Commentaries on Current and other issues

Transcription

1 Commentaries on Current and other issues My credential has been upgraded from an apologist to EPRDF supporter. I have to admit that, as I get more comfortable with the revolutionary democrats, at times I stumble to lose my objectivity. But, at least I have not been subjective on my assessment of Ethiopia s progress. For example, two of the most conservative institutions, the World Bank and IMF, say that prospects for Ethiopia are good. You can t accuse these institutions of being pro-eprdf. Do you? I am back with my commentaries which gives me an opportunity to express my views on current issues and interest of general nature, as a private citizen. I also help reclaim public space and provide alternative Diaspora voices. To make your reading easier, this time I tried to organize my thoughts around three areas: EPRDF, opposition and general interest. There are 20 items and some are unusually long. On EPRDF 1. Correction In my previous piece, I got Bereket Simon mixed up with the Minister of Information. I apologize to him and readers for creating confusion, if there was any. Otherwise I stand by what I said about Bereket and that useless ministry of information. 2. Peace and Security Ethiopians should no longer ignore continuous security threats by hostile forces in the Horn of Africa. Therefore, sooner or later, the Ethiopian government will have to start carefully assessing domestic and international public opinion on the need to change Ethiopia s foreign policy towards the Horn region, so that Ethiopia can take more measures to promote long-term peace and security. 3. A shift of power in Ethiopian society? Every time we got optimistic about economic development, every time it seemed unthinkable to see pictures of starving Ethiopian children on foreign media (our local media never leave cities). But, we saw the pictures of skeleton bodied children a few weeks ago. Why did this happen? Negligence, problem oversight, resource constraints, bureaucracy, we can cite many reasons. But there is one very important reason, which is that, rural people still live far way from the centres of power, so that their starvation causes no political problem. Are we then wrong to have believed that there has been a shift of economic and political power in favour of Ethiopian rural society? For example, rising rural income and four level of representation (local, Woreda, region and federal) giving rural people a voice? The fact is that urban interests remain well protected by the current ruling elites and urban-based opposition with access to quality public services, reasonable food prices, modernized subsidized condos, and so on. Meanwhile, the fate of the poor rural masses is in the hands of regional elites who seem to be enjoying good life,

2 thank to Ethiopian federalism. Revolutionary democracy has limits, one of which is reliance on party command structures that create a situation where local officials channel issues up and await top-down responses. Bureaucracy being bureaucracy, this takes time and opportunities for quick responses could be lost. That is perhaps why the government lost sight of the severity of the food and nutritional deficiency in the country. For a ruling class whose political survival depends on development (at least this is the political motto), the starvation of Ethiopians causes not only self-embarrassment, but it also raises accountability issues. Famine is a distributional problem as much as a problem caused by a lack of food in the country, according to conventional wisdom. Who will be responsible for the death of Ethiopia s children, if media reports are accurate? The usual local cadres who are often used as scapegoats to cover up fallouts from higher ups? 4. Revolutionary democracy and public participation Those regional heads (presidents) should get out to interact with the population. I am in agreement with one of my cyber acquaintances, who returned from Ethiopia recently, that regional heads are not seen outside of regional capitals except when they accompany Prime Minster Meles who by the way is doing a good outreach job. 5. To the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia Whether one agrees or not, the outcome of the May 2008 election was predicted (a victory for EPRDF), considering the disorganization of the opposition. But this does not mean that you undermine the Board s mandate by ignoring opposition grievances. Next time you hear grievances of harassment from the opposition, go out of Addis Ababa to gather evidence. You don t say to the opposition provide us with evidence knowing that no one can gather evidence amid a situation of harassment and intimidation on the ground. 6. Examples of what lack of transparency can do to EPRDF I believe it was in 1995/96 that the Ethiopian Electricity and Power Corporation (EEPC) transferred an old diesel-operated electric power generator from Gondar to Tigray. People in Gondar city got angry with the Zonal Administration for giving away what they believed was their property. I followed up to talk to someone from the Zonal planning department. He said that there was actually nothing wrong with that decision. The old generator (installed by Italians) was sitting idle, since Gondar was already connected to the Bahir Dar power grid. The Zonal Administration was also lobbying EEPC to expand the Bahir Dar grid to other small and medium cities across Gondar. So, perhaps with a tip from someone, the EEPC decided to take the old generator to Tigray and put it to some us. But, since the decision was made without public knowledge, the transportation of the old generator to Tigray created a political issue and popular resentment. Another case is the inclusion of Wolkaite and Tselemet areas to the Tigray region. I personally was not surprised when this provincial boundary issue recently emerged as a political issue, at least in the Diaspora. Because, things were not done right. As an ethnic nationalist organization, TPLF sought to identify and embrace all Tigrean speaking communities in

3 Northern Ethiopia, although Wolkaites identify with Gondaries as much as they do with Tigreans. Later, the triumphant young Woyanes would simply use a historical opportunity to demarcate the Tigray-Gondar provincial boundary in favour of their home region, thereby creating a controversy. Ultimately, the people of Gondar and Tigray are cousin. We do not also live in ancient feudal times when possession of a large territory was equated with a strong regional power base; the more land you have, the more you would be able to extract resources from the peasantry and maintain a large army). Today Ethiopians articulate territoriality to claim their rights for political representation and government services, so that the people of Wolkaite and Tselement should be allowed to decide for their future. The lesson (my intention here) is that public administration is a complex business and one way to avoid negative setbacks is to be open and transparent, especially if there is a polarized political environment. 7. EPRDF Transformation I would like to comment (just as a matter of intellectual curiosity) on that brief discussion on Aiga Forum on this subject, although what I write here is too general and possibly out of the context of that debate (which was political). Normally the performance of governing parties is measured by how effective they are in delivering public services, distributing resources, maintaining public security, administering justice and engaging citizens, among other things. In the West, this area of work (assessing the performance of organizations of any kind) makes up a huge industry dominated by consultants of organizational change/development, strategic planning, change management and other sorts. In many cases, these consultants are former public and private sector bureaucrats that bring a wealth of practical experience and knowledge. I remember the former Canadian foreign minister Lloyd Auxworthy (a brilliant diplomat) being escorted by a university in Western Canada to leave his ministerial post and head an international think tank that provides research, diplomacy and policy advice. For example, these experienced consultants wouldn t simply conclude that EPRDF is decaying because it has been in power for 17 years or that Meles Zenawi should end his term because it will be good for EPRDF. After all, TPLF transformed itself from a narrow ethnic movement to orchestrate and build a national coalition party, EPRDF. Folklore had it that, when Meles & Co reached the vicinity of Addis Ababa, they abandoned Marxism. The emergence of interesting personalities like Girma Birru and Sofian Ahmed at the top echelon of EPRDF leadership can be another indicator of transformation. The question is whether EPRDF has changed to the extent that is desired. Here is then the importance of experience. For those who know how a governmental system works, they consider, for example, how EPRDF seized state power and built its government machinery in the first place. For instance, when EPRDF leaders entered Addis Ababa, they were faced with unhappy bureaucracy, middle class, commercial class, intellectual class, and so on, all reluctant to fully cooperate. Instead of seeking compromises, the triumphant revolutionary democrats would decide to do things in their own ways and this would gradually develop into a habit of we will do it alone. One Addis Ababa newspaper labelled EPRDF s openness as inclusion within a fence (participation in its own terms). Another example and I am done here. In 1997, I went to the Amhara State regional parliament in Bahir Dar to obtain certain public documents. After four days of effort (I am not kidding), I went to

4 the resource center with a note authorizing the release of the documents (to me). The young female EPRDF read the note and abruptly stood up and left the room saying I want to talk to him (the Secretary of the Amhara Regional State who authorized it). She came back and reluctantly handed the documents to me. This is an example of a culture of guerrilla organization (made up of autonomous sub-systems) trying to achieve a fit with an institutionalized (hierarchical) decision-making system. Indeed, EPRDF attempted to get rid of its guerrilla culture by training its members and replacing those who did not excel; for example, those who dropped out of civil service college might not have been promoted or considered for high level government positions. In short, EPRDF is an innovative organization, although it has not changed to the extent desired. 8. Transfer of power in Russia This may follow from the one above. I was watching a news program on Canadian television on transfer of power in Russia when I began thinking about how important it was to think differently and seek homegrown solutions. The Russian story was as follows: President Vladimir Putin groomed his successor, got him elected as a president (to replace him) and Putin himself assumed the post of prime minister, which is a powerful position. Western media and analysts stop short of calling this form of power transfer a mockery of parliamentary democracy. But, what did many Russians say? Nothing. Putin s state has been performing well including restoring Russia s superpower status. Why change a machine that is working? Precisely why I have no regret for raising the issue as to whether or not Meles should end his term. He has done a lot to improve the lives of our poor relatives; they will care less if he rules for another decade. 9. EPRP prisoners This issue is not only about human rights. For many of us it has become personal. We have felt a social pressure, such as why we helped the release of historically privileged people like Mesfin Wolde Mariam and Hailu Shawel (got no credit), while keeping silent on the fate of these dedicated revolutionaries? Unless something dramatic had happened after their capture, such as death or execution, the imprisonment of these EPRPs has no political importance. The resolution of this issue is overdue. Should we go to foreign organizations and ask them to lobby on our behalf or we do it ourselves and build our confidence in Ethiopia s young democracy? We also want to prove that our voices can get heard without getting involved in negative politics that affects the reputation of Ethiopia s national leaders. On opposition 10. Vindication of Ledetu Ayalew Shortly after the appearance of cracks within the Knijit leadership, we began hearing stories about how power-hungry Addis Ababa elites tried to manipulate and control this coalition party. The last blow came from Bedru Adem s interview (Reporter) in which he not only confirmed this story (power and greed), but went as far as suggesting that Knijit

5 could have encountered governance problems had it succeeded in seizing state power; this is an organization that used to boast about its possession of intellectual and professional assets. The futile attempted to sideline Lidetu Ayalew would split the party as the determined Lidetu left knijit s coalition with his party. What followed was systematic and well organized personal attacks, intimidation and even insults against Lidetu including a group of Diaspora hooligans trying to bit him up (?) in a Washington, D.C., hotel. Today Lidetu is vindicated. He also commands respect for his sharp, no nonsense talks, as well as his decision to set political differences aside and stand up together with EPRDF on certain public policy issues. He is practically the most effective opposition leader in today s Ethiopia. 11. On opposition grievance Other things being equal (e.g. resource and political constraints), there is one thing that opposition parities can do easily. Instead of rushing to report incidents of harassment and intimidation to the Election Board, donor officials, NGO personnel, etc., they should try to manage their relationships with ruling party officials. Local opposition people should use local systems of conflict resolution. They should show EPRDF officials that they are on the same ship as far as fighting poverty is concerned, by participating in community development activities or going out to the countryside to help mobilizes communities. If you ask ordinary Ethiopians where you could find opposition people, they would have no idea. Because, they (opposition) do not participate in public activities. I am not overlooking political constraints here. I am saying that the opposition should go beyond public lobbying to consider peaceful competition with EPRDF to squeeze in and share public space. 12. Diaspora Politics Diaspora politics seemed to have died away before a group of people prepared an online petition on Ethiopia-Sudan border issue, which then caused an arousal of political interest. EPRP would take centre stage. Other political groups have not been so vocal, in part because they are preoccupied with their own internal affairs. Nonetheless, looking at general trends, the energetic Andargachew Tsegie wrote a paper on possible armed struggle, which might have alienated more people. Birhanu Nega left Knijit, ending his political career. Hailu Shawel s group remains quite. Diaspora UEDF has disappeared from the political arena EPRP doesn t need it anymore. So, only EPRP! If it can stop manufacturing propaganda and instead focus on the politics of bread and butter like the revolutionary democrats. The reason that I have more to say below. Am I in a good mood or what? Nonsense. I write commentaries to appraise and comment on current trends and issues, regardless of whether one agrees with me or not. 13. Towards Revitalized EPRP It was during the final EPRP congress in lowland Quara, in Unaware that it had rained heavily in highland areas of south-west Gondar, EPRP leaders woke up early in the morning to discover that the banks of Shinfa River were filling up rapidly with water.

6 Order was issued to cross the river immediately, to the other side (the Sudanese side ). Just moments after everybody and everything crossed the river, somebody asked, why didn t we remain on the other side of the river? Taye Feqo would be compelled to redirect the question to the EPRP crowd, do you want to migrate to Sudan or stay here? Maybe in line with his original plan! The crowd responds favourably to the idea of migration. Taye started crying, as did many others. It was perhaps one of the most dramatic events not recorded in Ethiopia s recent history. The march to Sudan migration began within hours. While in a refugee camp, EPRP used its structure and social capital to enforce order and take care of its members until it was gradually deserted, many escaping to the West. In later years, some got reorganized and re-entered Quara, but only to be surrounded and captured by EPRDF forces. The legendary Ayalnesh would push deep into Gojam with a force of merely 60 fighters, according to folklore. Others scattered and came back running to Sudan, eventually ending up in the Diaspora too. Those who remained devoted members kept EPRP going. Indeed, the story about EPRP is fascinating. Yet, the fact is that this organization just doesn t seem to have the capacity to articulate vision and strategy compatible with 21 st century society. Its business of manufacturing propaganda and producing literature dedicated to personal attacks have given it a reputation of being an organization of hooligans, የወረኛ ድርጅት This stereotype is reinforced by the image that is projected by some of the local cadres who look more like a disturbed evangelical preacher. Organizational decay became evident when the party was divided into two camps: EPRP and EPRP-Democratic. The EPRPs appears to have got energy while the EPRP-Democrats, led by (the nice guy) Mersha, are struggling to build another rival EPRP. All of which is stupid. What makes one group of EPRP a democrat and another group not a democrat? The name? Elias Kifle said so? Action speakers lauder, or that what matters is good and decent work. Leaders who have been good at escorting various groups to create alliances this unfortunately included the remnants of Derge and MEISON must be able to reconcile with each other and move on, unless, of course, they have got old and lost their ability to lead a party. Here are examples of what can be done (as if EPRP leaders don t know). 1) A vision to return to Ethiopia and compete in elections; 2) Start this process by establishing rapports with Ethiopian government missions abroad; 3) Negotiate with EPRDF on condition of EPRP s re-entrance into Ethiopia (you don t do this while insulting Meles Zenawi woyane ); 4) Legally register; 5) Establish contact with former EPRPs within different sectors of Ethiopian society; 6) Go around the country to understand the different aspects of Ethiopian politics; 7) Record and document issues; 8) Initiate policy discussions focused on poverty reduction and governance; 9) Formulate policy and develop election agenda; and 10) Compete in elections. All this can be easier said than done. But it is not impossible. It can be done with dedication and hard work. What EPRP needs is discipline and self-respect. The preoccupation with the current border issue is an example. While the issue is important,

7 overdoing it including calling all civic organizations to rally around EPRP - reinforces the stereotype that Diaspora groups take advantage of any situation that has potential to create domestic political crisis. Another example is accusing EPRDF of facilitating the secession of Eritrea, as if EPRP was not the first to recognize Eritrean independence. EPRP later changed its policy? Good try. To conclude, EPRP should focus on a long list of development issue in Ethiopian society and debate how it should provide a superior policy and planning leadership to make Ethiopia a middle-income country in the next two decades. General interests 14. Ethiopiawinet Ethiopiawinet means (choose one), A) Hide ethnic and kinship sentiments beneath the rhetoric of cultural similarity, modernity, history, extra and preach national unity while doing little to address develop issues. B) Create a political mess (ethnic federalism) and struggle to build a modern and progressive nation. C) Live far away (in the Diaspora) in comfort and write about Ethiopia (both garbage and useful stuff). D) Demonstrate your love for Ethiopia by doing something (like Eleni Gebremedhin who conceived the idea of a commodity stock market). E) All of the above. I chose E. Especially, consider the synergy between A and B. 15. The border issue The intervention by different groups and individuals in the border issue was a test of democracy (transparency). We got Ethiopian government people talking and sent Foreign Minister Seyoum running to Khartoum, probably to tell the Sudanese that they should not make any border deal a national pride issue. There is no question that border negotiations anywhere are complicated processes and too often no winner emerges. It is all about compromise. What I don t understand is that some writers got into a business of political agitation, instead of contributing to positive dialogue that promotes a collective vision for regional development and peaceful co-existence between Ethiopians and Sudanese. 16. Gondar ain t your mama s fool no more Indeed, this came from one of my favourite Gondaries. Let us be clear that we are not aiming this sentiment against decent and dedicated Ethiopian individuals and groups. We are aiming it against the generation of mahal safaris and aradas who come to us well organized to preach cultural similarity, unity and other self-serving political issues. If

8 they want to talk about Gondar, why don t they also talk about poverty and development? The movement you talk about something specific to Gondar, it became labelled as regionalism, racism, feudalism, and so on. That was exactly what happened when we tried to form a Gondar project organization. And precisely also why Ayalew Gobeze, Addisu Legesse and others are being continuously harassed by Diaspora hooligans. This compares with Gurages, Oromos, Wolytas, Tigreans and others who have done so well in the creation of self-help groups. All this also reminds me of what my late brother, a former Derge, once said to me. He said that, in later years, Melaku Teferra stood up to defend the interest of Gondar, but only to be labelled feudal and removed and send to Addis within 48 hours. EPRDF has done a lot to develop Gondar. Is that a problem? 17. The fate of Mengistu Haile Mariam Let me be clear that I have no intention of pleasing or angering someone. I am trying to be honest to myself and an example to younger generation intellectuals. There is no doubt that Colonel Mengistu was one of the most brutal men of the 20 th century. But Mengistu destroyed feudalism and made a good use of his oratorical skills to unleash modern Ethiopian nationalism and raise mass political awareness. Future historians would not simply write dictator Mengistu (like we do). They would understand and analyse the issues differently, such as: powerful Addis elites ridiculing and looking down on Mengistu; someone (EPRP) trying to assassinate him; Said Barre s forces entering the Ethiopian hinterland; Eritrean rebels advancing to Asmara; and so on; the young major just lost it and got mad. He would unleash terror. There are thousands of families directly affected by Mengistu s policies including living with traumatic experiences of seeing the bodies of their loved ones thrown in front of their houses. But, if you are governing a post-conflict society, you should encourage the healing of past wounds by ignoring the past and reflecting positive prospects for the future. The Iraqi Prime Minister rushed to sign the execution of Saddam Hussein. The result? More violence by angry Sunni Iraqis. What did Haile Sellassie get after executing legendary people like Belay Zeleke, one of the Neway brothers and other patriots? Nothing. In fact, today there is nothing in Ethiopia that bears Haile Sellassie s name, not even a street name. Mengistu has enough punishment, even considering how he is feeling these days as he thinks when a new post- Mogabe government would arrange his extradition. The majority of Ethiopians may rather want to see Mengistu walk on the streets of Addis Ababa. We are actually very proud of Ethiopian government officials who so far have not suggested sending those convicted including Melaku Teferra to shooting squad. This is how governments leave a legacy. 18. The politics of human rights I was once watching a documentary film on Fidel Castro that as usual narrated his legacy. Near the end of the documentary, the female journalist asked Castro when are you leaving office? He abruptly stood up and left the scene irritated. Likewise, if your are talking to EPRDF officials, they are so happy to speak to their policy ingenuity on fighting poverty. But, then, bring the subject of human rights and you will notice a sudden change in their mood. If the truth could be told, EPRDF has been faced with

9 powerful classes of people (mainly intellectuals, former government officials and middle class) who have made a good use of the current political opportunity (democracy) to demand political rights. EPRDF tries to accommodate them in its own terms and often silence those that refused to agree. And so EPRDF faces continuous criticism from national and international organization. The EPRDF people sincerely believe that they are promoting human rights by addressing poverty issues. Are they wrong or right? You be the judge. I am here to provide a context. There are several international human rights conventions including conventions on social, economic, civic and political rights and on those that address thematic issues such as the rights of women, children, seniors (elder people), disabled people, prisoners, migrants and refugees, workers, indigenous peoples, and so on. One very recent addition to these is the UN bill (propagated by Canada) on the responsibility to protect which means that states are obliged to protect their own citizens and that the international community should act to do so if states do not. The current situation in Burma and the 1984 Ethiopian famine (where the military rulers refused to allow relief) are examples. To make the long story short, the current thinking on human rights is articulated around two issues: 1) the state is a duty-bearer. This means that the state is obliged to provide core functions critical to ensuring good quality of life, such as food, shelter, health, public safety, education, water, roads, electricity and participation in decision-making processes; 2) citizens claiming their rights, such as rights to claim access to essential services from the state and hold state elites accountable if they fail to deliver services. Bear in mind that this is a broader view of human rights issues and meant to indicate a shift in thinking. Some of the issue are also complicated. For example, the issue of indigenous peoples is often labelled as modern day colonialism, because states simply displace communities, enclosed vast areas of land and give resource extraction rights to private sector companies, all in the name of promoting the pubic good. Also, what do you do when you know that a group of elites are likely, after acquiring power, to use the state to promote their own welfare? Do you deny them political rights or allow them to pursue their political agenda? Secondly, rights issues are normative which means that, for example, what is a human right in America may mean moral vulgarity in Saudi Arabia. Third, there are a plethora of human rights advocacy organizations and which issues (political, civic, gender, environment, indigenous peoples, and so on) gets attention depends on the strength of these organizations. Our experience could suggest that, too often the arrest of opposition politicians, journalists and other elites receive more attention than the plight of poor masses, in large part because of the perception that the needs of the masses are material and not political. 19. A shifting of power in Ethiopian society: real story Moving the capital city from Gondar (the centre of civilization) to Addis Ababa (an empty village) would shift political, social and economic power in Ethiopian society. The concentration of power in Addis Ababa allowed the new ruling class there to reproduce itself and take control of every sector of Ethiopian society (the military, civic, commercial and academic sectors). It would invest a lot to create a happy society in the image of the West with its own media, entertainment, culture, education institutions, and so on. It held a tight grip on the Ethiopian state and economy until the children of the poor slowly trickled into Addis Ababa University, got educated, acquired knowledge

10 power and used that power to unleash a revolution that ended it. The remnants of this system were further weakened by ethnic federalism which prevented central elites from monopolizing the national budgetary process. Today budgetary decisions are made using mutually agreed formula. At an institutional level, you cannot jump a queue to get things done ahead of everybody else, at a price of dinner or beer, for example. You may still bribe bureaucrats, but it is illegal. When you are a powerful rich and middle class (historically privileged); asked to be physically present in government offices; and told to line up along the poor and then wait for your turn, you would get very angry until you get used to the new system. Probably why some groups still remain very angry at EPRDF. This includes intellectuals who lost well-reserved privileges. 20. Traditional fashion trends Anthropological notions of Third World traditions are no longer an intellectual fantasy. Our parents traditions are being adopted into modern thinking and lifestyles. I have personally read quotes of African proverbs by one former head of the World Bank, the Canadian Stephen Lewis and other internationally renowned people. Organic food is another example. In Africa, organic food products are sold on street sidewalks and the consumers are poor people they are cheap and affordable. Canned and imported food products are consumed by the rich and middle class; they are very expensive. But, in the West, upper income people buy organic food, because they expensive. Why expensive? They are healthy. In contrast, canned and imported food products are consumed by poor Westerners (including Ethiopia s once well-to-do modern people who live in D.C, for example), because they are cheap. Logically, this means that poor Africans consume healthy products and not rich and middle class Africans. Another example: I saw a brief TV program on parenting and recreation. The topic was about carrying babies during recreational activities such as walking and jogging. Different options were presented including carrying babies the primate style. The baboon style allows to carry babies on the back using something like our mothers ankelba (አንቅልባ) made of smooth and strong fabric. The monkey style allows the baby to hang on the front (below the chest) or on the side (below the arm); this is most common in other African societies. The young Canadian mothers and fathers not only found traditional ways of carrying babies easier (compared with pushing modern baby carts), but they also said that these methods allowed them to bond with their babies. It will be good if lessons like these could persuade the revolutionary democrats to do more to preserve and promote the diverse cultures and traditions of Ethiopian society. Getachew Mequanent Ottawa, Canada June 2008