their rights within the Indian Constitution. Ambedkar struggled hard to win a respectable status for his people but when his efforts failed he left the pail of Hindu society to become a Buddhist to show another way to the wretched of the earth to find a life of dignity. On his conversion he said: I prefer Buddhism because it gives three principles in combination, which no other religion does. Buddhism teaches Prajna (understanding as against superstition and supernaturalism), Karuna (love) and Samanta (equality). This is what man wants for a good and happy life. (62) The Harijan movement was started by Gandhi which lost its vigour with the passage of time. Ambedkar was critical of Gandhi, despite his Harijan (children of God) cliché. He was skeptical of Gandhian philosophy, to reveal his suspicion he said,

13 13 Examine the Gandhian attitude to strikes`, the Gandhian reverence for caste and Gandhian doctrine of Trusteeship of the rich.gandhism is the philosophy of the wellto-do and leisured class. (63) Nonetheless, Gandhi had a following of those Dalits who were not with Ambedkar, the grandeur of Mahatma kept them spellbound. Ambedkar was unable to fight that charisma for the first four decades of independence. (64) But later on, Ambedkar s effort bore fruits and today a number of Dalits have reached to the top positions in Indian society. K.R. Narayanan, a Dalit was elected president whose term ended on July 24, (65) Mayawati the newly elected Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh is a Dalit, Ruth Manorama a Dalit activist has international recognition. T. Rajshekar, a Dalit writer, is a senior journalist at Indian Express. He has authored more than fifty books dealing with castes, Muslims, Christians, Brahmanism etc. (66) There are a number of Dalits who have escaped the clutches of caste, but in the rural society, Dalits are living below the poverty line and they still face discrimination. Such is the level of discrimination that in Bihar (village Musahar), Dalits do not get any job and unavailability of money and food compels them to live by eating rodents. (67) However various NGO s provide financial help to Dalits and their efforts have become successful in making Dalit-problem an international concern. NGOs fighting for the rights of Dalits and international concerns There are more than 18,000 NGO s registered in India that receive foreign aid. (68) These NGO s are permitted to receive aid without prior permission, under foreign contribution regulation act By the end of 1997, the amount of foreign contribution to NGO sector had reached nearly $568 million (Rs26, 000 million), a growth rate of 643 percent over the last decade. (69) But according to an estimate of International Development Aid, among 300 million of Dalits (including SC and ST) 90 percent still live below the line of poverty. Therefore it is strongly needed to address the Dalit cause in particular while concentrating on poverty alleviation. (70) Various NGO s are chanting the slogan of Dalit cause. Most of these have received international recognition and have succeeded in bringing Dalit discrimination into the limelight on international forums. National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights

14 14 (NCDHR) with a motto we demand freedom from caste bondage for the 260 million Dalits of Asia works in collaboration with other NGOs and its objective is to eliminate caste from society. (71) Dalit Freedom Network (DFN) established in 2002 with a slogan abolish caste now and forever primarily struggles for Dalits to acquire education in English, to attain marketable success and access to social justice. It works in collaboration with All-India Christian Council. (72) International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN) was formed in 2000, it works for Dalits in India, the Buraku (low caste group) people of Japan, the low caste groups of Somalia, the occupational caste people in West Africa and other oppressed classes in Asia. They have endeavoured to involve, UN, EU and other international organizations to fight for Dalit rights. (73) Dalit Network of Netherlands (DNN) has centers in the Netherlands and India. They are making efforts to inform the world about the problem of caste discrimination at international forums. (74) These efforts seem successful in gaining considerable attention of the international community. On July 23, 2007 a resolution was passed by US House of Representatives to denounce the practice of untouchability and to muster up efforts in collaboration with Indian government, World Bank and the international companies to end discrimination against Dalits. Dalit Freedom Network (DFN) has played a vital role in initiating this motion. (75) Various International conferences are organized by the Voice of Dalit International (VODI) in 1998, 2000 and 2003 respectively to highlight the issue and to get the support of the international community. (76) World Conference Against Racism in South Africa held in 2001 has also discussed Dalit issues. The National Conference on Violence against Dalit Women in Delhi held on 7th and 8th March 2006 raised the issue of violence against Dalit women. Another international conference regarding rights of Dalit women, the International Conference on the Human Rights of Dalit Women organized by members of the Dalit Network Netherlands (DNN), in collaboration with the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), was held on 20 and 21 November 2006 in The Hague, the Netherlands. (77) On 9th March 2007, the International Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination was held under United Nations banner, further highlighted the

15 15 issue and recommended various suggestions for Indian government to curb discrimination against Dalits. (78) Thus the phenomenon of caste discrimination is no more an internal matter of India but has become known at international forums with the efforts of these nongovernmental organizations. Today, International organizations like United Nations, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and World Bank, have recognized this issue and intend to utilize their resources to address it. On the other hand various intellectual efforts have also contributed in making the Dalit issue an international concern. The novel of Arundati Roy The God of Small Things published in 1997 received world wide fame. It revolves around the story of an untouchable Velutha. With this novel the inhumanity attached with untouchability was read and felt by the international readers. (79) Another journal Dalit voice (an English language journal) has completed its 20th year in publication and is perpetually raising the voice for Dalits nation wide. (80) Though the Dalit phenomenon has been recognized internationally yet large inflows of capital in funding for the cause, and commencement of international conferences, remain insignificant, unless the society acknowledges its role in eliminating atrocities against Dalits. Ambedkar has rightly said, Rights are protected not by laws, but by the social and moral conscience of society. (81) Nevertheless, Indian government has introduced measures to assimilate Dalits in socio-economic and political spheres, by reservation system mainly. It is also worthy to note that some Dalits have reached the prestigious positions on merit as well. For instance, last year for the first time a Dalit (K.G. Balakrishnan) became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court even though there is no quota for Dalits in judiciary. (82) Recently, Dalits have acquired new positions of power in the university system, with S.K. Thorat appointed head of the University Grant Commission, and Narendra Jhadav as the vice chancellor of the University of Pune. (83) It seems that India will adapt with the system of meritocracy in the long run. However, initially the quota system is helping this weaker section of society to rise to a respectable position.

16 16 Socio-economic share of Dalits in India There is a 15 per cent quota for Dalits in the public sector but in private sector, Dalits are not offered any quota despite vast opportunities. Dalits can explore the private sector more effectively in sectors like leather industry in which they can progress on account of their traditional expertise in shoe making and manual scavengers can take part in the business of sanitation products and so on. Therefore a well-known scholar Christopher Jefferson has recommended that policy of positive discrimination must target the corporate sector. (84) Another view regarding the participation of Dalits in private sector is presented by Bhopal declaration (January 13, 2002). This declaration has firstly, highlighted the issue by indicating that there is not even a single Dalit billionaire, businessman or industrialist. And secondly recommended an equal opportunity for all principle in Indian industry so that Dalits may escape the historical burden of economy s polluted tasks. (85) These two different views address the same issue, one talks of positive discrimination in corporate sector while the other talks of meritocracy. By keeping in consideration the present position of Dalits, specially the lowest among them, positive discrimination in both private and public sector is needed in order to bring them into the mainstream of society. It needs time to change the mindset of Hindus in which caste system is still an imperative part of their life. However, gradually this positive discrimination could be reduced in order to move towards meritocracy. Consequently, some positive moves have been taken in this regard, though in a subtle manner, without the legislative binding. Subsequent to the Bhopal declaration the government of Madhya Pradesh gave financial support to a Dalit businessman and intends to continue this policy. (86) Another, positive step has been taken by Bharti Enterprises recently in employing engineers from the SC/ST on preferential basis in cooperation with the Social Justice Ministry. (87) Politicians too have taken steps from time to time to address the problem. For instance, in 1980 s Rajiv Gandhi s government initiated a landmark recruitment

17 17 campaign of allocating 50,000 vacancies to SC/ST. (88) But it is not certain whether that target was achieved or not. In view of some critics only few can benefit from the quota system to form a creamy layer while others lag behind. (89) The issue of creamy layer that is raised frequently in Indian media is somewhat justified as this creamy layer emerged as a result of the existing quota system. It is also a fact that the same quota system had benefited Dalits in the previous decades. Dalit leader Mayawati (an ordinary school teacher) was elected on a Dalit seat, Kanshi Ram (the late founder and ideologue of BSP) was a beneficiary of the reservation system as a civil servant before turning to politics and K. R. Narayanan (former Dalit Indian president) was a member of Indian Foreign Service before joining Congress. (90) They all belonged to the suppressed class before gaining their respective positions through the reservation system. They would never have been recruited anywhere because of their polluted being. The acceptance of Dalits in Indian society is a product of the reservation system that has made possible the idea of lower castes working with higher castes in the segregated structure of the Indian society. Therefore, the legislation regarding the reservation of Dalits in private sectors is perpetually being demanded by the influential class of Dalit community. Mayawati has demanded at least 30 per cent reservation in jobs both in public and private sectors, 10 per cent each for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the socially and educationally backward classes and the poor and the unemployed among the upper castes. (91) Another important Dalit figure, Narendra Jadhav, who is the Principal Adviser and Chief Economist at the Reserve Bank of India, has rightly said that the need for it is coming from the inability of the system as a whole to be fair. It is to guard against that. What reservation means is that if you are a Dalit and I am a biased man and therefore I will not give you the job, it is to prevent the kind of injustice which is there because of the psychological problems in non-dalits towards Dalits; that is the genesis. (92) Reservation in the private sector will generate jobs for the deprived classes. And gradually, people like K.R. Narayana, Mayawati, Bangaru Laxman (BJP party President ) will appear in private sector also as Dalit entrepreneurs.

18 18 Agriculture, being the main occupation of 680 million of the rural population, where 65 per cent of the labour force is from dalit community; is in doldrums. In the wake of globalization and stepping in of various multinational corporations on the Indian soil, and export-based agricultural development, the farmer class whose bread and butter was this occupation, is in trouble as the employment of agriculture workers has fallen from 160 days (1991) to 70 days (2001) per annum, the reason why a large number of peasants have committed suicide (970 in 2001). (93) Another aspect of this situation is the struggle launched by the Naxalite group for the rights of the peasants who are mainly Dalits. This Naxalite led peasant struggle has now surfaced in several areas of North India. Naxalites groups are actively engaged in organizing armed uprising in Bihar, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. In response, the thakurs (high caste landlords) have organized a private army Ranbir Sena which has been fighting battles with the Naxalite-led peasant rebellion group. (94) These trends show that things are not all well in India s agricultural sector. A parallel issue raised by Dalit activists is the reformation of the land rights. About per cent of Dalits are landless and near landless (households owning less than 40 hectares of land). (95) Table 1: Sr. No State Percentage of SC Landless Total population Households in SC (census 2001) 1. Bihar ,048, Gujarat ,592, Maharashtra ,881, Tamil Nadu ,405, Punjab ,028,723 This ratio increases to a severe level when landless and near landless are calculated on the whole.

19 19 Table 2: State Percentage of SC Landless and Nearlandless Total population of SC Households in (Census 2001) Punjab ,028,723 Kerala ,841,374 Haryana ,091,110 Bihar ,048,608 Tamil Nadu ,405,679 During the s a land reforms movement was witnessed in which large transfer of government land was made to Dalits and Adivasi families. But despite these efforts Dalits were unable to access those lands due to serious hurdles in the acquisition process. Most of the land was given to MNEs and big projects while Dalits were neglected by and large. (96) Budgetary provisions were also made to address the monetary requirements of Dalits. The Scheduled Caste sub plan (SCSP) was evolved by the Planning Commission in 1979 under the authority of the Central Government, in which it was made mandatory for States, Central Government and Government departments/ministries to allocate funds and associated benefits for that plan at least in proportion to 16 per cent population of the SC. But the funds allocated were nominal and not worthy of bringing a change in the miserable lives of Dalits. (97) In the annual plan, the allocation of funds by SCP also was not up to the mark. Here is the table of SCP plan Table 3: (98) Data of implementation of SCP for SC by Central Government in Total plan allocations by all departments/ ministries of the Centre Government Plan allocations earmarked for SCs by all departments/ ministries Rs. 1,65,499 crore Rs. 7,015 crore

20 20 Proportion of total plan allocation of Center Budget Estimated for SC 4.24 % The poorest among Dalits need assistance even to have the basic human needs like shelter, food and water, which becomes even more difficult to access in rural areas. Therefore a handsome amount of monetary assistance is needed to raise these wretched of the earth to the level of a civilized human society. It can be said that if India becomes successful in assimilating the 16 per cent of SC (which make up to 52 per cent if ST and OBC are included) in the Indian society, it will become more feasible to benefit from the open market economy. That can be achieved firstly, by introducing reservation for Dalits in private sector and secondly, by allocating cultivable lands which are surplus, to Dalits so that they earn their livelihood and participate by rendering their share in development of India. (99) The more the people are involved in economic activity the more progress and prosperity is assured. Likewise, China has progressed by empowering the rural class and involving the farmers in main stream economic activity. It seems difficult for Dalits to attain economic benefits, unless they are supported politically. Interestingly, in contemporary Indian politics Dalits have attained a significant share. Dalits in Indian politics Politics, the art of the impossible, by compulsion of circumstances, is learnt by Dalits in contemporary times. With the making of Bahujan Samaj Party (April 14, 1984) and the phenomenal victory of Mayawati (BSP leader) as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh (where Dalits are 21 per cent of the total population) Dalits have entered into a new arena, where rights can be won through political means. In Uttar Pradesh elections 2007, BSP raced ahead of its political rivals by winning 206 of the 402 seats where SP (Samajwadi Party) got 97, Congress and BJP got 22 and 55 seats respectively. Since 1991 it has become the first party to rise on its own. One amazing factor that contributed a lot in the success of BSP was Dalit-Brahmin combination. Informal estimates show that Dalits constituted about 23 per cent of voters while the Brahmin and Muslim about 10 per cent and 16 per cent respectively. To explain

21 21 the reason of Brahmin support to BSP, Babu Singh Khushwaha (a BSP leader) said that Congress during its heyday, advanced an upper caste umbrella, led by the upper castes and reminding Dalits about that regime was indeed counter productive. The upper caste especially the Brahmins knew that party did not have the strength to come near power and decided to accept the leadership of a Dalit leader. Large sections of Muslims followed the suit. (100) In response to the support of non-dalit voters, Mayawati has pleaded to work for Sarva Samaj (entire society), rather than Bahujan Samaj (Dalit samaj) and determined to make Uttar Pradesh Uttam Pradesh (Ideal State). (101) Mayawati has been increasingly praised on her remarkable strategy. Dipankar Gupta, in his article in Hindustan Times has compared Mayawati with Mao Zedong as a strategist. (102) The pioneer in devising such strategies for attaining political power for Dalits is none other than Kanshi Ram who started from assertiveness (BAMCEF in which he combined all voices for all the oppressed ST/SC/OBC and thus garnered their amalgamated support)* and finally moved towards empowerment (formation of BSP). He said in his speech at the Vidhan Sabha of Haryana during an election campaign in 1987: the other limb of the Bahujan Samaj party [in addition to the Scheduled Caste] which we call OBC or (Other Backward Classes) needs this party badly. Thirty nine years after independence, these people have neither been recognized nor have they obtained any rights. (103) BSP chanted following slogans in the beginning:- 1) Jiskî jitnî samkhya bharî uskî utnî bhagîgârî The highest number has to be the best represented 2) 85 par 15 kâ râj nahîn chalegâ, nahîn chalegâ 85 percent living under the rule of 15 per cent, this will not last, this will not last. 3) Vot hamârâ, râj tumhârâ, nahin chalegâ, nahîn chalegâ We have the votes, you have the power, this will not last, this will not last.

22 22 4) Tilak, tarâjû aur talvâr isko mâro joote char The tilak [emblem of the sectarian affiliation of the Hindus which is applied on the forehead and symbolizes the Brahmin], the balance [symbol of the merchant castes] and the sword [symbol of the warrior castes], hit them with their shoes [symbol of the work of the Chamars, the principal Untouchable caste of North of India, who do leather work]. 5) Tilak, tarâjû aur talvâr, un pade joote char [Down with the Brahmins, Thakurs and Banias.] (104) Later on, Mayawati worked out a different kind of coalition in which the higher castes supported BSP together with the oppressed. She launched a Brahmin jodo Abhiyaan (include the Brahmins) campaign which resulted in her success. (105) In Uttar Pradesh the higher caste Hindus constitute about 30 per cent of the population. Mayawati was wise enough to recognize the importance of non Dalit groups, their support eventually assured her success. BSP has scored an impressive increase in its vote bank from 23.2 per cent to 30.5 per cent since (106) This balancing act is maintained in the government as well, where the list of Cabinet Ministers includes 8 Dalits, 4 Brahmins, 4 members of OBC and 1 each from Muslim, Baniya, Thakur and Buhimar communities. (107) Mayawati has expressed her confidence in maintaining this Dalit-Brahmin- Muslim combination and advancing moves for their betterment; she said, I can get them to vote together; I can also advance their interests together (108) Mayawati is urging to replicate the same formula in other states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and other parts of Punjab. But a political analyst like Tyagi is of the view that neither the Congress nor the BJP in all three targeted states (Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Punjab) suffered from a dearth of political leadership. In Uttar Pradesh the leadership of both major parties (BJP and Congress) had created a vacuum especially among Brahmins and the BSP could fill it. The other States, as things stand now, do not offer a similar opportunity. (109) Further, according to an upper caste BSP

23 23 MLA, Brahmins in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are not yet ready to accept the Dalit leadership both socially and politically, in Uttar Pradesh they were compelled to [accept Dalit leadership] by persistent rise of OBC and Dalit assertion,but Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have not reached that stage. (110) Earlier, though BSP remained prominent on the political scene in Uttar Pradesh, yet it came into power only through alliance politics; this is the first time, when it has won the majority on its own. The last single party government was made by BJP in 1991, which eventually got dismissed by the centre following the demolition of Babri Mosque at Ayodha. In 1993, BSP fought the polls together with SP and won 175 seats, though BJP had 177 seats yet Congress extended its support to SP-BSP alliance and Mulayam Singh Yadav became the Chief Minister. This development was short lived, as both parties turned bitter foes, after the attack on Mayawati. The assembly polls of 1996 saw BSP forging alliance with Congress, though BJP won 176 seats but no other party aligned with BJP. Consequently, Mayawati became Chief Minister for the first six months but later broke the alliance throwing the state into political turmoil. The assembly election in 2002 saw SP as the single largest party with 143 seats, while BSP and BJP secured 98 and 88 respectively. Two months after the polls BJP and BSP formed an alliance and Mayawati became CM but resigned after the Taj-heritage scam episode. Eventually, Mulayam Singh Yadav filled the vacuum. (111) In recent elections, BSP has won absolute majority after 14 years. It is facing tremendous challenges regarding bettering the lot of its majority voters (70 per cent Dalits) and equal opportunity for all, both in private and public sector and maintaining the inclusive coalition of Brahmin-Muslim-Dalit voters. (112) There is a popular consensus that BSP is placed best of all as far as the next Lok Sabha elections are concerned. According to Arun Nehru, Ms Mayawati and BSP can win 40 to 50 seats in the next Lok Sabha elections. (113) This alteration has in fact changed the course of Indian politics. Another strong contender has entered in that very race. Hopes are high, regarding the betterment of Dalits.

24 24 Dalit factor seems to dominate the Indian political scene in other states as well. In Punjab Shiromani (Aklai Dal), a Sikh based party, has formed government with BJP. Sikh sections of society are exceedingly active in persuading the Dalits of Punjab, which constitute almost 28 per cent (Census 2001). Sacha Sauda a new religious cult which calls for no religious affinities and end to caste-based discrimination has been devised by Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh which has 160 branches in 16 states and 30 million followers nationwide. Its egalitarian principles have attracted large sections of Dalits. According to Punjab Police, over 70 per cent of its (Sacha Sadhu) members are Dalits. (114) Another Sikh movement like that of Bhant Singh, a Dalit Sikh (who lost his hand and leg when beaten up by an upper caste Hindu) has also a large Dalit following. Sikhs are somewhat successful in winning the trust of Dalits. In Tamil Nadu where the Dalit constitute almost 19 per cent of population, the political scene is dominated by a Dravidian party, Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (DMK) which apparently adopted the vision of legendary Dalit leader, E.V Ramaswami Naicker, but in reality it has ignored its basic tenets of fighting against the social injustices and adopted the rules of power politics. (115) In West Bengal where Dalits constitute 23 per cent, Communist party of India (CPI) leads coalition government since the past 30 years. They encompass large support from Dalit sections. With their slogan regarding land reforms Kisan Sabha CPI has attracted a large section of Dalits. (116) In Bihar where Dalits are 15 per cent of total population, Naxalite groups are operational in 36 out of total 54 districts. These groups have a large following of Dalits. An incident of mass killings by Ranvir Sena (upper caste group of land lords) on December 1, 1997 in village Laxmunpur (of district Jehanabad) shot dead 64 Dalits. This incident culminated in raising Dalit support for communists. (117) In Himachal Pradesh where Dalits constitute 40 per cent of the electorate, (118) Congress has established the government. Here an interesting event illuminated the importance of Dalits in deciding the fate of political parties during the state elections of Congress accused BJP government of discrimination against Kangra, the biggest district, thickly populated with Dalits. On the contrary the Chief Minister P.K. Dhumal s