African Gender and Development Index

Transcription

1 African Gender and Development Index: South African Report African Gender and Development Index South African Report Centre for Applied Legal Studies D J du Plessis Building West Campus University of the Witwatersrand Wits 2050 Johannesburg South Africa Tel November 2006 Fax The Centre for Gender and Development ISBN: Commissioned by United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

2 ISBN: Acknowledgements The field trials of the African Gender and Development Index in South Africa were commissioned by the Centre for Gender and Development at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and were conducted by a team of researchers under the auspices of the Centre for Applied Legal Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand. The Centre for Applied Legal Studies acknowledges, with thanks, the assistance of HIVOS who funded this project. The Centre for Applied Legal Studies thanks Thoko Ruzvidzo of the Centre for Gender and Development at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and Susan Nkomo of the Office on the Status of Women, South Africa for their assistance and support. The researchers were: Lead researcher and report editor: Project Manager Gender Status Index Catherine Albertyn Likhapha Mbatha Debbie Budlender African Women s Progress Report Researchers Shireen Hassim Grace Khunou Likhapha Mbatha Ntibidi Rampete Pethu Serote Ponosi Tabane Consultant editor Susan Bazilli

3 African Gender and Development Index South African Report November 2006 Commissioned by The Centre for Gender and Development United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

4 Researchers Lead researcher and report editor Professor Catherine Albertyn Director, CALS University of the Witwatersrand Project Manager Likhapha Mbatha Head, Gender Research Project, CALS University of the Witwatersrand Gender Status Index Debbie Budlender Community Agency for Social Enquiry African Women s Progress Report Professor Shireen Hassim Senior lecturer, Department of Political Studies University of the Witwatersrand Grace Khunou Doctoral student, Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of the Witwatersrand Ntibidi Rampete Researcher, the Gender Research Project, CALS University of the Witwatersrand Pethu Serote GETNET Ponosi Tabane Research intern, Gender Research Project, CALS University of the Witwatersrand Specialist Readers Loveday Penn-Kekana Centre for Health Policy University of the Witwatersrand Helen Schneider Centre for Health Policy University of the Witwtatersrand Note: affiliations of researchers are correct as at November 2006 iv

5 Acronyms AGDI AU AWPS BPA CALS CASE CBO CCMA CEDAW CEE CERMD CGE CIQLSW COSATU CSW DoD DoH DoJ DRC DSD ECA FEDUSA FET GCIS GFP GSI HEMIS HSRC ICPD ICT African Gender and Development Index African Union African Womens s Progress Scorecard Beijing Platform for Action Centre for Applied Legal Studies Community Agency for Social Enquiry Community based organisation Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women Commission for Employment Equity Confidential Enquiry into Maternal Deaths Commission for Gender Equality Joint monitoring committee on the improvement of the quality of life and the status of women Congress of South African Trade Unions Committee on the Status of Women Department of Defence Department of Health Department of Justice Democratic Republic of Congo Department of Social Development Economic Commission for Africa Federation of Unions of South Africa Further Education and Training Government Communication and Information Service Gender Focal Point Gender Status Index Department of Education s Higher Education Management Information System Human Sciences Research Council International Conference for Population and Development Information and communications technology v

6 IDASA IDT ILO ISRDS JCIQLSW MMR MTCT NACTU NCCEMD NCOP NCRC NEDLAC NEPAD NGO NLC NPA NPRS OSW PEP SADC SADHS SALRC SANAC SANDF SAPS SARS STD STI UIF UNDP UNECA URP VAT Institute for Democracy in South Africa Independent Development Trust International Labour Organisation Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of the Quality Life and Status of Women Maternal Mortality Rate Mother to child transmission National Council of Trade Unions National Committee for Confidential Enquiries into Maternal Deaths National Council of Provinces National Children s Rights Committee National Economic, Development and Labour Council New Economic Programme for African Development Non governmental organization National Land Committee National Prosecuting Authority National Poverty Reduction Strategy Office on the Status of Women Post exposure prophylaxis South African Development Community South African Demographic and Health Survey South African Law Reform Commission South African National Aids Council South African National Defence Force South African Police Services South African Revenue Services Sexually transmitted disease Sexually transmitted infection Unemployment Insurance Fund United Nations Development Programme United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Urban Renewal Programme Value added tax vi

7 Foreword The African Development Index is an initiative of the Centre for Gender and Development of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). It seeks to provide an African-based mechanism for measuring the status of women as compared to men s in the social, economic and political spheres. UNECA s aim in developing this index is - To provide African policymakers and their partners with an appropriate tool to measure gender equality and equity, and women s empowerment and advancement; To help monitor the progress made in implementing conventions that African countries have ratified; To democratize statistics and qualitative monitoring tools that are easy to use and are effective; and To stimulate interdepartmental cooperation within the Ministries in which it will be applied. The AGDI is comprised of two measures. Firstly, a statistical measure the Gender Status Index which measures gender parity in three areas: economic, social and political power. Secondly, a more qualitative governance measure the African Women s Progress Report measures progress in relation to economic, social and political power, as well as women s human rights. Overall it is hoped that the AGDI will provide a framework for priority setting, tracking progress and accountability in member states. South Africa was chosen as one fourteen countries to conduct pilot trial for this index in This is the report of these trials. In general, the GSI shows that the greatest gender parity is found in the area of social power (health and education), and the least in political power demonstrating that, despite progress, the public space remains dominated by men. The results of the African Women s Progress Report reveal that, overall, South Africa scores high on ratification of international and regional agreements, and on policy development and legal frameworks. However, its performance on implementation is weak demonstrating a lack of directed resources in some instances and poor institutional capacity, especially in enforcement and monitoring. In this despite some differences South Africa demonstrates similar patterns to other African countries. This Report is out of date to the extent that it measures government performance up to However, it remains relevant as the overall pattern has changed little. There has been some improvement in the development of laws and policies (such as the 2007 Sexual Offences Acts, the publication of a Bill on Human Trafficking etc), however, the problems of implementation remain the same. The Report thus provides detailed information on the nature of the problem across sectors, as well as a benchmark for measurement of progress in all sectors. It is hoped that the AGDI will prove to be a useful tool in advocating for further progress in gender equality and women s human rights, and in holding the state accountable to its international and constitutional commitments. vii

8 The full report of the African Gender Development Index is to be published in the 2009 African Women s Report, one of UNECA s flagship publications. This report will provide a synthesis of the outcomes of all 14 country reports and analyse the implications of these outcomes for the advancement of gender equality in Africa. The South African Report was commissioned by the Centre for Gender and Development of UNECA and made possible by the generosity of HIVOS. The Centre for Applied Legal Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand is grateful to both institutions for their generosity and support. viii

9 Contents Acronyms... v Foreword...vii Chapter 1 Introduction Why the AGDI? What is the AGDI? The AGDI and South Africa Summary of Findings in each Power Block...3 Chapter 2 SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT Gender Equality and Democracy Women in South Africa The Changing Policy and Planning Context Methodology...11 Chapter 3 ECONOMIC POWER Introduction Gender Status Index Introduction Income Time Use or Employment Access to Resources GSI overview Economic Power African Women s Progress Scoreboard AWPS Introduction ILO Conventions Engendering the NPRS Access to Agricultural Extension Services Access to Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Equal Access to Land Overview, Best Practices and Policy Recommendations...57 Chapter 4 SOCIAL POWER Introduction Gender Status Index GSI Introduction Education Health GSI Overview Social Power African Women s Progress Scoreboard Introduction The Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) Violence Against Women Health Education Overview, Best Practices and Policy Recommendations ix

10 Chapter 5 POLITICAL POWER Introduction Gender Status Index GSI Introduction Public Sector Civil Society Overview of Gsi for Political Power African Women s Progress Scoreboard AWPS Introduction UN 1325 Women and Conflict Resolution Beijing Pfa: Effective and Accessible National Machinery Support For Women s Traditional Power and Quotas Decision Making Positions within Parliament and Ministries Gender Mainstreaming in all Departments Overview, Best Practices and Policy Recommendations Chapter 6 WOMEN S RIGHTS African Women s Progress Scoreboard Introduction CEDAW The Optional Protocol to CEDAW Article 2 of CEDAW - Equality Article 16 of CEDAW Equality in Marriage and Family Life African Charter of Human and People s Rights Women s Rights Protocol: Harmful Practices Overview, Best Practices and Policy Recommendations Chapter 7 CONCLUSION & POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS Conclusion - How South Africa Scores Policy Recommendations Chapter 8 MDGs, NEPAD, APRM and BPfA Millennium Development Goals, Targets and Indicators New Economic Partnership For Africa NEPAD African Peer Review Mechanism APRM Beijing Platform For Action Bibliography A. International And Regional Documents B. South African Government Documents C. Legislation D. Government Speeches E. Parliamentary Reports F. Commissions and Statutory Bodies G. Papers, Articles and Books H. Cases Cited I. Interviews x

11 Chapter 1 Introduction The African Gender and Development Index (AGDI) was developed by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) as a uniquely African measurement of women s progress on the African continent. After nearly ten years of implementing the Beijing Platform for Action, the ECA felt that African states were finding it difficult to measure the actual extent of women s inequality in their societies. The AGDI was thus developed to provide an effective monitoring mechanism for those policies that seek to reduce the gender gap between women and men. To facilitate an effective monitoring mechanism on gender equality and women s advancement, the ECA is introducing an African Gender and Development Index designed the measure the gap in the status of women and men in Africa and to assess progress made by African governments in implementing the gender policies they have developed. 1 During the period , the AGDI was piloted in 12 countries: Benin, Burkino Faso, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Egypt, Ghana, Madagascar, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia and Uganda. This is a report of the South African pilot study. The full pilot is to be published as The African Women s Report Why the AGDI? The AGDI is a tool to facilitate an effective monitoring system on gender equality in Africa. Importantly, it is a tool developed in and by Africa for the particular situation of women on the African continent. In the developing [the AGDI], the ECA hopes to achieve the following objectives: To provide African policymakers and their partners with an appropriate tool to measure gender quality and equity, and women s empowerment and advancement; To help monitor the progress made in implementing conventions that African countries have ratified; To democratize statistics and qualitative monitoring tools that are easy to use and are effective; 3 To stimulate interdepartmental co-operation within the Ministries in which it will be applied. The results of the AGDI will be published in the African Women s Report to inform regional and global processes on situation of women in Africa. 1 ECA The African Gender and Development Index (2004) 1-2. Available from 2 The African Women s Report was not available at the time of publication of this Report. 3 ECA The African gender and Development Index (AGDI) October Pamphlet. 1

12 African Gender and Development Index 1.2 What is the AGDI? The AGDI is a composite index made up of two parts: the Gender Status Index (GSI) and the African Women s Progress Scoreboard (AWPS). The Gender Status Index is a measure of relative gender equality that captures issues related to gender that can be measured quantitatively. The Gender Status Index is based on three blocks: social power, economic power and political power. Social power includes indicators on education and health; economic power contains indicators on income, time use, employment and access to resources; and political power consists of indicators of formal and informal political power. These components follow Amartya Sen s division into capabilities, opportunities and agency. Each block of the GSI is divided into components. The components are sub-divided into a number of sub-components, and then indicators/variables. Because the GSI deals with gender, women- specific issues such as maternal mortality are not included in the GSI but in the scoreboard. The various indicators receive equal weight within each particular component and sub-component. This principle is upheld for components within each block. The three blocks receive equal weight in computing the GSI. 4 Each indicator is calculated as a comparison of female achievement to male achievement for a given variable. For instance, if in a country the primary enrolment rate for girls is 35% and the primary enrolment rate for boys is 53%, then the indicator will be: 35/53 or An overall score is calculated for each block, and then a single overall score is identified. More information on each component and the blocks is found in the chapters that follow. The African Women s Progress Scoreboard is a qualitative measure that seeks to assess government progress in advancing gender equality. [The AGDI] is a measure of government policy performance regarding women s advancement and empowerment. It tracks government progress in ratifying relevant conventions such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the African Charter on Human and People s Rights, and in implementing policies, in line with international documents, on such issues as violence against women, maternal mortality, contraception, HIV/AIDS, women s land rights, women s right to equal wages and access to new technologies and agricultural extension services. Lastly it looks at measures governments have or have not taken in relation to women s political agency. The scorecard indicates where governments are performing well and where there are gaps in implementation. 6 The AGDI is composed of four blocks. Women s Rights focuses on CEDAW and the Protocol of the African Charter of Human and People s Rights, while the next three blocks mirror those of the GSI: social power or capabilities, economic power or opportunities, and political power or agency. 4 Ibid, 11. For a fuller discussion of this and detailed explanation of the components, see Chapter 2 of The African Gender and Development Index (ibid). 5 Ibid, Ibid, 27. For a fuller discussion of the AWPS, see Chapter 3 of The African Gender and Development Index (ibid). 2

13 chapter 1: introduction These blocks capture the qualitative issues of gender relations that the GSI attempts to capture in a qualitative way. In the AWPS all the variables receive the same weight. The AWPS is measured in percentages set to a possible maximum score, in which each row is seen to have a possible maximum score of 100%. The total score of the AWPS is similarly computed from a total of 13 rows, which is again set at 100%. 7 The scoring is a simple 3 point scale: X means that the cell cannot be scored. 0 - zero performance 1 - poor to fair performance 2 - good to excellent performance The AWPS measures government s performance as a whole, not just the national gender machinery. It also only measures performance, not necessarily impact or the prevalence of incidence of certain issues. More information on each issue is found in the chapters that follow. 1.3 The AGDI and South Africa Fourteen countries were selected to participate in a pilot study for the AGDI. South Africa was one of the countries chosen to participate in this and participated in this project during The South African research team thus completed the project during 2004, and chose April 2004 as the cut-off date for collection of data. This was also the date that marked ten years of democracy and two terms of African National Congress government. As the overall AGDI project has involved research in fourteen countries, there have inevitably been delays in publishing the reports. Despite this time lag, we believe that the information in this Report remains mostly current, and the patterns, trends and scores identified by the research remain relevant and appropriate. In addition, the publication of this Report provides an important benchmark for future measures on the AGDI in South Africa. 1.4 Summary of Findings in each Power Block Economic Power South Africa s overall score for the GSI in the Economic Power bloc is This demonstrates some progress in closing the gender gap in economic power. However, closer analysis reveals the deep inequalities within this score, especially within informal sector wages (confirming women s marginalisation) and in the huge burden of domestic work carried by women. The GSI on this component also confirms that men spend more time in productive, paid work. This pattern is reflected in the share of paid employment. These figures suggest the persistence of negatively gendered stereotypes that mean women continue to bear the highest burden of work (paid and unpaid) with the least reward. Interestingly, the only measure in which there is a positive measure in favour of women is in remittances and inter-household transfers. This is unfortunate, as it is a more a reflection of women s economic dependence of men, than a sign of women s economic independence and equality. The component on access to resources is lower than the average score (0.705) and confirms that women are resourceful in seeking credit, but that they remain disadvantaged in their ability to access credit form banks and formal institutions. This resourcefulness is also coupled with a significant degree of independence in financial 7 Ibid, 29. 3

14 African Gender and Development Index decision-making, although 30% of women are still not able to claim full financial autonomy. Women remain a minority across the workplace in salaried, management and professional positions. Although not captured in these scores, the economic inequality reflected in the figures masks a deeper racial inequality which places poor black women in the most economically vulnerable group in South Africa. Overall, the GSI scores suggest that attention needs to be paid to the gender wage gap as a whole, but that special attention must be given to women s position in the more precarious forms of work (the informal sector and agriculture). The AWPS average score for economic power is 1.1 (out of 2) or 55%, 8 in which the scores range from 72% (Policy on HIV/AIDS in the Workplace) and 20% (Engendering the NPRS). Within this score it is clear that Government scores very well at the beginning of the horizontal axis, and less well at the end. In other words, high scores are generally found in relations to ratification of conventions, policy commitments and laws with lower scores found at the various phases of implementation. Social Power South Africa s overall score for the GSI in the social power bloc is 1.019, suggesting gender parity in this area. The social power bloc is relatively even across the scores, and has the most instances of women or girls doing marginally better than men or boys. In the Education component, gender parity has been reached, with girls doing better than boys in enrolment at all levels (primary 1.007, secondary and tertiary 1.087), and a lightly lower dropout rate (GSI 1.118). This should be contrasted with the literacy rate (GSI 0.96) which is lower amongst women and the evidence of primary school completions (GSI 0.986) which shows girls doing slightly worse. It should also be remembered that gender parity is not necessarily enough, all it shows is that boys and girls are performing equally badly or equally well. South Africa does have a relatively high school enrolment rate for the continent. However it would be important to monitor this over time, especially in the context of high teenage pregnancies and HIV/AIDS. Pass rates and the quality of education are equally important, although the latter may require more qualitative measures. In the Health component, the GSI is The biggest gender gap is found in underweight at 3, (0.836) although stunting at 3 is 1.0. Given women and girls disproportionate vulnerability to HIV infection, especially at earlier ages, the GSI score for new HIV infections is surprising. Although the GSI in Social Power suggests a level of gender parity, this is not the same as full gender equality in which all enjoy equal access to rights and freedoms. Attention still needs to be paid to improving progress as a whole in, for example, the school dropout rate, the infant mortality rate or the HIV infection rate. What the GSI seem to indicate, however, is that the current gender gap between how women and men fare in the fields of education and health is relatively small. As with other sections of this Report, in the AWPS South Africa s strengths lie in the regulatory framework and in its international and national policy commitments. Under Social Power this is particularly apparent in the area of legislation, policy and constitutional commitments to addressing violence against women and girls, girls attendance at school, and the recognition of women s reproductive rights. However, a closer look at the AWPS shows an overall percentage score of 1.16 (out of 2) or 58% across all areas of social power. This is due to two factors: weak perfomance in a few areas coupled with problems in implementation. The areas of weak performance (less than 50%) are trafficking in women, HIV/AIDS and 8 This drops to 50.6% if the ILO Convention are counted as a single percentage. 4

15 chapter 1: introduction education of women and human rights. The former because little had been done in terms of dedicated policies and laws at the time of writing this report, HIV/AIDS for historic reasons where AIDS was not given sufficient political attention, and education on women s human rights dues to its absence from the formal curriculum in specific terms. In the AWPS, the scores are particularly strong under policy commitments and laws, as well as the involvement of civil society. However, they are weakest under human resources, budget, institutional mechanisms, information dissemination and monitoring and evaluation. In other words, the AWPS confirms that the problem lies in implementation. Some of the overall scores in Social Power seem at odds with some of the extensive problems of, for example, gender based violence and HIV/AIDS in South Africa. Here it must be remembered that the AGDI does not measure the impact of policies, but rather focuses on what government has done. The apparent disjuncture between AGDI scores and the actual experiences of South African women raises interesting questions about how we deal with gender equality and the relationship between regulatory frameworks, implementation practices and factors driving inequality that exist outside of the current parameters of state action. Political Power The GSI for political power (0.769) is lowest of the three power blocks, reflecting that the public space remains that part of South African society that is most dominated by men. This, despite the fact that South Africa fares relative well in comparative terms. Although some of the scores improved in the 2004 elections (better representation in Parliament and local government), this is unlikely to change the overall picture of a substantial gender gap in political power. Gender parity (predominantly in favour of women) is only found in the NGO sector on the basis of a single study. This is a fact to be applauded, although we also know that the most senior positions in that sector, as well as the trade unions, and the political and advocacy NGOs are often dominated by men. The fact that the study does not distinguish between professional NGOs and community based organizations is a worry as it suggests that women might be clustered in the organizations that are poorly funded and resourced. In the public sector, the gender gap is highest amongst judges (0.134) and lowest amongst cabinet ministers (0.607). The latter signifies a President committed to the inclusion of women in decision-making/ The latter reflects women s position in the legal profession as a whole. The score of for senior positions in the civil service is disappointing, suggesting that the advancement of women in this sector has really taken place at lower management levels. Women s senior positions in political parties, (0.338) the professions (0.436) and trade unions (0.353) are disappointing, suggesting that much work needs to be done to promote women to leadership levels. The political power block reveals just how difficult it is for women to secure gender parity, let alone full participation in the public sphere. Despite sustained advocacy for the representation of women, the presence of quotas within the majority political party and a President who has demonstrated substantial commitment to the appointment of women in senior executive positions, South Africa still scores only overall in the GSI, with significantly low scores in areas outside of formal political power. The GSI certainly demonstrates progress in political decision-making, a fact confirmed by the AWPS, however the GSI also reveals that in other areas of power in society (judiciary, senior management, political parties, trade unions, the professions), women s participation is unacceptably low. 5

16 African Gender and Development Index The AWPS has several high scores, reflecting strong policy and regulatory frameworks and political commitment to appointments in the executive and a quota in Parliament. The average score is 1.2 (out of 2) or 60%. The highest score is found under support for quotas. However, the fact that many of these appointments are dependent upon political will is worrying as South Africa could face a reversal in the future. The low scores in the GSI suggest that the idea of women in power is not yet institutionalized within society and there remains no guarantee, other than continued and sustained advocacy, that women s place in the public sphere will improve. Women s Rights The area of Women s Rights is only measured in the AWPS. South Africa scores well on women s rights, with two scores of 100% for ratifying the Optional Protocol to CEDAW and the Women s Protocol of the African Charter of Human and People s Rights. The average score is 1.3 (out of 2) or 65%, the highest score of all the power blocks. In relation to CEDAW and its articles on equality and family life, it scores over 60%, and is particularly strong in terms of policy commitments and involvement of civil society. In addition, there is progress in all aspects of implementation. In addition, substantial progress has been made since Overall Scores The overall GSI is 0.914, close to gender parity, but masking significant gaps. The overall AWPS is 1.19 (out of 2) or 60%. (See further chapter 7). 6

17 Chapter 2 SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT 2.1 Gender Equality and Democracy South Africa achieved democracy in Central to this democracy was a commitment to gender equality and the empowerment of women. The South African Constitution, with its emphasis on equality and women s rights provided the political and legal framework for the development of policies and laws to protect and benefit women. In the first years of democracy, government and civil society worked together to achieve significant gains for women in policies and laws. This is reflected in the score-card of the AWPS. Early legislative gains addressed many issues of women s personal autonomy, including reproductive choice, gender-based violence and women s position in relationships and the family (laws relating to children, customary marriage and spousal maintenance). Other laws addressed economic participation in the workplace (law reform relating to parental rights, sexual harassment and discrimination) and women s political participation (in local government and through the Commission on Gender Equality). After 1994 the principle of gender equality influenced policy formulation in development-related areas such as access to land, housing, water, health care and public works programmes. Overall, the policy and legal gains of the first democratic government addressed many aspects of women s political and social citizenship. These are significant achievements in the short space of less than a decade. By the second democratic election in 1999, with an extensive policy and legislative framework in place for women, more intractable problems of transformation became apparent. Firstly, socio-economic indicators of inequality suggested that many women s lives had not improved substantially since Despite evidence of material gains for some women in terms of greater access to basic needs such as healthcare, water and housing, 10 overall the record was of deepening gendered and class-based poverty and inequality. Many reasons have been given: they relate to questions of globalisation, economic policy, available economic resources, institutional capacity, the transformative capacity of the state and political will. Secondly, difficulties in implementing and enforcing the new women s laws began to expose the gap between policy and legal frameworks and the daily 9 Indicators on poverty and inequality since 1994 suggest that the gap between the poor and the non-poor has widened. Inequality is on the increase along race and gender lines. See H Bharat, M Leibbrandt, M Mazuyan, S van der Berg and I Woolard, Fighting Poverty, Labour markets and inequality in South Africa In a survey by the National Employment Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) released in June 2000, close to 50 per cent of respondents said that the provision of water, housing and health had improved: Cawthra, H C, A Helman-Smith and D Moloi, Annual review: The voluntary sector and development 1999/2000, Development Update, No. 3, 2001, p

18 African Gender and Development Index lives of the majority of women. Research pointed to the difficulties in accessing abortions, maintenance and domestic violence interdicts, and in registering customary marriages. The high level of gender-based violence (Vetten & Bhana, 2001) despite a range of legal and policy developments, is a particularly prominent concern. Thirdly, the growing rate of HIV infection, especially amongst women, exposed the particular and ongoing socio-economic vulnerabilities of women. These problems have begun to focus the attention of women within and outside of the state on two sets of issues: Firstly, the state related questions of resources, capacity and effective governance; and secondly, the assumptions, norms and values that retard the effective reception of laws and policies within society. It is mostly the former issues of implementation, and transformation that are addressed in the AWPS. 2.2 Women in South Africa The inequality of women and men in South Africa emerges from a long and complex history of patriarchy, colonialism and apartheid which saw the development of a hierarchy amongst women on the basis of race, class and location. The exclusion of black 11 South Africans from political and economic power under policies of racial segregation and apartheid, was compounded by cultural and social norms which saw black women suffering oppression on the basis of gender. The legacy of this past is that black African women still constitute a particularly disadvantaged group today. Although South Africa is wealthy within the African context, it remains one of the most unequal societies in the world. The poorest 40% of households (equivalent to 53% of the people) account for less than 10% of its consumption, while the top 10% of households (a mere 5.8% of the population) account for over 40% of consumption. (SALDRU & World Bank, 1995: 7) Official statistics confirm the strong racial, gender and rural bias to inequality and poverty in South Africa. In 1993, 44% of men and 48% of women lived in poor households. However, most of the poor live in rural areas with nearly two thirds (64%) of rural Black African men and seven out of ten (70%) rural Black African women in poor households (Budlender, 1998: 14). Two years later in 1995, official statistics revealed that almost half (49%) of women-headed households were among the poorest 40% ( poor ) of households and just over a quarter (26%) were among the poorest 20% ( ultra-poor ) of households. By contrast 31% of male-headed households were poor and only 13% ultra-poor. (Budlender, 1998: 15). Amongst the poor, black African women have less income, are more likely to be unemployed, less likely to be educated and have less access to facilities and services than any other group. The overall unemployment rate for urban women is 28.6%, and 24.1% for urban men. This masks racial differences. The unemployment rate for urban Black African women is 35%, while it is 31% for urban Black African men (for rural Black Africans it is almost equal at 27.9 for women and 29.6 for men). These exceed those of urban coloured (23.7%), Indian (22.9%) and white (8%) women. Of those women who are employed, the majority of Black African women and coloured women are in elementary (unskilled) occupations. Fewer Indian women and white women fall into this category. The mean hourly earnings of Black African women (8,40) and Black African men (9,73) are lower than those of all other population groups (for white women, it is 28,17 and for white men it is 39,92). More women than men have very little formal education in South Africa. In 2001, nearly one fifth (18%) of Black African women had no formal education at all, compared to 13% of Black African men. Less that 1% of white women and men have no formal schooling. 11 Black in the South African context refers to all people who currently officially classified as black African, Asian/Indian and Coloured. The fourth group is white. These are derived from apartheid racial classifications and remain important for tracking progress in South Africa, given the racially based inequalities of South Africa s past. This Report uses these official categories. 8

19 chapter 2: south african context There is a great disparity in living conditions and access to services between the poor and the rest of the population. A third of the poor live in shacks or traditional dwellings, the vast majority have no access to electricity, running water in the household or modern toilets. Households in rural areas also tend to be poorer than urban ones. Again, women predominate in these households (SALDRU & World Bank, 1995:17). These conditions make poor women especially vulnerable to violence. South Africa is a violent society 12 with levels of gender related violence amongst the highest in the world. Women s organisations estimate that some 1.5 million rapes take place every year, of which less than one in thirty is reported. These levels of gender violence in South African society exist across race and class, although poor women are more vulnerable because of factors such as lack of secure housing, reliance on often dangerous forms of public transport and lack of household amenities. South Africa also has one of the fastest growing rates of HIV infection in the world. More than one in five of the citizens of Gauteng, South Africa s richest province, are HIV positive. Up to one in four women between 16 and 35 are HIV positive with transmission rates said to be as high as populations of sex-workers. As a result South Africa is one of four countries where life expectancy is dropping because of Aids, one of the major reasons why it has slipped on the Human Development Index. 13 South Africa is also currently ranked very low on the gender development index. The 1999 Human Development Report, ranked South Africa as 84, below Portugal (28), Chile (33), Colombia (51). This figure is in stark contrast to the gender empowerment measure (GEM) where South Africa is ranked at 18 in the 1999 Human Development Report, after UK (16) and Belgium (17), and ahead of Portugal (19) and Ireland (20). The GEM reveals the degree to which opportunities for women to participate in economic and political fields have been opened by measuring the percentage of professional and technical jobs and administrative and managerial positions held by men and women, and the percentage shares of parliamentary seats held by men and women. The most striking challenge lies in closing the gap between women s formal empowerment in the political sphere and to some extent in the upper reaches of the economy, and their poor economic position. In the longer term, gender equality has to mean a real change in the economic and social position of women in South Africa. This means addressing the race, class and gender inequalities bequeathed to us by the dual legacy of apartheid and patriarchy. The ANC government is committed to the eradication of the inequality, including gendered social and economic inequality. The African Gender and Development Index gives some sense of progress in addressing this gender inequality. 2.3 The Changing Policy and Planning Context The government inherited a state that paid little attention to co-ordinated action, effective planning, careful costing, considered budgetary processes and monitoring and evaluation of its output. The last few years have seen significant changes being introduced to the policy development and implementation cycle. This means that Government began to address many of the implementation problems that are apparent in this research, especially after the 2004 elections. This section provides a brief overview of some of these changes. 12 Statistics by the Ministry of Safety and Security suggest that 188 out of every South Africans were victims of an armed robbery in 1998 with the murder rate being 52 in every Cawthra et al Development Update, 1999, p The Star, 13 July

20 African Gender and Development Index a) Integrated Governance Integrated governance was introduced in 2001 to accelerate effective service delivery. This involves: Interactive and integrated governance; Improving co-ordination of efforts to transform the public service; and Improvement of government s monitoring and evaluation systems ( South Africa Yearbook 2002/2003, 2003: 52). Government departments are thus divided into clusters dealing with similar issues: Social Sector; Justice, Crime Prevention and Security; Economy and Employment; International Relations, Peace and Security; and Governance and Administration. A major challenge for government is to integrate gender across these five clusters. b) The budgetary cycle the Medium Term Expenditure Framework The Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) sets up a three-year budgetary and planning cycle. Government departments are expected to plan and cost effectively in order to obtain budgetary allocations for their personnel and programmes. c) Putting policy and planning first the Medium Term Strategic Framework The introduction of the Medium Term Expenditure Framework sometimes meant that budgetary decisions drove government activities in so far as ineffective or delayed planning meant that no money was available and no activities can take place. The Medium Term Strategic Framework (Medium Term Strategic Framework) seeks to put policy prioritisation and planning back in the driving seat. It is a process of aligning national, provincial and local policy, planning and programme priorities with each other and with the overall policy goals of government (cabinet). It also envisages monitoring and evaluation systems. d) Achieving inter-government integration South Africa is a complex state with three spheres of government operating across the country. Inter-government integration seeks to ensure effective communication, planning and implementation across all spheres of government. e) Monitoring and Evaluation Monitoring and evaluation systems are an integral part of effective governance and delivery. These were virtually absent before 1994 and are in the process of being developed. f) Integrating gender Integrating gender in a positive way within and across all of the mechanisms discussed above is a huge challenge and strategies for doing this is still being developed within the Office on the Status of Women. Critically, this will depend on ability of gender experts across government to intervene in the planning process and then to monitor progress. At present, this does not seem to be occurring enough and gender often seems to be outside of the policy and planning process. In 2004, the OSW was in the process of defining entry points to this process. 10

21 chapter 2: south african context These might include: The identification and inclusion of gender indicators; Providing for gender to be an integral part of the cluster reports to cabinet; Requiring departments to provide an explanation of how a particular policy or programme impacts on gender when it is being discussed in cabinet. 14 Thus, while there have been impressive progress in transforming the policy, planning and budgetary processes of the state, these still need to include gender in a more strategic, conscious and inclusive manner. 2.4 Methodology South Africa is one of fourteen countries selected to participate in field trials of the AGDI. It is timely to do this as we celebrate 10 years of democracy. The AGDI provides an opportunity to reflect on progress over the past years and to assess the extent to which we have made use of the opportunities of the new democracy. It also allows us to reflect on plans for the future. Importantly, this first AGDI sets a baseline for progress in South Africa in the next ten years. The methodology for this report was developed by UNECA is briefly set out in Chapter 1, but may be found in greater detail in ECA The African Gender and Development Index (2004) 1-2. Available from org. The research was conducted by a team of researchers under the leadership of the Centre for Applied Legal Studies (CALS) at the University of the Witwatersrand. CALS was contracted to do this by UNEC (African Centre for Gender and Development). As required by UNECA s terms of reference, the research team was multi-disciplinary and included an economist, lawyers, political scientists, gender development consultants and independent gender experts (see Acknowledgements). Two types of meetings occurred before the research commenced. Firstly, the research manager and two members of the team attended a week long training workshop in Addis Ababa in November Secondly, a one-day workshop was held to brief the full research team, as well as members of government (the Office on the Status of Women and the Presidency). This workshop was briefed by a representative from the Economic Commission for Africa and the team members who had attended a workshop in Addis Ababa. The full team then discussed the rationale for, and detail of, the GSI and AWPS, as well as its application in South Africa. Team members were allocated sections of the report according to their expertise and provided reports to the editor who compiled this report. a) Advisory Panel Meetings and process of consultation The UNECA terms of reference required an Advisory Panel to be established to guide the process of developing the Report and to build consensus on the results between civil society and government. 14 The Advisory Group spoke of a Cabinet Memorandum to facilitate this. However, we have not had sight of this document. 11

22 African Gender and Development Index The UNECA Terms of Reference for the National Advisory Panels stipulated that the Panel should: Support the research institution in the collection of national data that is of high quality; Assist and facilitate institutions in accessing the relevant data; Review the institutions methodology for collecting data; Review the data collected by the research institution; Review the National Report prepared by the research institution, which includes the AGDI data before it is submitted to the ECA. The Advisory Panel was not under the control of the research institution. The Terms of Reference specified its composition and required that it be convened and chaired by a representative of the National Machinery for Gender. In South Africa, the Advisory Panel was selected and convened by the Office on the Status. The composition of the Advisory Panel differed from the Terms of Reference, by agreement at its first meeting, and included representatives from the Office on the Status of Women, the Commission on Gender Equality, all departmental Gender Focal Points, the Parliamentary Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of the Quality of Life and the Status of Women and gender experts. It was envisaged that the Advisory Panel would have three meetings: The first to be briefed on the project and to identify data sources. The second to receive a status report from the research institution and the third to review the data and the national report. The Panel was required to validate the information. In South Africa, five meetings of the Advisory Panel took place. The first followed the Terms of Reference. The remaining four combined the objectives of the stipulated second and third meetings. Thus the latest draft of the research was circulated before each meeting and formed the basis of discussion. The Advisory Panel would comment on drafts and provide further information sources when researchers were unable to access information. As consensus was reached on an issue, the data and score was confirmed and not reviewed at the following meeting. As a result, these meetings came to play a key role in the research: Agreement was reached on various scores and points of disagreement were discussed and usually resolved. Information was provided and further sources of missing information were identified. Assistance was provided in interpreting what was required in some sections of the report. As the gathering of information was an ongoing problem in the research we went beyond the Advisory Panel to seek information and consensus. Thus, in addition to the Advisory Panel Meetings, we also invited specific comments from some members of the Advisory Panel and civil society outside of meetings. This occurred in two ways. Firstly, we discussed the African Women s Progress Report at two meetings of the National Gender Machinery, where copies of drafts of the Report were distributed. Secondly, we specifically invited written comment from the Commission on Gender Equality. By the end of 2004, we had consensus on about 75% of the Report. Various mechanisms were used to achieve validation of the entire report. 12

23 chapter 2: south african context b) How the Information was collected for the Gender Status Index. The GSI was compiled by an economist on the team who was based in a research NGO, but whom had previously worked part-time in the National Treasury. She worked independently to collect the information as required for the Gender Status Index. The GSI was submitted to UNECA and to the South African Advisory Group and members of Statistics South Africa by August There was some delay in receiving feedback for all parties. Responses to the queries from UNECA were incorporated by way of explanatory paragraphs and footnotes. Feedback from Statistics South Africa was eventually received in May 2004 and resulted in slightly different figures. The researcher on the CALS team provided the following explanations: The researcher was only able to use the 10% sample of the census that was available to outsiders. Statistics South Africa had access to the full census. Despite this there was less than 0,1% difference between the two sets of numbers which makes 0,1% difference to the rates at most. There were slightly bigger differences between the researcher s October Household Survey figures and those of Statistics South Africa, but still minimal. It could be partly that Stata and SAS differ slightly in weighting, or that that Statistics South Africa decided to re-weight the data on the 2001 census. The Statistics South Africa representative at the September 2004 meeting of the Advisory Group agreed that the difference were so small that it was appropriate to proceed with the original figures. However, this remained subject to approval by the senior statistician as Statistics South Africa. We have not been able to verify this approval. The final GSI scores were calculated by UNECA. c) How the information was collected for the African Women s Progress Report. The African Women s Progress Report was compiled by a team of researchers under the auspices of the Centre for Applied Legal Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand. The team accessed information from the following sources: Government websites NGO and research websites Interviews with members of specific departments or specific experts (face to face, telephone and ) Research reports and articles Advisory Group Meetings and feedback The general process was to obtain as much as possible in documentary form, especially as we needed to verify our scores with hard data, and then to supplement with interviews. The OSW offered assistance by way of initial introductory letters and contact numbers, and it was initially thought that the process would not be too time-consuming. However, we often struggled to find people or get information. In many instances, telephone calls and messages often went unanswered. It seemed as if many people were just extremely busy and unable to respond to the requests of the researchers. Respondents were often unable to assist with the kind of technical detail or written evidence that was required for the report. Certainly, the information required was often detailed and was not merely within the purview of a Gender Focal Point. It was often difficult to identify the correct person 13