Identity Crisis, Ethnic Militias and Governance in Nigeria. Martins Adebayo 1 ; Ngozi Nwogwugwu, PhD 2 & Chioma Ikechi-Ekpendu 3

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1 Identity Crisis, Ethnic Militias and Governance in Nigeria Abstract Martins Adebayo 1 ; Ngozi Nwogwugwu, PhD 2 & Chioma Ikechi-Ekpendu 3 Correspondence nwogwugwun@babcock.edu.ng; Alternate ngozionwubiko@yahoo.com Nigeria, a multi-ethnic, lingual, and religious country had grappled with the challenges of equitable allocation of national resources since independence. The ineffective implementation of several policies that were aimed at ensuring removal of all imbalances among groups and creation of national identity for the highly divided society had resulted in formation of ethnic militias, which further exacerbated identity crisis. The study examined the relationship between identity crisis, ethnic militias and governance in the West African country. The study, a desk research relied on secondary data which included scholarly peer-reviewed journal articles, relevant books, government and institutional publications, magazine and newspaper articles, as well as relevant materials downloaded from the internet. Content analysis of the data was carried out and presented in themes. The paper argues that the political elite in the country are badly divided along ethnic and religious lines, and when denied of access to state resources through elections they mobilize ethnic militias who fight for the rights of their ethnic groups as opposed to the national interest. The activities of the ethnic militias had engendered insecurity resulting in crisis of governance. Various governments inability to equitably provide critical infrastructure, curb corruption, as well as curtail security challenges had worsened identity crisis in the country. Keywords: Ethnic militias, governance, identity crisis, Nigeria 1 Martins Adebayo, is a PhD student in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Veronica Adeleke School of Social Sciences, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria. 2 Ngozi Nwogwugwu, PhD is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Veronica Adeleke School of Social Sciences, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria. 3 Chioma Ikechi-Ekpendu is a PhD student in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Veronica Adeleke School of Social Sciences, Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria.

2 Introduction Identity is also about meanings in relations to social existence. In its multi-layered nature, and there is the tendency for some layers to dominate in particular circumstances. Alubo p 2 Identity politics is used here to denote the process of categorizing and de-categorizing people (ethnic, religious, gender, etc) into groups on the bases of shared and presumed similarities. More often than not, such similarities may be based on assumptions and stereotypes rather than actual traits, attributes or characteristics.alubo p 2 Identities are socially constructed, dynamic and multifaceted. Subjectively, identification with a category is simultaneously a definition of self, so that groups come to identify themselves as ethnic, religious, occupational, national and other terms. Objectively, individuals do not identify in general, but do so in relation to others definitions of themselves and the boundaries implied in such definitions (Kuna 2004:33; Ethnic militias are usually violence-oriented groups made of people of different age and whose membership are based on being of the same ethnic group whose interest they exist to protect and promote. Badmus (2006: 192) writes that ethnic militia movement exist as the extreme form of ethnic agitation for self determination as various ethnic groups assume militant posture and gradually metamorphosed into militia groups each of which bear an ethnic identity and purport to act as the machinery through which the desires of its people are sought to be realised. The emergence of various ethnic groupings clamouring for equity in the sharing of national resources had been attributed to this feeling of marginalization which the groups believe had been going for years without being addressed. This is especially so, in the Niger Delta region, where most of the oil resources of the country are located and the various nationalities within the region feel they had been short changed in the distributional resources. Those who support such militia groups, justify their existence on the basis of the fact that the region being the location of most of the wealth of the nation, the groups are right in demanding for fairness and equity in the allocation and distribution of the national wealth of the nation. The dysfunctional nature of the Nigerian federal state, which had not acknowledged the contribution of the region to the national wealth, had therefore been a source of frustration to the groups resulting in their violent conduct (Okumagba, 2009: 316). Clarification of Concepts Identity Crisis Identity politics refers to a political process through which people in a given society are categorized based on certain ascribed criteria such as ethnicity, religion, gender, etc into specific groups based on the presumption that they are have similar relationship in terms of such criterion or criteria (Alubo, 2009). It is usually through specific identity that people are either included or excluded from the allocation of resources, including power sharing especially in countries of Africa, where primordial sentiments still predominant. The different types of identity could include; ethnic, religious, language, gender, and professional identities. As observed by Alubo (2009):

3 Identity in its ethnic and religious forms is central to the citizenship question in Nigeria because it is a basis for inclusion and exclusion. The issue becomes more crucial because, as in most of Africa, citizenship is tied to group rights and thus, inextricably linked with identity (Alubo, 2009: 3). Identity crisis would refer to a situation where the members of a given society are unable to arrive at a consensus on the legally accepted single identity for the society in spite of the different policies that may have been promulgated and implemented to ensure such. A state in which there exists some form of conflict regarding premium being paid to specific identity criteria, as against other identity criteria. This happens as citizens of the society see other forms of identity as being more attractive as they provide greater access to resources than the nationally recognized identity. In this case, the citizens are prone to showing greater affinity to the various types of sub-group identities that exist within the society instead of the legally accepted unified identity. Ethnic militias The concept of Ethnic militia can only be understood through the prism of ethnicity. Different scholars have put forward varying definitions of ethnicity. Nnoli (1978: 4) defined ethnicity as a social phenomenon associated with interactions among members of different ethnic groups. Ethnic groups are social formations distinguished by the communal character of their boundaries. To Osaghae (1995: 11) the process of employing ethnic identity and differences to gain advantage in situations of competition for resources, conflict and cooperation can be referred to as ethnicity. In defining ethnicity, there is widespread consensus that it expresses ideas of common origins and ancestry, and that its distinctiveness becomes relevant only in relation to another identity, which is perceived as different (Paglia nd : 11). Any understanding of ethnicity would involve its use in not only identifying a particular group but also making a difference between that group and another whose characteristics defer from the group. An ethnic group refers to descent and culture communities with three specific additions: 1. that the group is a kind of sub-set within a nation-state, 2. that the point of reference of difference is typically culture rather than physical appearance, 3. often that the group referred to is other to some majority who are presumed to be ethnic (Fenton, 2003: 23). Ethnic militias can therefore be seen a paramilitary group in a given community who through violent means make political demands on the state of which they are part. They are also particularistic in nature and are characterized by subversion of the capacity for deliberations, usurpation and incivility (Ikyase & Egberi, 2015: 207) An ethnic militia movement can be described as an extreme form of ethnic agitation for self determination as various ethnic groups assume militant postures and gradually metamorphose into militia groups which rely on ethnic identity and purport to act as machinery through which the desires of the people are actualized (Okumagba, 2009). Agbu (2002) identifies the essential attributes of ethnic militia movements to include use of violence as mechanism for expressing their demands, majority of their members being youths, members being of the same ethnic group, and agitations for change of the status quo.

4 Ikyase and Egberi (2015: 207) write that an ethnic militia serve as a social pressure group designed to influence the structure of power to the advantage of and call attention to the deteriorating material condition or political deprivation and perceived marginalization of their group or social environment. Among the many ethnic militia groups in Nigeria are: Oodua Peoples Congress, Arewa Peoples Congress, Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra, Egbesu Boys of Africa, Niger Delta Volunteer Force, the Chikoko Movement, Bakassi boys, Ijaw Youths, etc. Theoretical framework Relative Deprivation theory and Multiculturalism theory The study adopts as its theoretical construct Relative Deprivation theory and Multiculturalism. The Relative Deprivation Theory was propounded by Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears (1939) as a way of linking the political and economic inequalities that exist in societies to incidences of rebellions and insurrections. The theory which is usually liked to frustration aggression theory formulated by the same authors argues that frustration arises when the expectations of members of a society or a particular group are not met by the political and economic benefits that they derive from the services provided by the State. The collective frustration of the people as a result of the deprivation which they believe they suffer results in violent expressions by those affected (Dollard et al, 1939:52, Davies, 1962:44, Feierabend and Feierabend, 1966:89). In the context of our present study, the rise of various ethnic militia groups that have violently attacked other groups and institutions of government in Nigeria can be traced to the feelings of marginalization in terms of allocation of resources as well as control of power by the members of those ethnic groups. This had found very eloquent expression through the formation of many ethnic militia groups such as OPC, APC, MASSOB, IYC, IBOP, NDA, etc, which had fought the Nigerian state on various points of perceived marginalization, and some had even metamorphosed to separatist movements with the believe that the nation as presently constituted cannot provide the enabling platform for their interests to effectively accommodated. Ethnic, religious and language identities sometimes serve as parameter for allocation of resources and control of political power, including appointments to public offices. This, in utter disregard for the legally accepted framework put in place through the federal character principle, which was established to ensure that no single group is dominated or marginalized. However, sometimes the members of the elite manipulate the implementation of the federal character principle resulting in lopsidedness in such allocations. Some members of the elite, who feel short-changed by other elites in terms of direct access to state resources mobilize uneducated and unemployed young men who they arm to unleash mayhem on members of other ethnic and religious groups on the wrong notion that it is the members of such ethnic

5 groups that are the cause of their economic woes. There is this impression that if the members of the other religious or ethnic groups were not in the same society with them, then they would not suffer any form deprivation. As Anosike (2010) observes there is there is high level of unemployment, high rate of illiteracy, very poor state of infrastructural development and citizens are faced with high cost of living and high level of poverty. The rate of unemployment among youths in Nigeria keeps increasing every year while the economic recession worsens. As the masses live in poverty, the members of the political class loot public treasury, and live in affluence this had created various militia groups that see the state as enemy of the people, while at the extreme end is the boko haram terrorist group which had stated that anything western is evil including education. The frustration that this groups suffer in terms of not meeting their basic needs in a state that is believed to possess enormous resources had resulted in various violent responses including rising cases of kidnapping for ransom, armed robberies, ritual murders, and cult clashes. Multiculturalism Multiculturalism refers to the way in which people of diverse cultures are able to live together in harmony without any group being subjugated or marginalized while each of the groups retains its separate identity. The major proponents of multiculturalism as a theory include; Will Kymlicka (1996), Peter McLaren (1995), Stephen May (1999), David Hollinger (1995), Shachar Ayelet (2000), Joseph Raz (1986), Larry May (1987) and John Rex (1997, 1996, 1995). Multicultural is one way of responding to the racial, ethnic, religious, cultural and national differences and diversities. The states have responded differently to the issue of cultural differences, depending upon the context and the nature of relationship between the mainstream population and the minority from the times immemorial (Vinod & Deshpande, 2013: 360). Multiculturalism was first used in Canada in the 1960s and 1970s to describe the state policy towards the ethnic minorities. After becoming an official policy in 1971, it became an act the (Canadian Multiculturalism Act) in Its acceptance and adoption in Australia in 1989, saw its acceptance as one of the documents that contained the state policy for managing cultural diversity (National Agenda for Multicultural Australia, as one of the documents that contained the state policy of managing cultural diversity in Australia. (Vinod & Deshpande, 2013: 360). As it moved from Canada, Australia, America and Britain in the 1980s, its evolution involved contextualization of the principles to suit the nature of the different communities. Alexander (2001) writes that: In the early 1970s, multicultural connoted compromise, interdependence, a revitalizing universalism and an expanding intercultural community. In our time, the same term appears to be ineluctably connected, not with permeability and commonality but with difference, with deconstruction and deflation of claims to universalism with reconstruction, rehabilitation, and protection of apparently autonomous cultural discourses and separated international communities (Alexander 2001 cited in Vinod & Deshpande 2013: 361).

6 Kymlicka (1996) sees a link between multiculturalism and liberalism in the analysis of the three waves of the evolution of multiculturalism. He sees multiculturalism as an evolution of liberalism because the demands of the multiculturalists for group rights are consistent with liberal principles, and can be seen as upholding liberal values of individual autonomy and social equality. Scholars have provided different classifications of multiculturalism based on various criteria of analysis. Goodin (2006) classifies multiculturalism as either protective or polyglot, while Shachar (2000) classifies it as either weak or strong. McLaren (1995) classifies it into, conservative, liberal, liberal-left and critical or resistance while Hollinger (1995) provides a two way classification; pluralist and cosmopolitan. As proponent eulogize multiculturalism as a necessary condition for human flourishing in multi group societies, the critics consider it an impediment for human growth (Vinod & Deshpande, 2013). Nigeria, with over two hundred and fifty ethnic nationalities is a badly divided society because the country had since independence failed to achieve the unity that the founding fathers envisioned. The recourse of many to ethnic and religious identities had been because of the fact that those at specific periods provide favourable access to resources and allocation of power. People had come to see some groups at being superior to others, as membership to them provides greater access to state resources, while those who are not members perceive themselves as being marginalized. The idea of having three major ethnic groups or six geopolitical zones and using them as parameter for national discourse is an aberration in a federation of over 250 ethnic groups. However, multiculturalism which recognizes all cultures as being important and having the spirit of live and let live would be a perfect fit for Nigeria, where specific groups see themselves as being superior to others and from time to time make concerted efforts to dominate others. The many ethno-religious conflict that have rocked the country over the years had because of this effort of ethnic and religious group reacting to either actual efforts at marginalizing them in terms of access to national resources or perceived marginalisation. Where all groups and cultures are seen as important and having equal value and people of one group respect others, there would not be recourse to violence of any kind. Methodology The study adopted descriptive survey and historical design. Being a library research, the study relied entirely on secondary data, comprising scholarly peer-reviewed journal articles, relevant books and magazines and newspapers publications. Historical analysis of the relevant literature interrogating the coincidence of the major variables of the study in Nigeria revealed that the country had been sharply divided along various identities right from its period as British colony. The country had faced various crises arising from efforts of some groups attempting to dominate others, or where some responded violently to perceived efforts of other groups to marginalize them as a result of the fact that they are minority. Content analysis of the relevant literature was carried out and the findings presented in thematic form. Identity crisis, inequalities and resource control agitations in Nigeria Ihonvbere (2003) captures vividly the nature of identity crisis and its effect on the development of Nigeria:

7 The State-Nigeria-has never been able to build an appreciable degree of confidence among Nigerians, ensure some discipline within the ranks of the State elites, manage the economy in the interest of the people or construct the much needed platforms of inclusion, tolerance, and participation. As well, the state has been captured and privatized by a tiny fraction of the elite that use public institutions and resource to terrorize non-bourgeois communities, abuse human rights, and loot public funds and mortgage the future of the citizenry. Perceived as wicked, aloof, insensitive, corrupt and distant force, Nigerians relate to the State as an enemy. It is seen as an enemy that must, as opportunity permits, be subverted, avoided, cheated, dismantled and destroyed if the interests of the majority of the citizenry are to be guaranteed (Ihonvbere, 2003 cited in Ajayi & Owumi, 2013: 931). The various national leaders have instead of emerging as national statesmen fanned the embers of ethnicity, beginning with those who fought for the nation s independence who had divergent opinions of the appropriate date of independence and the configuration of the regional assemblies and federal assemblies because of their efforts to protect their various ethnic groups (Nnoli, 1978). The elite, provide a united front when it suits their economic interests such as the sharing of the national cake amongst their members, while they cause crisis on ethnic lines when there is no consensus on the sharing of the state resources, or when they are short changed. Ajayi & Owumi (2013) write that Nigeria had received several hundreds of billion of dollars as revenue from the sale of crude petroleum in about three decades, however, the nation lacks infrastructure that lends credence to such wealth. Successive governments, both military and civilian had embarked on massive looting of the nations treasury at all levels, necessitating the continual ranking of the country as one of the most corrupt countries in the world by Transparency international. Some of the corrupt former government officials such as James Ibori were reported as having foiled attempts to arrest them by security operatives using the instrumentality of their own militia group (Amaize, Ujah & Ovuakporie, 2010; Sahara Reporters, 2010). Some of the government officials are suspected to be sponsors of militia groups who they utilize when they want to attack political opponents, and want to engage in various forms of electoral corruption with the aim of winning election by all means. The existence of large number of militia groups that sometimes appear more equipped than the nation s military and security agencies has been linked to the enormous resources available to them through these sponsors who had engaged in massive corruption while in office and had access to enormous resources in both local and foreign currencies. The complicity and connivance of the elite in engaging in large scale corruption in Nigeria without consideration of their identity differences, is exemplified by the case of diversion of $2 billion meant for purchase of arms for fighting terrorist insurgence by the former National Security Adviser (NSA) Colonel Sambo Dasuki (rtd). The said amount was meticulously shared in form princely cash and material gifts, amongst the nation s military and political elites including former President, Olusegun Obasanjo and current President Muhammadu Buhari (Akinloye, 2016; Ameh, 2015; Nigerian Times, 2015; Opejobi, 2015). It is

8 noteworthy that none of the elites cutting across military, different political parties, different ethnic groups or religions who received large sums of money and gifts of bullet proof vehicles asked questions as to the source of the funds knowing fully well that Dasuki was a public servant who had no such personal resources to present them with such gifts. The inability of the federal government in Nigeria to ensure equity in the allocation and utilization of the resources that are mobilized predominantly from prospecting of oil, had been a major reason for agitations for resource control by the various ethnic militia groups. The main source of unrestrained resource control agitations and the resulting conflicts in the Niger Delta is the exploitation of the natural resources like crude oil in the area, without adequate development of the area (Madubike, 2009: 11). Though the Niger Delta region is the location of Nigeria s oil resources, they had not experienced appreciable infrastructural development commensurate with the resources that they contribute to the national wealth. This had created the enabling environment for ethnic militia groups to emerge as champions of their ethnic groups interest against the insensitive federal government that are believed to marginalized the various minority ethnic groups in the region. Oil revenues are centrally controlled, and unfortunately the communities that serve as hosts to the source of 90% of Nigeria s export revenue due not receive commensurate developmental attention as do the major cities across the country. Over the years, various groups had emerged to agitate for greater share or total control of the resources that flow from the region. Little consideration of the environment of the oil producing communities by the oil companies and the governments who have failed to insist on international best practices in oil exploration in the region (Adetula, 1996). Nigeria seems to be the only country where the multinational oil companies are not held accountable for oil spillage and degradation of the environment. As such with the connivance of the government spillages have devastated over 1,000 sq miles of land in Ogoni land Rivers state alone. The United Nations Environmental Program report estimates that it would cost $1billion and a period of about thirty years to clean up Ogoni land (Centre for Environment Human Rights and Development (CEHRD) 2016; The Guardian, 2016). This total neglect of the people in spite of the devastation of their eco system had been at the root of various agitations for resource control. The latest of such agitations had been the menace of the Niger Delta Avengers group who have embarked on blowing up of various oils installations in the region, which forced the federal government to commence the clean-up of the Ogoniland oil spills. Federal character principle and marginalization of minorities Federal character principle which has been one of the policies of the federal government aimed at addressing perceived imbalances that have resulted from pervasive identity crisis among the different sections of the badly divided nation, remain a highly contested issue. The concept of federal character was first popularized under the Murtala/Obasanjo regime ( ). It became a constitutional matter in the Constitution Drafting Committee as well as the

9 Constituent Assembly, which were the progenitors of the 1979 constitution. It finally inculcated into the 1979 constitution as a directive principle of state policy (Osaghae, 1988). Scholars and analyst are agree that the federal character principle as conceptualized by the framers of the policy was a very laudable one, however most have reservations regarding the nature of its implementation. The principle is seen as a veritable tool for nation building and development through elimination of dominance of any particular group and marginalization of other groups, while its implementation is regarded as having continuously defeated the purpose for which it was adopted (Ezeibe, 2013; Olaopa 2012; Obiyan & Akindele, 2002; Gboyega, 1989; Mohammed, 1998). Ugoh and Ukpere (2012) write that the introduction of federal character principle in Nigeria was aimed at fostering unity, peace, equal ability, as well as equal access to state resources and to promote the integration of disadvantaged states for better improvement of the living conditions of people living across the country. It was to take care of some problems in the political process including, ethnicity, the national question, minority problem, discrimination based on indigeneity, resources allocation, power sharing, employment and placement in public institutions, amongst others (Afigbo, 1989). The federal character principle while aiming at ensuring equality amongst the component units had as its very heart the eschewing of all forms of group imbalance in public institutions and affairs (Heirmexy, 2011; Obiyan & Akindele, 2002). The federal character principle as an integrative mechanism stands for fair and effective representation of the various components of the federation in the country s position of power, status and influence. It is to ensure a broad public participation in the nation s affairs while fostering even development. However, the application of the principle had remained problematic because of the disparity in the standard of western education attained among the states in the federation (Mohammed, 1998). The implementation of the federal character principle had tended to give more powers to the politically dominant groups (so-called major ethnic groups; Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo) at the detriment of other ethnic groups. A very dangerous trend given that the Nigerian nation comprises over 250 ethnic groups. Such power disparity had created wider gulf (inequality) between the stronger and weaker groups (Ikime, 2002). This situation in which the minority ethnic groups that are politically weak are subjected to acute marginalization through the instrumentality of the very policy that was supposed to protect their interests is antithetical to national integration which was the primary reason for the adoption of the federal character principle (Bello, 2012). Federal character principle instead of ameliorating the negative effects of ethnocentrism, provokes ethno-regional division; it suffers from a fundamental contradiction as a policy for ensuring nation building or national integration. The principle does not encourage treating individuals as members of the nation-state, but views them from the lens of ethnolinguistic group within the nation state, thereby reinforcing the integrating of the units instead of the nation-state (Onyeoziri, 2002: 18).

10 Nwogwugwu and Sosanya (2015) write that the federal character principle as implemented in Nigeria had become a divisive instrument instead of being an integrative mechanism as envisioned by the framers of the policy. The ethnic groups or states that are favoured through the inconsistency and manipulative application of the policy end up having greater affinity to their ethnic group or state affiliation, which was the parameter on which they were favoured. On the other hand those who are short-changed in the process, see federal character principle as an instrument to suppress them and perpetuate inequality in the country. As a consequence there is greater bonding on the part of those who are unjustly treated and they have greater affinity to the members of their group who are equally marginalized. Besides the implementation of the federal character principle, the various military dictatorships that ruled the country between 1966 and 1999 also embarked on creation of state and local governments as a way of giving the people a sense of belonging. These however, failed to eliminate the feeling of marginalization among the various minority groups within the country. The belief is that the major ethnic groups have dominated power and the attendant resources that go with it at the national level this had resulted in various types of agitations by groups against the inequalities that exist within the society and had sometimes resulted in various conflicts (Suberu, 1996; Osaghae, 1991). As Ebegbulem (nd: 80) observes: Such domineering presence and control of what Nigerians choose to call the national cake has always irked the other ethnic groups who are in the minority. These minority groups feel left out in the scheme of things in Nigeria, a situation that has now bred distrust, fear and sense of hopelessness; this invariably affects their sense of patriotism, likewise their national identity and psyche. Within the smaller ethnic groups appear to be a rising feeling of sub-nationalism, of a need and desire for the groups to take their own fate into their hands. They question the concept of nationhood in a Nigerian system with less than caring attitude and posture towards issues that affect them. Emergence of Ethnic militias and struggle against marginalization Badmus (2006) traces the genesis of ethnic militias to the formation of the Oodua Peoples Congress by Dr Frederick Fasheun and his followers to champion the interests of the Yoruba people following perceived marginalization of the Yoruba race as a fall out of the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential elections, which was believed to have been won by a Yoruba businessman Chief Moshood K. O. Abiola. The Yoruba felt short-changed by the annulment, as it tended to perpetuate the federal power in the hand of the Hausa-Fulani. The OPC was very aggressive in its efforts at mobilizing support of Yoruba elite towards the championing of the Yoruba interest and justice for all (Fasheun cited in Africa today, February 2000). The success of the OPC in standing up to the government of the day on the perceived injustice meted to their group which resulted in the two presidential candidates for the 1999 elections being Yoruba (Olusegun Obasanjo for PDP and Olu Falae for ANPP), may have served as catalyst for other ethnic militia groups who are also fighting for the rights of their

11 ethnic groups. It is notable that the activities of OPC mellowed down considerably following the emergence of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as civilian president in Ikyase & Egberi (2015: 210) write that among the factors that led to the rising ethnic militia activities in Nigeria are the fear of many minority ethnic groups that the major ethnic groups will continue to dominate them in spite of well thought out policies that are supposed to ensure that no group is dominated as well as the marginalization and social deprivation which the minority ethnic groups have experienced in terms of access to national power and distribution of resources. Anifowoshe (2000:23) observes that a combination of factors have contributed to the multiplication of the ethnic militia groups in the country since the return to civilian rule in According to him: the conditions that gave birth to the proliferation of the ethnic militias include the declining economic climate which created acute discontent and frustration among the people, especially residents of the urban slums who had always had their grievances against the government, coupled with a sense of relative deprivation. We quite agree with his observation to the extent that brute force was used to bottle up the pent-up fury of the aggrieved masses, which was only to be given an outlet with the dawn of the democratic era, itself accompanied by a euphoria of expectations and an exaggerated air of freedom to express grievances without restraint as was the case in South Africa when the Apartheid regime was defeated (cited in Otite 2012: 817). Kukah (2003) argued that when the state fails to perform is responsibilities of providing the enabling environment for citizens to attain their potentials such citizens tend to seek other agencies or associations that would provide the opportunities that the government cannot provide. The allegiance of the citizens shifts from the ineffective state, to other groups and associations that are able to fill the void. Nnoli (1978) provides a historical overview that takes the trend to the colonial era when, the abdication of its responsibilities to provide socioeconomic and welfare services by the national government resulted in to greater affinity to ethnic groups, as the various ethnic unions closed the gap by providing the services to their members. Interestingly, when the interests of the group that needs to be protected borders on security, the group end up forming militia groups that would protect the interest of their members, including confronting the established state security agencies, who they feel is anti their own group. It is not only the minority ethnic groups that have expressed feelings of marginalization and deprivation, some of the major ethnic groups have also had to make agitations against marginalization. The emergence of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IBOP) group agitating for an independent Biafran state out of the states of South East and some parts of South South, is as a consequence of their feeling of marginalization in the power equation and allocation of resources in the Nigerian state. Unfortunately, this had been a persistent feeling since the end of civil war in 1970, when the federal government of Nigeria found it difficult to adequately integrate the Igbos to the mainstream political equation of the nation in spite of the war having ended with no victor,

12 no vanquished. This is worrisome as it is the same negative feelings of domination and marginalization that provided the enabling environment for the crisis which was triggered by the coups and counter coups of 1967 leading to the civil war. Some analysts have posited that identity crisis, was a major issue in the various crises that snowballed to the civil war in 1967 as some ethnic groups especially the Hausa Fulani had argued that the more educated Eastern region as at 1967 was dominating them in the federal civil service even though they had a numerical superiority. It made no meaning that those who possessed the requisite know how should naturally be placed in the position of driving the ship of state. So, competence did not matter, rather ethnic origin was to be prime determinant of who occupied what position of power (Achebe, 2013; Nweke, 1985). The Niger delta region have continually complained of their being marginalized in the power configuration of the nation, even though they are the region that produces over 80% of the nation s wealth, which is being used to develop other parts of the country. Their agitations for resources control, equity in allocation of resources, and proper government attention to issues of environmental degradation in the region led to emergence of militant groups that violently pushed their agitations between 2006 and 2009 when amnesty was granted by the federal government the led by Musa Yar Adua. In spite of the fact that Goodluck Jonathan served as President for six years , the South South Geo-political zone argue that the issues of neglect, environmental degradation and denial of access to resources had not been properly addressed resulting in the current onslaught on oil installations in the region by the Niger Delta Avengers groups. Nkejiaka (2010: 33) writes that the onslaughts or insurgency by ethnic militia in the Niger delta of Nigeria has been as a result of the complete failure of the federal and state governments to deliver on political, social and economic welfare that should give these oil producing states meaningful livelihood and compensation for environmental hazards. The marginalization in the system is not only restricted to the allocation of resources and sharing of power. There had been major challenge regarding the manner in which government agencies respond to the needs of different segments of the society. The challenges of unequal treatment of members of different groups within the Nigerian state had elicited calls for restructuring of the federation over the years. Unfortunately, at various fora including the national conference of 2014, there had always been an ouster clause on discussions of the federal nature of the country. However, the agitations had refused to go away. Suggestions on the need for restructuring of the Nigerian nation to create the enabling environment for all the component units to thrive as a way ensuring equality had been a recurring one in political discourse for some years. According to Ajayi & Owumi, (2013: 934) several scholars and activists had made calls at different times for such restructuring: is how to structure the Nigeria Federation in order to accommodate groups and guarantee access to power and equitable distribution of resources (Osaghae, 1998). The background to it is the perceived domination of some ethnic groups by the other engendered by the structural nature of the Nigerian Federation, the heavy lopsidedness in center-state relations, which to Wole Soyinka is highly

13 unbalanced, exploitative, and acquisitive and the growing impoverishment, frustration and disillusionment of the people, which is viewed as a direct consequence of power structure and ruling class politics in Nigeria (Adejumobi, 2000). Recent calls for restructuring of the federation had come from some prominent citizens such as former vice president of the country Atiku Abubakar, former Commonwealth secretary General Emeka Anyaoku, and several civil society groups who had reiterated the need for reappraisal of the status of the Nigerian state, which are clear recognition of the fact that the identity crisis in the country clearly negate the process of governance, and prominent citizens see it as a major obstacle towards attaining sustainable development in the country (Adeniji & Eniola, 2016). The government on its part had failed to utilize strategies and methods that would allay the fears of different sections of the society who feel that the manner of state engagement with their members does not recognize them as citizens who have equal rights like other sections of the society who receive better treatment from the federal government. The way the security agencies respond to security challenges across different sections of the society, show evidence of preferential treatment of the Hausa-Fulani. Ethno-religious crises and rising insecurity Nigeria had experienced a large number of ethno-religious crises since it independence in Ethno-religious crises had been a recurring decimal in Nigeria in spite of the nature of government in place, military dictatorship or civilian democratic governance. The litany of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria had been well captured in literature (Abdullahi, & Saka, 2007; Osaghae & Suberu, 2005). The Nigerian state had failed to curtail the reoccurrence of ethno-religious crises in spite of the existence of many security agencies, and use of several judicial commissions of inquiry over the years. The federal government had not been able to put in place a viable mechanism that would curb further re-occurrence of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria. Reports of various judicial commissions of inquiry are never implemented, as the government most of the time lacks the political will to punish those who were found guilty of causing the crises (Akinola, 2016; Manuwa, 2016; Alao, 2016). In spite, of the military strength of the state and the expansion of its security services, it remains completely incapable of providing leadership and direction towards the creation and nurturing of values, interests, aspirations, institutions and processes, which would support the cause of nationhood. People just dissolve directly and/or indirectly into their respective particular organizations, which begin to compete with the state for the loyalty, support, emotions and patriotism of citizens (Ajayi & Owumi, 2013: 933). Several ethno-religious crises have occurred in Nigeria between 1980 and 2016 resulting in the loss of thousands of lives and destruction of property worth billions of naira. These crises had taken place in different sections and geo-political zones of the country (Lateju &

14 Adebayo, 2006; Imam 2004; Albert, 2005; Newswatch, 1991). The primary cause of these crises may be said to be the deep seated identity crisis, in which citizens do not see themselves as Nigerian citizens but rather see themselves and others from the ethnic, religious or language identities. As such, Nigerian citizens are not known to be willing to die for the sake of national interest, whereas some of them would be willing to kill or die for the sake of their ethnic or religious interests, especially those of the Northern Muslim stock. Elaigwu (2005) writes that the inability of Nigeria to forge a viable federal system able to accommodate the varying interest of the component parts is a major factor behind the many ethno-religious crises in the country. Pervasive fear of domination by one group or the other since the nations independence and bred a very competitive spirit among the various ethnic and religious groups. As such, the various ethnic groups remain dissatisfied with the current structure of the state, and this dissatisfaction is expressed from time to time through crises and conflicts of various magnitude once the trigger factors exist. According to Elaigwu (2005: 12): violent protests in the Niger-Delta over perceived injustice in resource distribution; the Itsekiri-Ijaw violence in the Delta; the resumption of the Ife-Modakeke communal violence; the menace of Odu a Peoples Congress (OPC) and the accompanying violence in Lagos and Shagamu areas; the formation of the Arewa Peoples Congress (APC) and the Igbo Peoples Congress (IPC); the MASSOB feeble attempt to resuscitate Biafra; the Sharia crisis and the demands for a confederation; the South-South demand for the control of its resources; and all the recent interethnic/religious conflicts in various states across the country are all part of the bubbles of the Nigerian federation. The management of internal security in Nigeria has been fraught with several challenges with the numerous security agencies unable to contain the security threats in the country. Over the last decade, Nigeria had moved from one security challenge to the other, with the mobilization of the military in Internal Security Operations in the form of Joint Task Forces unable to provide the needed succour. As a result several scholars and analysts including Usman (2010), Aghedo and Oarhe, (2009), Asuni, (2007), have argued that the security agencies lack the capacity to curtain the many security challenges that the nation faces. The centralized security system operational in Nigeria, had provided an institutionalized mechanism that makes the security agencies lacking in capacity to swiftly and proactively respond to security threats across the country (Nwogwugwu & Abioye, 2015). The methods and strategies of the security agencies engagement of citizens who are suspected to have breached security in different parts of the country also show division on ethnic or religious lines by the military and security operatives. The Fulani herdsmen killing of hundreds of people and displacement of thousands of people across communities in Adamawa, Benue and Enugu in , did not attract any specific military action from the military. Some claim the military and security agencies lethargic reaction to the menace of the Fulani herdsmen is because of the fact that the President of the country, Muhammadu Buhari is Fulani. However, the military shot unarmed civilians who were celebrating the 50 th anniversary of the Biafra on 29 th May 2016 with the lame excuse that they were acting on the

15 orders of the President to maintain law and order and that the demonstrators had crude weapons which the military did not display to the media houses to prove their claim (Uzodinma, 2016; Okafor, 2016; Isiguzo, 2016; Premium Times). Such activities further exacerbate identity crisis in the country, as some section feel they are treated unjustly because they do not belong to the favoured ethnic group at specific period. Concluding Remarks It is an acknowledged fact that Nigeria had failed in efforts to forge a national identity since its independence in The various leaders past and present (military or civilian) had grappled with issues of the national question which borders of how to make the federation working with all component units having a sense of belonging in terms of equal access to state resources and allocation of power. Adoption of some principles meant to eliminate marginalization or domination of groups by others such as the federal character principle had failed, because of implementation challenges, which had made such policies look like the problem instead of the solution. Since the nations independence the many ethnic groups had mutual distrust of themselves, and this had manifested in various ethno-religious conflicts which some of the elites had engineered to further their personal interests instead helping to forge a national identity by ensuring equity among all groups. The fact that some groups had seen themselves as being superior and others as not deserving of holding power at the national level, had continued to exacerbate crisis of identity, as various agencies of state such as the military and security agencies choose to show differentiation in the manner of their handling of issues involving people of different ethnic groups, which equally underscores the fact that some groups are seen as being superior to others through deliberate state policies depending on who is in power at a specific period of time. The government policies that tend to exhibit traces of relative deprivation and domination of groups who are regarded as minorities by certain groups whose members hold national power which had resulted in formation of ethnic militias whose existence had resulted in various forms of security challenges needs to be addressed by the country. Adoption of multicultural policies which would entrench in people of all ethnic groups the consciousness that no culture is inferior to the others and that all groups in the country are equal regardless of their population would help in giving the minority groups a sense of belonging. The National Orientation Agency should embark on massive campaign of enlightening the populace on multicultural thinking so that they would have respect for other groups, recognizing that the diversities that exist among the various groups should be utilized as source of strength for the country, instead of being a divisive factor. The national government should allow a national discourse on Nigerian federation and reexamination of the parameters for operating the federal system, including issues on fiscal federalism. Even if this results in specific re-structuring of the polity it would serve the country better instead the present situation where many groups see themselves as being unfairly treated resulting in separatist movements such as IBOP, MASSOB, Niger Delta Avengers, etc.

16 The federal ministry of education should also modify the curricular of the schools, to ensure the teaching of multicultural thinking from the primary/basic education level to the university, to eliminate the suspicious manner of viewing people from other ethnic groups. The federal character principle should be moderated with specific emphasis on merit, such that only those who are genuinely qualified to provide the quality service needed to develop the society are engaged to do so, instead of promoting mediocrity. Governments at all levels should deliver good governance to their constituencies. When young people are gainfully employed, the business environment conducive, and critical infrastructure put in place, it would be difficult for some political elites to have access to young people to mobilize for ethnic militia movements. Those who are gainfully employed and living good lives would not want to go and risk their lives in violent militia activities. References Abdullahi, A. A. & Saka, L. (2007). Ethno-Religious and Political Conflicts: Threat to Nigeria Nascent Democracy. Journal of Sustainable development in Africa. Vol 9, No 3. Pp Adebayo, R. I. (2010). Ethno-Religious Crises and the Challenges of Sustainable Development in Nigeria. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa (Volume 12, No.4, 2010). Pp Adejumobi, S. (2003). Civil society, ethnic militias and sovereign national conference in Nigeria. In Babawale, T. (Ed.) (2003). Urban violence, ethnic militias and the challenge of democratic consolidation in Nigeria. (pp ). Ikeja Lagos: Malthouse Press Ltd. Adeniji, G. & Eniola, T. (2016, June 3). Groups Protest at Embassies demand Nigeria s restructuring. Adetula, V.A.A. (1996), Oil and the people of Niger Delta: A Study of Economic Social and Cultural Impacts of Oil Pollution, A Research Report of Centre for development Studies, University of Jos. Afigbo, A. E. (1989). Federal Character: Its meaning and History. In Ekeh, P. P. & Osaghae, E. E. (eds). Federal Character and Federalism in Nigeria. (pp 3 18). Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books. Aghedo, I. & Oarhe, O. (2009). When the panacea becomes the problem: The Niger Delta question and the federal solution in Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of politics and public policy. 5, (1 & 2), Agbu, O. (2002). Ethnic Militias and the Threat to Democracy in Post-Transition Nigeria. News from the Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala, Sweden, No.1, January.