Quality of life and spatial distribution of migrants in Shanghai
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1 SHANGHAI CONFERENCE JULY 2005 English translation Guixin Wang Fudan University Quality of life and spatial distribution of migrants in Shanghai All rights are reserved by the presenter.
2 城市时代 Urban Age Livelihood of and social integration for in-migrants in Shanghai Guixin Wang, Professor, Fudan University (Shanghai , China) 9 July 2005, Creek Art Centre, Shanghai
3 1. Models for urbanisation and social integration 2. Growth and distribution patterns for Shanghai s in-migrants 3. Living & employment conditions and social differentiation of Shanghai s in-migrants 4. Niche and survival options for in-migrants under dual social structure 5. Policy thinking on promoting social integration and building harmonious cities
4 1.Models for urbanisation and social integration Concept: degree of social integration of in-migrants The degree in which in-migrants adapt into the urban society in terms of various aspects of urban life (such as living and employment) and becoming city residents is known as the degree of social integration of in-migrants. The degree of social integration of in-migrants in a city is equivalent to the degree or level of homogenisation of in-migrants and city residents, and can therefore also be referred to as the degree of homogenisation.
5 In-migrants Centralisation urbanisation in form Prolonged residence transitional urbanisation Degree of social integration Citizenship substantive urbanisation Fig.1 Urbanisation models for in-migrants In general, the urbanisation of China s rural population remains largely in the form of centralisation and prolonged residence, i.e. transitional stages of urbanisation, far from citizenship the substantive stage.
6 Institutional reform (smash legal walls ) Perception change (bridge psychological gap ) Urban-rural rural differences Social harmony (twin senses) Differences decrease (form-substance) Towards integration Fig.2 Social integration model for in-migrants The merits of this model: first, it identifies the prerequisites for social integration; second, it directs the policy thinking on building healthy harmonious society.
7 2. Growth and distribution patterns for Shanghai s in-migrants 2.1 Household register system, economic reform, and emergence of the tidal wave of migrant workers 2.2 Growth pattern of Shanghai s in-migrants 2.3 Spatial distribution pattern of Shanghai s inmigrants 2.4 Conclusion
8 Mao Zedong: The Chinese people have now stood up.
9 City Household Register System Countryside
10 Emergence of the tidal wave of migrant workers
11 600 ( 万人 )(10,000) 年 1985 年 1988 年 1993 年 1997 年 2000 年 2003 年 Fig.3 Growth of Shanghai s in-migrants since reform and opening-up Source: Historical data from sample surveys of in-migrants
12 City centre Density of inmigrants (people/km 2 ) Fig.4 Spatial distribution of Shanghai s in-migrants (2003) Source: Historical data from sample surveys of in-migrants
13 City centre Note: data of registered residents are as at end of 2002 Fig.5 Ratios of in-migrants to registered residents in Shanghai (2003) Source: 2003 data from survey of Shanghai s in-migrants
14 City centre Growth rate Fig.6 Growth rates of Shanghai s in-migrants ( ) Source: Calculated using data from 2003 and 2000 survey of Shanghai s in-migrants
15 Conclusion While the household register system creates a city (non-agricultural) population and a rural (agricultural) population, the reform and opening-up policy has given rise to massive migration tidal wave of migrant workers, creating a peasant-worker class in the city. As China s top metropolis, Shanghai has become one of the main destinations for peasant workers. The size of peasant workers in the city has been growing rapidly since reform and opening-up.
16 The pattern of distribution for Shanghai s in-migrants is largely similar to the city s registered residents: highest density in the city centre, with the density decreasing the further from the city centre; in the meantime, the concentration of in-migrants is moving towards the suburb, with the increment of in-migrant population primarily distributed in suburban areas. This pattern of distribution has created the maximum interface between in-migrants and registered residents of Shanghai, on the one hand conducive to promoting interaction and social integration, yet on the other hand prone to increase chances of friction due to proximity.
17 3. Living & employment conditions and social differentiation of Shanghai s inmigrants 3.1 Living conditions of in-migrants 3.2 Employment conditions of in-migrants 3.3 Social differentiation of in-migrants
18 Living conditions of in-migrants Mainly clustered in village inside city, in a pattern of macro-dispersion and micro-concentration. Rented housing is most common. The living conditions are poor, though continually improving.
19 Village inside city
20 Breakdown of housing for inmigrants 5.3% 12.3% 4.3% 48.9% 外来流动人口居住类型 0.2% 0.1% Hotel, guest house 宾 ( 旅 ) 馆 招待所 Hospital 医院 0.8% Dormitory, shed 宿舍 工棚 0.4% Live-in 寄宿 18.7% Public rental 租赁公有房屋 1.8% Private rental Rented temp housing Rented company property 7.0% Own property Boat Other 租赁私有房屋 租赁搭建房屋 租赁单位房屋 自购房 水上船只 其他 Fig.7 Makeup of living conditions of Shanghai s in-migrants (2003) Source: Data from 2003 survey of Shanghai s in-migrants About 73.5% live in rented housing, followed by dormitory or shed (18.7%), giving a combined total of 92.2%.
21 Private Rental (48.9%)
22 Dormitory, shed (18.7%)
23 Transformation of village inside city
24 Employment conditions of in-migrants Mainly employed at the low-end of traditional labour market; The most common careers are in manufacturing & processing, and in construction; The jobs can be characterised as being dirty, laborious, tough, dangerous and poorly paid.
25 Table 2 Career makeup of Shanghai s in-migrants as at Government Government Government Business owner Business owner Business owner Transport Recycling Recycling Recycling Other Other Other Agriculture Transport Construction Services Agriculture Agriculture Transport Professionals Professionals Professionals Services Services Catering Catering Catering Business services Business services Business services Manufacturing & processing Construction Manufacturing & processing Construction Manufacturing & processing 1 Per cent( %) Numb er Career Per cent( %) Number Career Per cent( %) Numb er Career Female Male Total No.
26 Table 3 Career makeup of in-migrants across Shanghai (2003) Career City-wide Number Per cent(%) City centre Number Per cent(%) Fringe of centre Number Per cent(%) Number Suburbs Per cent(%) Outlying areas Number Per cent(%) Total Professionals Government workers Business services Catering Consumer services Agriculture Manufacturing Construction Transport Recycling Business owner Other Source: Data from 2003 survey of Shanghai s in-migrants
27 Processing and Manufacturing Workers (33.9%) Male 27.3% Female 45.3%
28 Construction Workers (19.8%) Male: 29.8% Female: 2.8%
29 An old lady carrying out recycling A young man providing rickshaw service
30 Social differentiation of in-migrants Career differentiation: a small minority rise to managerial and technical positions, becoming white-collar class Income differentiation: a small minority become nouveau riche, joining the high income group Generational differentiation: emergence of second generation of peasant workers
31 4. Niche and survival options for inmigrants under dual social structure 4.1 Niche for in-migrants under dual social structure 4.2 Survival options for in-migrants and social problems 4.3 Crime pattern of Shanghai s floating population and its trends
32 Niche for in-migrants under dual social structure Y x City residents City peasant workers Peasants Viewed from living & employment conditions, and social environment, the vast majority of peasant workers in cities remain at the bottom of the social ecological system Pyramid of Social Ecology
33 Gap with city residents For city residents, in 2000 as many as 52.5% of them lived in bought or self-built housing, to which were added 41.7% who lived in rented public housing, giving a combined total of 94%. Table 1 Living space survey for residents and in-migrants in Shanghai Year Living space per person (M 2 ) Percentage of selfcontained units (%)
34 Employment and income The in-migrants are employed at the low-end of the traditional labour market. They are poorly paid, with the income gap with city residents poised to expand rapidly. Year average monthly pay for city residents average monthly pay for in-migrants B/A (%) A (RMB) B (RMB)
35 In-migrants have made tremendous contribution to the city s development. Nevertheless, their incomes are often tiny, and in any event by no means commensurate with their contribution. In addition to meager income, in-migrants are often insultingly referred to as country bumpkins or outsiders. Walls erected by laws such as the household register system, along with psychological gaps created by ideas of class identity, have hindered in-migrants integration into the urban society. While in-migrants are making their contribution to the city, they have yet to receive acceptance and respect from the city in return. They are labelled as peasant workers, with no protection of basic rights.
36 In-migrants worked for nothing Peasant worker displays an IOU from employer Peasant worker was assaulted for chasing pay
37 2nd generation: This is not working, is it? 1st generation: Let s live with this.
38 Survival options for in-migrants and social problems Positive options Scarcity of migrant workers : using market mechanism to fight back Debt recovery : using legal means to fight back Negative options Go slow in work Revenge: against individuals (boss, contractor) against society (no specific target) social crimes social problems
39 Crime pattern of Shanghai s floating population and its trends
40 Crimes committed by floating population increasing Total: /year Total: /year Source: Xinmin Evening News Source: Morning News and Evening News, with duplicate cases deducted
41 Spatial distribution of crimes committed by floating population 交通场所核心城区远郊区城郊结合部 Transport spaces City core Outlying areas Urban fringe Transport spaces City core Outlying areas Urban fringe 交通场所核心城区远郊区城郊结合部 % 14.2% % Note: City core includes Luwan, Huangpu, and Jing an; Urban fringe includes 9 districts: Pudong New Area, Baoshan, Minhang, Zhabei, Putuo, Changning, Hongkou, Yangpu and Xuhui; Outlying areas include 7 districts/counties: Jiading, Nanhui, Qingpu, Fengxian, Chongming, Songjiang, and Jinshan %
42 Table 4 Types of crimes committed by Shanghai s floating population and their share of total cases of same crime (%) Type of crime Percentage of total cases of same crime Trend Economic crimes Theft, disposal of stolen goods Fraud, blackmail Counterfeiting, selling fake goods Robbery Prostitution, drug, or gambling Selling or trafficking drugs Prostitution, visiting prostitutes Gambling Evolving from hunger To social hatred? Assault Wilful injury (murder, causing injury) Kidnapping, unlawful detention Attacking police Rape Trafficking in women/children Others
43 Policy thinking on promoting social integration and building harmonious cities 5.1 Understanding dual social structure and survival options for in-migrants 5.2 Policy thinking on promoting social integration and building harmonious cities
44 Understanding dual social structure and survival options for in-migrants Italian criminologist Enrico Ferri summed up 3 types of reasons that lead to crime, namely individual factors, environmental factors and social factors. Problematic individuals Crime inducing factors Catalyst Criminal acts (Personal qualities etc.) (Poverty, social injustice, value etc.) (triggers)
45 Based on Enrico Ferri s crime theory, the causes of the peasant workers criminal acts include both their own factors (such as weak characters) and, more importantly, crime-inducing environmental factors. The crime-inducing factors for today s peasant workers are primarily poverty, discrimination, and social injustice, virtually all of which are closely related to the dual social structure, such as the government s household register system. Therefore, the government should bear its responsibility (arguably the main responsibility) for the peasant workers livelihood and social criminal behaviours. The city residents should also shoulder their responsibility, by improving their character, removing their prejudice, and treating peasant workers with compassion and tolerance.
46 Correctly understanding current peasant workers conflicts and taking them seriously Words of warning in a golden era Period of crises for China around 2010 (Yuanzhu Ding and others, 2003) Ethically depraved Chinese cities (Phoenix Weekly, 2004) Guard against social structure becoming distorted (Zhongmin Wu,2005) Violent cities emerge in China (Da Tong,2005) Forthcoming wars in cities? (Chaohui Li,2005)
47 These are fine as words of warning, the reality though is not that grave. Shanghai is a good example. The municipal government has made considerable efforts to continually improve the in-migrants livelihood. That said, the aforementioned words of warning in a golden era must be taken seriously. Resolving peasant worker problems must be given priority, because the size of peasant workers in cities is growing ever larger, because the widening of the income gap has exacerbated grievance, and because the second generation of peasant workers, with its distinctively new values, is emerging rapidly. Cities must foster closer relations with rural areas and their inhabitants. It is believed that the Chinese government has the wisdom and ability required to resolve peasant worker conflicts and to achieve social integration!
48 Policy thinking on promoting social integration and building harmonious cities Based on models for social integration in China alluded to earlier, efforts should be made on 2 fronts: Improve population quality, nurture/create equal and harmonious social environment, and bridge psychological gaps between inmigrants and city residents to facilitate interaction and integration. Shanghai should continue to lead in this respect. Reform institutions that produce class and privilege, promote national equality with a view to building healthy, harmonious society. Radically reform legal walls, such as the household register system, that prevent in-migrants from interacting with, and becoming part of, city residents. The overall approach should be from top to bottom, addressing both symptoms and root causes. Arguably, China s cities and society at large will move toward harmony if these two issues are handled properly.
49 谢谢 THANKS
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