GRUPĖS IR APLINKOS. Tarpdisciplininis mokslo darbų leidinys. GROUPS AND ENVIRONMENTS Interdisciplinary Research Studies

Transcription

1 GRUPĖS IR APLINKOS Tarpdisciplininis mokslo darbų leidinys GROUPS AND ENVIRONMENTS Interdisciplinary Research Studies 2

2 UDK Gr-679 Editor Egidija Ramanauskaitė Assistant editors Andrius Buivydas Aušra Kairaitytė Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Editorial board Ethnology and History Laimutė Anglickienė Arūnas Vaicekauskas Philosophy and Culturology Jūratė Černevičiūtė Gintautas Mažeikis Elena Omel chenko Natural Science, Physics Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Lithuania Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania University of Uljanovsk, Russia Liudvikas Pranevičius Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania J. Rimas Vaišnys Yale University, USA Criminology Genovaitė Babachinaitė Mykolas Romeris University, Lithuania Artūras Petkus Psychology Loreta Bukšnytė Religious Studies Dušan Deák Anita Stasulane Sociology Katalin Forray Paul Hodkinson Jolanta Reingardė Artūras Tereškinas Mykolas Romeris University, Lithuania Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania SS Cyril and Methodius University ir Trnava, Slovakia Daugavpils University, Latvia University of Pécs, Hungary Surrey University, UK Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Language editors English translator/editor: Vijolė Arbas Lithuanian editor: Simona Grušaitė, Violeta Tamošiūnienė Abstracts in Lithuanian by Egidija Ramanauskaitė, Mantas Janušaitis Layout designer Irena Sabaliauskaitė Cover photographer Gintaras Jaronis Vytautas Magnus University, 2010 Vytautas Magnus University, Centre for Cultural Studies, 2010

3 ISSN GRUPĖS IR APLINKOS Tarpdisciplininis mokslo darbų leidinys GROUPS AND ENVIRONMENTS Interdisciplinary Research Studies 2 Society and Lifestyles: Towards Enhancing Social Harmonisation through Knowledge of Subcultural Communities (SAL) Academic Reports Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas Vytautas Magnus University Kaunas 2010

4 Acknowledgement We take this opportunity to thank the European Commission for financial support for this project. Especially we are thankful to project officers Dr. Silvia Durmeier, Dr. Pascal Dissard and Dr. Andreas Obermaier, who contributed to the successful implementation of the project as well as to the Europarama management organization. We also want to thank members of the Vytautas Magnus University leadership who supported development of this project idea initially in its starting period and those who later supported its implementation. We also thank the administrations of all collaborating universities and research centres for their moral and material contributions to the project. Thanks go to colleagues and students who collaborated in the project and supported its values and especially to members of subcultural groups who agreed to communicate with the researchers. SAL researchers Groups and Environments: Interdisciplinary Research Studies publishes annually or bi-annually since This volume is an outcome of the EU FP6 international research project SAL (Society and Lifestyles: Towards Enhancing Social Harmonisation through Knowledge of Subcultural Communities, ) which involved 15 partners from 12 European countries. Vytautas Magnus University coordinated this project. The Community s Sixth Framework Programme provided research funding. Disclaimer: This publication reflects only the authors views, and the Community is not liable for any use made of the information contained therein.

5 CONTENTS / TURINYS Egidija Ramanauskaitė, J. Rimas Vaišnys Introduction to the SAL Research...9 Įvadas...15 DEVELOPMENT OF THE METHODOLOGY J. Rimas Vaišnys, Andrius Buivydas, Egidija Ramanauskaitė Groups in Theory and Practice...23 Grupių teorija ir tyrimų praktika...54 CASE STUDIES Egidija Ramanauskaitė Introduction to the Analysis of SAL Case Studies...59 Įvadas: SAL subkultūrinių grupių tyrimų analizė...71 Hilary Pilkington Development for Group Research and Comparative Case Studies...73 Grupių tyrimų ir lyginamosios analizės metodologijos plėtra...75 Andrius Buivydas, Egidija Ramanauskaitė, J. Rimas Vaišnys Developing Methods and Computer Tools for a Systematic Qualitative Data Analysis...77 Metodai ir kompiuterinių programų panaudojimas sisteminei kokybinių duomenų analizei...86 Ethnic Revival Groups Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko, Elvira Sharifullina Neo-Pagan Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia...89 Neopagonių jaunimo grupės Rusijoje (Sankt Peterburge)...96 Gatis Ozoliņš Contemporary Dievturi Movement in Latvia: Between Folklore and Nationalism...99 Šiuolaikinis dievturių judėjimas Latvijoje: tarp folkloro ir nacionalizmo Piotr Wiench Neo-Pagan Groups in Central-Eastern Europe Neopagonių grupės Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje Martin Priečko Eco-Villagers (Novolazníci) in Slovakia Slovakijos ekologinio kaimo gyventojai (novolazníci) Radoslav Hlúšek Euro-Indians in Slovakia Euroindėnai Slovakijoje Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko, Anton Popov Xenophobic Youth Groups in Krasnodar/Sochi Russia: Cossacks Ksenofobinės jaunimo grupės Krasnodaro regione, Sočyje (Rusijoje): kazokai...123

6 Youth Lifestyle subcultures Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko, Yulia Andreeva Anti-fa Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia Anti-fa jaunimo grupės Sankt Peterburge (Rusijoje) Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko, Irina Kosterina DIY Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia DIY jaunimo grupės Sankt Peterburge (Rusijoje) Airi-Alina Allaste, Maarja Kobin Hip-Hop Culture in Rakvere Estonia Hiphopo kultūra Rakverėje (Estijoje) Michaela Praisler, Daniela Şorcaru, Isabela Merilă Hip-Hop in Romania ( ) Hiphopo kultūra Rumunijoje ( m.) Airi-Alina Allaste, Vaike Võõbus, Peeter Vihma, Maarja Kobin, Irina Kosterina Recreational Cannabis Users in Estonia and Russia Rekreaciniai kanapių vartotojai Estijoje ir Rusijoje Hilary Pilkington, Irina Kosterina, Elena Omel chenko Drug Using Youth Groups in Sochi Russia Narkotikus vartojančios jaunimo grupės Sočyje (Rusijoje) Hilary Pilkington, Elvira Sharifullina, Elena Omel chenko Drug Using Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia Narkotikus vartojančios jaunimo grupės Vorkutoje (Rusijoje) Alexander L. Salagaev, Alexander S. Makarov, Rustem R. Safin Violent Youth Groups in the Tatarstan Republic of Russia Smurtinės jaunimo grupės Tatarstano Respublikoje (Rusijoje) Tadas Kavolis Skinhead Subculture in Lithuania Skinhedų subkultūra Lietuvoje Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko, Al bina Garifzianova Xenophobic Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia: Skinheads Ksenofobinės jaunimo grupės Vorkutoje (Rusijoje): skinhedai Ethnic Minorities Silvia Letavajová Muslims in Slovakia Musulmonai Slovakijoje Katalin R. Forray, Mónika Balázsovics, Zoltán Beck, Szabolcs Fekete Romani Communities in Hungary Romų bendruomenės Vengrijoje New Religious Movements Rasa Pranskevičiūtė Vissarion and Anastasia Movements in Lithuania Visariono ir Anastasijos judėjimai Lietuvoje...217

7 Anita Stasulane Subcultural Dynamics of Theosophical Groups in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania Subkultūrinė teosofinių grupių dinamika Estijoje, Latvijoje ir Lietuvoje Dušan Deák Conceptual Framework of India-Inspired New Religious Movements in Slovakia Indijos religijos įkvėptų naujųjų religinių judėjimų Slovakijoje konceptuali struktūra Religious Confessions Natalia Cojocaru, Ruslan Sintov Religious Attitudes in Moldova: The Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and The Baptist Community Religiniai požiūriai Moldovoje: Besarabijos metropolijos bažnyčia ir baptistų bendruomenė POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS Linas Eriksonas, George McKay, Christopher Williams (Eds.) Society and Lifestyles Project Recommendations for Policy Makers Projekto Visuomenė ir gyvenimo stiliai rekomendacijos socialinės politikos formavimui EXPERIMENTAL ENVIRONMENT Egidija Ramanauskaitė Experimental Environment Development for Communications by Researchers, Members of Subcultural Groups and Society Eksperimentinės aplinkos tyrėjams, subkultūrinių grupių nariams ir visuomenei bendrauti kūrimas About the Authors About the Project Society and Lifestyles Questionnaire, Appendix Publication Submissions Straipsnių pristatymas Index of Source Authors...294

8

9 Egidija Ramanauskaitė Vytautas Magnus University J. Rimas Vaišnys Vytautas Magnus University, Yale University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Introduction to the SAL Research This publication includes the results of the EU FP6 research project, Society and Lifestyles: Towards Enhancing Social Harmonisation through Knowledge of Subcultural Communities (SAL). 1 It was designed for extending knowledge about values and religions in Europe by investigating groups representing various beliefs on values and religion in post-soviet countries. The project also sought to enhance the integration of groups with different values and religions into the life of the societyat-large based on a harmonious coexistence of individuals and subgroups. The area of research involved post-soviet countries of Europe where, after a half century of Communist rule, the cultural heritage still differs sharply from the cultural heritage of Western countries: Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia and Slovakia. The main idea of the project was to understand how groups arise, function and disappear. These topics can help to explore questions of identity formation by individuals/participants of different groups. They also have an impact on solving such issues as social cohesion, inter-group tensions, discord and violence. The researchers on this project formulated the following goals: to examine the dominant processes leading to the division of contemporary society into separate social groups with different socio-cultural identities, to identify the reasons for the rise of new cultural groups in the region and to explore the main reasons for the formation of the ideas of resistance which proliferate in subgroups and movements across post-soviet countries. Researchers studied the individual behaviour of members within groups. They analysed the dominant values, beliefs, worldviews and ways of communication in different groups and made every endeavour to understand the meanings of the lifestyles proliferating among the members of the groups. The researchers studied the perceptions of group members regarding their individual identities and the impact of subcultural values on their individuality. Communications between 1 For project participants, see About the Project, p

10 Groups and Environments 2 different groups as well as their communications with society were investigated in terms of tolerance and intolerance. Project methodology The project took advantage of an interdisciplinary approach based on the methodologies of cultural/social anthropology, sociology and the natural sciences. Groups of researchers from different fields and different research schools participated in the project. This determined the research approaches as well as the methods used by the partners for achieving research objectives. The project covered subcultural and post-subcultural theories and critiques of these theories, linguistic analysis and the systems theory approach. Concepts of globalisation, westernisation, identity, gender and others were applied for analysing different aspects of this research. The concept of a subcultural group, in the context of this project, refers to groups of different cultural styles, original worldviews and varying religious beliefs. As Johan Fornäs argued, subculture can be used in the widest possible sense, including all types of collective lifestyles, whether they are consistent, fragmented or even contradictory, conscious or unconscious, deliberate or unintentional, visible or covert, small or large, marginal or central, subordinate or dominant, rebellious or integrated, progressive or regressive, youthful or adult. 2 Consequently the lifestyle subcultural groups and the groups of New religious movements as well as different subgroups inside the groups of ethnic minorities were involved in this research. The SAL project studied groups of different membership sizes. It needs to be emphasised that small groups are equally as important as large ones are for researchers. From a theoretical point of view, the processes of growth and decay of small groups can be observed more readily, with a greater possibility of identifying reasons for the processes. It is also significant to point out that small cultural groups (even in their initial originating stage) can accumulate and transform cultural ideas and values which signal new forces originating in society. Understanding these processes can help to deal with them more easily. The SAL project focused on case studies and on the comparative analyses of various subcultural groups. The following groups from different countries were investigated: Taste /lifestyle subcultures Drug-user youth groups in Sochi and Vorkuta, Russia and cannabis users in Estonia 2 Fornäs, J. (1995). Cultural Theory and Late Modernity (pp ). London, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks: Sage. The use of the term, subculture, by researchers depends on different scientific traditions. For example, the Birmingham tradition explores the phenomena as a social unit inside society, one that reflects social tensions usually in terms of age, class and gender variables. 10

11 Eco-Villagers in Slovakia Euro-Indians in Slovakia Cossacks ethnic revival movements in the Krasnodar region of Southern Russia Skinheads in Kazan (Tatarstan Republic) and Vorkuta (Komi Republic), Russia and in Lithuania Anti-Fa (anti-fascist) youth groups in Saint Petersburg, Russia DIY (Do it Yourself/punk) youth groups in Saint Petersburg, Russia Hip-hop groups in Rakvere, Estonia, in Romania and in Lithuania Hippies in the 1970s in Lithuania Gangs in Kazan (Tatarstan Republic), Russia New religious movements, religious/philosophical groups Neo-Pagans/ Dievturi in Latvia; Neo-Pagans in Saint Petersburg, Russia and in Lithuania and key leaders/activists of neo-pagan groups selected in Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Ukraine, Hungary and Serbia Hare Krishna communities in Moldova and in Lithuania India-inspired communities in Slovakia (Hare Krishnas, Yoga in Daily Life, Sahaja Yoga, Shri Chinmoy) Anastasia community in Lithuania Vissarion community in Lithuania Theosophy communities in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia Ethnic minorities and religious minorities Gypsies/Roma community in Hungary Muslims in Slovakia Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia in Moldova Baptist community in Moldova The amount of data gathered by SAL researchers covered 30 case studies (including four surveys) performed by the partners using the methods of semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, long-lasting participant observation and content analyses. The data was collected from 1478 respondents (the mass of which fits a minimum of 30,000 pages in A4 format). The data from 209 respondents (including transcribed texts of in-depth interviews and data from questionnaires) were analysed using systematic tools. (This data from 209 respondents involves at minimum of 3,500 pages in A4 format.) Main project results The expected results of the project were the following: individual research discourses based on the general objectives of the project, revision of the theory of subculture, development of a methodology for comparative study and modelling the dynamics of groups. 11

12 Groups and Environments 2 Development of methodology The shift from the CCCS (Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham) theory on youth subculture was made by adopting the concept of subculture to include a wider range of religious and ethnic groups and different others who create their individual cultural meanings while communicating within the group as well as with their environments. It was also found that the dynamical systems theory approach is preferable for discovering the variables and associated values which can help to generate functions/causal relations/reasons to explain the behaviours of different groups. Moreover it can also help ethnographers to develop a more realistic description of group behaviour. Prior uses of the systems theory in a sociological setting (e.g., T. Parsons and his followers) 3 have tended to model society ideologically. Moreover the tendency had been to use theoretically obtained sets of variables and values without an endeavour to obtain information from real groups; consequently results were explored on the basis of assumptions alone. When dealing with real groups, as per the intent of the SAL project, the possible values of variables must be obtained from field observations or determined on some other empirical basis. The project provides reference ideas and data for future comparative research. Understanding of processes within society as a whole will need fuller appreciation of the interactions between individuals and groups and between groups themselves, particularly where changes in cultural norms are involved. We expect that the systematic comparative research, the methodology of which was developed by the researchers during the project, will facilitate achieving these long term results in future projects (see Groups in Theory and Practice, p. 23). Society and Lifestyles (SAL) questionnaire Researchers from Vytautas Magnus University composed a questionnaire based on the field experiences and on the general premises of the dynamical systems theory in joint with the partners. The questionnaire suggested the following format for the research: 1) interactions by group members within a group in terms of creating their subcultural reality as well as their agreements/disagreements and 2) the environmental influences on group members as well as their self-expressions, including their demands to influence the environment (see Society and Lifestyles Questionnaire, Appendix, p. 276). Case studies The project involved researchers conducting research on 30 groups (case studies). The researchers made an effort to identify the main factors stimulating the rise of 3 Parsons, T. (1951). The Social System. Glencoe, Ill: Free Press. 12

13 groups and the functioning of groups in terms of identity formation, systems of values and the tensions which appear within the groups and during communications between different groups as well as by groups with the society-at-large. The subprojects conducted by partners were designed to achieve the specific goals of the project. The results of individual topics are briefly explored by the researchers in their reports (see Case Studies, pp ). Dissemination of knowledge and policy recommendations The SAL electronic archive was developed over the three years of the project with the aim to stimulate communications between the researchers. It was verified and adopted for the needs of researchers during the project workshops, and materials from the fieldworks were uploaded for sharing information among the SAL project scholars (see SAL archive, The experimental environment was developed during the project for communications by researchers, subcultural groups and members of society with the aim to enhance tolerance and facilitate communications among them. Audiovisual exhibitions were held. These included presentations of photos and films shot by the researchers during their fieldwork as well as at the workshops on their research topics. These exhibitions were held in different social environments, such as at festivals of youth alternative music in open areas and at clubs, the city library and the University s courtyards and lobbies. The experimental environment also included subcultural forums. These involved discussions with members of different subcultural groups and their presentations of their music, other forms of art, ideologies, actions and similar expressions (see Experimental Environment Development for Communications by Researchers, Members of Subcultural Groups and Society, p. 261). Policy recommendations at the local level and at the level of the European Commission were developed by the partners. Thus policy recommendations are, in most cases, country specific. Additionally two more universal features are evident. First there is a need to improve both the quantity and quality of media coverage on subcultural group issues at all levels, particularly about EC policies and laws concerning human rights and values and to present more factual and balanced reporting of subcultural group activities. Second there is a need to continue systematic and methodologically well-grounded research on group-societal interactions. Such research could serve the media s informational needs in the short run and also provide factual data and reliable analyses needed in the long run. As the article, Groups in Theory and Practice, discusses, successful policy decisions only become possible when relevant processes are well-described as well as understood 13

14 Groups and Environments 2 (see Groups in Theory and Practice, Section 1 subhead, Systems theory: an aid for policy makers, p. 30). The recommendations are based on field materials as well as EC policy documents. Local recommendations are focused on sensitive aspects of social communications by those individuals who are members of different religious groups, representatives of ethnic minorities and lifestyle/ taste subcultures such as punks, hip-hop enthusiasts, skinheads and others. They include their communications during leisure time, at work and at educational institutions. These also include the mass media s presentations of communities which affect public opinion. Local recommendations are included in the reports by the partners. The EC-level policy recommendations are presented separately in this publication (see Society and Lifestyles Project Recommendations for Policy Makers, p. 251). During the project, about 450 articles, conference papers and individual contributions have been disseminated in the nine countries which were directly involved in the project (Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia, Moldova, Poland, Slovakia, Romania and the UK). Two major conferences took place (at Kaunas in 2007 and at Manchester in 2008). Books 4 and articles in English were published, and more publications in native languages are underway. The general idea of the SAL project was to investigate subcultural groups with different values and religious beliefs in the post-soviet countries of the EU for a better understanding of the problems these groups bring with them. Researchers were able to exhibit that part of this information which is relevant to individual liberties for choosing a worldview, religion or lifestyle of one s own. Certainly such issues are very sensitive in post- Soviet countries due to the half century of Communist rule, when societies were pressured to live within a common ideology and lifestyle. After the Soviet political superstructure collapsed and societies began seeking renewal, it took much time for people to become accustomed to their new environments. Researchers gathered a huge amount of material and reflected on the problem areas and sensitive points of social communications relevant to a society s moralistic rejection of differently-minded individuals. The interdisciplinary nature of this project contributes to the development of new intellectual traditions. It particularly opens up broader perspectives on the values, meanings and goals that are vital for democratisation. 4 These books are: McKay, G., Williams, Ch., Goddard, M., Foxlee, N., & Ramanauskaitė, E. (Eds.) (2009). Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe, 15. Oxford, Bern, Berlin: Peter Lang. Pilkington, H., Omel chenko, E., & Garifzianova, A. (2010). Russia s Skinheads: Exploring and Rethinking Subcultural Lives. London, New York: Routledge. Forray, R. K., & Beck, Z. (Eds.) (2008). Society and Lifestyles Hungarian Roma and Gypsy Communities, 23. Pécs: University of Pécs. 14

15 Egidija RAMANAUSKAITĖ Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: J. Rimas VAIŠNYS Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, Jeilio universitetas Įvadas Šis leidinio tomas skirtas Europos Sąjungos 6-os bendrosios programos (ES 6BP) tyrimų projekto Visuomenė ir gyvenimo stiliai: socialinės harmonijos link rezultatams aptarti. Projekto metu posovietinėse šalyse tyrinėtos įvairių vertybinių orientacijų, pasaulėžiūrų, religijų grupės. Projektas kėlė ir socialinį uždavinį: skatinti skirtingų vertybinių orientacijų grupių tarpusavio bendravimą bei toleranciją. Tyrimai atlikti Estijoje, Latvijoje, Lietuvoje, Vengrijoje, Moldovoje, Lenkijoje, Rumunijoje, Rusijoje ir Slovakijoje. Tyrėjai siekė suprasti, kaip formuojasi ir veikia grupės, kokioms sąlygoms esant jos išyra. Su šiomis temomis yra glaudžiai susiję individų / įvairių grupių narių tapatybių kūrimo klausimai, socialinės sanglaudos, įtampų tarp grupių, nesantaikos, prievartos ir kitų galios santykių keliamos problemos. Tyrėjai analizavo dominuojančius procesus, kurie sąlygoja visuomenės skaidymąsi į skirtingų sociokultūrinių tapatybių grupes, siekė nustatyti naujų kultūrinių grupių atsiradimo priežastis, taip pat rezistencinių idėjų formavimosi priežastis, kurios plinta posovietinių šalių visuomenių subgrupėse ir judėjimuose. Tyrinėtas grupių narių elgesys, dominuojančios vertybės, tikėjimai, pasaulėžiūros ir bendravimo būdai įvairiose grupėse, skirtingų grupių tarpusavio bendravimas, taip pat jų bendravimas su visuomene. Siekta atskleisti tarp grupių narių plintančias gyvenimo stilių reikšmes. Tyrėjai analizavo, kaip grupių nariai suvokia savo kultūrinę tapatybę, taip pat subkultūrinių vertybių poveikį asmeniui. Tyrimų metodologija Projekte naudotos tarpdisciplininės prieigos: socialinės kultūrinės antropologijos, sociologijos ir tiksliųjų mokslų metodologijos. Dalyvavo skirtingų mokslo krypčių tyrėjai, todėl tai nulėmė tyrimo požiūrius bei metodus, kurie buvo naudojami projekto tikslams pasiekti. Tyrėjai rėmėsi subkultūrų ir postsubkultūrų teorijomis ir jų kritika, lingvistine analize ir dinaminių sistemų teorijos prieiga; buvo analizuojami globalizacijos, vesternizacijos, tapatumo, lyties ir kiti klausimai. 15

16 Groups and Environments 2 Subkultūros sąvoka projekte apima įvairius kolektyvinio gyvenimo stiliaus tipus (Fornäs, 1995, p ) 1, susijusius su originaliomis pasaulėžiūromis ir įvairiais tikėjimais / religijomis. Buvo tyrinėjamos gyvenimo stiliaus / skonio subkultūrinės grupės, naujųjų religinių judėjimų ir etninių mažumų grupės, kurių narių skaičius skiriasi. Svarbu pabrėžti, kad mažų grupių tyrimai yra tiek pat svarbūs kaip ir didžiųjų. Teoriniu požiūriu, mažų grupių augimo ir iširimo procesus stebėti lengviau, ir yra didelė tikimybė apčiuopti procesų priežastis. Svarbu pažymėti, kad mažos kultūrinės grupės (net pradiniame formavimosi etape) gali sukaupti ir transformuoti kultūrines idėjas ir vertybes, kurios parodo naujas visuomenėje atsirandančias socialines galias. Šių procesų supratimas gali padėti jas lengviau įžvelgti. Projekto metu buvo atliekamos atvejo studijos ir grupių lyginamoji analizė. Tyrinėtos tokios grupės: Skonio / gyvenimo stiliaus subkultūros: narkotikų vartotojai Sočyje (Rusijoje) ir Vorkutoje (Rusijos federacijos Komijos Respublikoje), taip pat kanapių vartotojai Estijoje; ekologiniai kaimai Slovakijoje; euroindėnai Slovakijoje; kazokų etninio atgimimo judėjimai Krasnodaro regione, pietinėje Rusijoje; skinhedai Kazanėje (Tatarstane) ir Vorkutoje bei Lietuvoje; anti-fa (antifašistinės) jaunimo grupės Sankt Peterburge, Rusijoje; DIY (angl. Do It Yourself / pankai) jaunimo grupės Sankt Peterburge; hiphopo grupės Rakverėje, Estijoje; taip pat Rumunijoje ir Lietuvoje; hipiai septintojo dešimtmečio Lietuvoje; gaujos Kazanėje. Naujieji religiniai judėjimai, religinės / filosofinės grupės: neopagonys / dievturiai Latvijoje; neopagonys Sankt Peterburge ir Lietuvoje; taip pat neopagonių grupių lyderiai ir aktyviausi nariai Lietuvoje, Latvijoje, Lenkijoje, Čekijoje, Slovakijoje, Ukrainoje, Vengrijoje ir Serbijoje; Hare Krišna bendruomenės Moldovoje ir Lietuvoje; Indijos kultūrai veikiant atsiradę naujieji religiniai judėjimai Slovakijoje (Hare Krišna, jogos bendruomenės, Sahaja Joga, Shri Chinmoy); Anastasijos bendruomenės (naujasis religinis judėjimas) Lietuvoje; Visariono bendruomenė (naujasis religinis judėjimas) Lietuvoje; teosofinis judėjimas Latvijoje, Lietuvoje ir Estijoje. Etninės ir religinės mažumos: čigonų / romų bendruomenė Vengrijoje; 1 Subkultūros sąvokos vartojimas yra susijęs su skirtingomis akademinėmis tradicijomis. Pavyzdžiui, Birmingemo mokyklos (CCCS) tradicija analizuoja subkultūros reiškinį kaip socialinį vienetą visuomenės viduje, jis atspindi socialines įtampas, susijęs su amžiaus, klasės ir lyties kintamaisiais. 16

17 musulmonai Slovakijoje; Besarabijos metropolito bažnyčia Moldovoje; baptistų bendruomenė Moldovoje. SAL projekto duomenų apimtys sudaro 30 atvejo studijų (įskaitant 4 apklausas), kurių metu buvo taikytas giluminio interviu metodas, klausimynai, ilgalaikiai stebėjimai tyrėjams dalyvaujant grupių veiklose. Duomenys surinkti iš 1478 respondentų (transkribuota medžiaga sudaro mažiausiai A4 formato lapų). Pirmame projekto etape VDU Kultūros tyrimų centro tyrėjų grupė, bendradarbiaudama su projekto partneriais, parengė klausimyną, kurio pagrindu tapo ankstesni empiriniai tyrimai ir sistemų teorijos prieiga. Klausimynas padeda atskleisti dvi pagrindines tyrimo kryptis: 1) grupių narių bendravimas grupėje, kuriant jų subkultūrinę tikrovę, narių sutarimai ir nesutarimai; 2) aplinkos poveikis grupių nariams ir jų saviraiška (įskaitant jų poreikį daryti įtaką visuomenei). (Žr. klausimyną priede, p. 276). Pagrindiniai projekto rezultatai Projekto rezultatai tai tyrėjų grupių atliktos atvejo studijos; grupių lyginamosios analizės ir grupių modeliavimo metodologija bei rekomendacijos valstybės institucijoms ir asmenims, dirbantiems su tyrinėtų vertybinių orientacijų bei panašiomis grupėmis. Atvejo studijos Tyrėjai siekė nustatyti pagrindinius faktorius, skatinančius įvairių grupių atsiradimą ir veikimą, analizavo tapatybių formavimąsi, grupių vertybių sistemas ir įtampas, kurios atsiranda grupės nariams bendraujant tarpusavyje ir su skirtingomis grupėmis, taip pat grupėms bendraujant su plačiąja visuomene. Partnerių įgyvendinti subprojektai buvo suderinti su pagrindiniais projekto uždaviniais. Individualių subprojektų rezultatai pateikiami tyrėjų ataskaitose (žr. p ). Metodologijos plėtra Projekto metu buvo kritiškai peržiūrėta subkultūrų teorija, kurią 8-ame dešimtmetyje suformavo Birmingemo Šiuolaikinės kultūros studijų centro mokslininkai (angl. Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham / CCCS), o subkultūros sąvoka pritaikyta platesniam kultūrinių grupių ratui (pvz., religinėms, etninėms ir kitoms grupėms, kurių nariai, bendraudami tarpusavyje ir su aplinka, kuria savo vertybių sistemas ir jų gyvenimo stilių) 2. Ieškant tyrimų metodologinio 2 Toks požiūris dažniau aptinkamas JAV tyrinėtojų darbuose. 17

18 Groups and Environments 2 pagrindo pastebėta, jog dinaminių sistemų teorijos prieiga gali padėti suprasti šių skirtingų grupių elgesį: atskleisti kintamuosius ir su jais susijusias vertes, taip pat generuoti funkcijas / priežastinius ryšius / priežastis, skatinančias vienokius ar kitokius poelgius, kultūrinius pasirinkimus. Ji taip pat gali padėti tyrėjams tikroviškiau etnografiškai aprašyti grupių elgesį. Ankstyvesnis sistemų teorijos naudojimas sociologijoje krypo ideologinio visuomenės modeliavimo link (pvz., Parsons, 1951). 3 Tendencija naudoti teoriškai suformuotus kintamųjų ir verčių rinkinius, nesiekiant surinkti duomenis iš realių grupių, lėmė rezultatus, kurie gaunami vien iš prielaidų, neieškant joms pagrindimo. SAL projekte, dirbdami su realiomis grupėmis, galimas kintamųjų vertes sukaupėme dalyvaudami grupių veiklose ir iš arti stebėdami jų narių elgesį, naudodami giluminių interviu ir kitus empirinius duomenis (žr. p. 276). Projektas pateikia gaires, idėjas ateities lyginamiesiems tyrimams. Poreikis labiau suprasti visuomenėje vykstančius procesus pareikalaus atidžiau įvertinti sąveikas tarp individų ir grupių, taip pat ir tarp pačių grupių, ypač kai egzistuoja pastebimi kultūrinių normų pokyčiai. Tikimės, kad sisteminiai lyginamieji tyrinėjimai, kurių metodologiją išvystėme projekto metu, padės lengviau pasiekti šių ilgalaikių rezultatų ateities projektuose (žr. p. 273). Žinių sklaida ir rekomendacijos Trejus projekto metus buvo kaupiamas SAL skaitmeninis grupių empirinių tyrimų duomenų archyvas, kurio tikslas skatinti tyrėjų bendradarbiavimą (SAL archyvo interneto adresas: Projekto metu taip pat buvo sukurta ir palaikoma eksperimentinė socialinė aplinka, skirta tyrėjams, subkultūrinių grupių nariams ir visuomenei bendrauti, jos tikslas padidinti toleranciją ir palengvinti tarpusavio komunikaciją. Buvo kuriamos audiovizualinės ekspozicijos, kuriose tyrėjai pristatė tyrimų metu nufilmuotus filmus, fotografijas bei kitą medžiagą, skaitė paskaitas ir diskutavo tyrimų temomis. Parodos buvo surengtos įvairiose kultūrinėse erdvėse: jaunimo alternatyvios muzikos festivaliuose, klubuose, bibliotekose, universitetų kiemeliuose ir pan. Buvo vedami subkultūriniai forumai, kuriuose vyko diskusijos su grupių nariais, jie pristatė savo kūrybą, ideologijas ir veiklas (žr. Experimental Environment Development for Communications by Researchers, Members of Subcultural Groups and Society, p. 261). Projekto partneriai pateikė rekomendacijas įvairių valstybinių institucijų tarnautojams, formuojantiems švietimo, kultūros, socialinio darbo politiką; taip pat asmenims, dirbantiems ir bendraujantiems su įvairių vertybinių orientacijų grupėmis. Rekomendacijos yra specifinės atskiroms šalims, tačiau matomos ir dvi universalios 3 Parsons, T. (1951). The Social System. Glencoe. Ill: Free Press. 18

19 kryptys: pirma, reikia padidinti žiniasklaidos dėmesį subkultūrinėms grupėms ir kiekybiniu, ir kokybiniu aspektu; taip pat svarbu atkreipti dėmesį į Europos Sąjungos politiką ir įstatymus, susijusius su žmogaus teisėmis bei vertybėmis, ir pateikti daugiau subalansuotų subkultūrinių grupių pristatymų, kurie būtų pagrįsti faktiniais duomenimis. Antra, yra poreikis tęsti sisteminius ir metodologiškai gerai pagrįstus tyrimus, skirtus grupių ir visuomenės bendravimo klausimams. Tokie tyrimai trumpalaikėje perspektyvoje pasitarnautų informaciniams žiniasklaidos poreikiams, o ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje pateiktų faktinių duomenų bei patikimą analizę. Šio leidinio skyriaus Metodologijos vystymas poskyryje Sistemų teorija: pagalba politikams pažymima, jog sėkmingi politiniai sprendimai gali būti įmanomi tada, kai dominantys procesai yra gerai suprasti ir atitinkamai aprašyti (žr. p ). Rekomendacijos grindžiamos lauko tyrimų duomenimis ir Europos Komisijos dokumentais, skirtais socialinei politikai formuoti. Atskirų šalių rekomendacijos atkreipia dėmesį į jautrius socialinio bendravimo atvejus, su kuriais susiduria įvairių religinių grupių nariai, etninių mažumų atstovai, gyvenimo stiliaus / skonio subkultūrinių grupių dalyviai, pvz., pankai, hiphopo veikėjai, skinhedai ir daugelis kitų. Išryškinamos jų bendravimo su aplinka problemos laisvalaikiu, darbe, universitetuose, mokyklose, atskleidžiami santykiai su įvairiomis socialinėmis institucijomis ieškant darbo, sprendžiant kasdienio gyvenimo problemas. Analizuojama, kaip įvairias bendrijas pristato žiniasklaida, prisidedanti prie visuomenės nuomonės formavimo. Vietinės (regioninės) reikšmės rekomendacijas autoriai pateikia savo ataskaitose, o Europos Komisijos lygmens rekomendacijas galima rasti atskirame straipsnyje (žr. Society and Lifestyles Project Recommendations for Policy Makers, p. 251). Projekto metu parengta apie 450 straipsnių, perskaityti pranešimai konferencijose. Duomenys publikuoti devyniose Europos šalyse, kurios tiesiogiai dalyvavo projekte: Estijoje, Latvijoje, Lietuvoje, Rusijoje, Moldovoje, Lenkijoje, Slovakijoje, Rumunijoje ir Jungtinėje Karalystėje. Dvi pagrindinės projekto konferencijos vyko Kaune (2007 m.) ir Mančesteryje (2008 m.). Publikuotos trys knygos anglų kalba 4 ir vis dar pasirodo naujos publikacijos nacionalinėmis kalbomis. Apibendrindami norėtume pabrėžti, jog esminė SAL projekto idėja tyrinėti posovietinio Europos regiono grupes, kuriančias įvairias vertybes ir religijas, kad geriau suprastume problemas, kylančias šioms grupėms bendraujant tarpusavyje ir 4 Šios knygos yra: McKay, G., Williams, Ch., Goddard, M., Foxlee, N., & Ramanauskaitė, E. (Eds.) (2009). Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe, 15. Oxford, Bern, Berlin: Peter Lang. Pilkington, H., Omel chenko, E., & Garifzianova, A. (2010). Russia s Skinheads: Exploring and Rethinking Subcultural Lives. London, New York: Routledge. Forray, R. K., & Beck, Z. (Eds.) (2008). Society and Lifestyles Hungarian Roma and Gypsy Communities, 23. Pécs: University of Pécs. 19

20 Groups and Environments 2 su visuomene. Tyrėjams pavyko perteikti tą informacijos dalį, kuri susijusi su asmens teise pasirinkti savo pasaulėžiūrą, religiją ir gyvenimo stilių. Neabejotinai šios temos labai jautrios posovietinėse šalyse dėl pusę amžiaus trukusio komunistinio valdymo, kai visuomenės buvo verčiamos gyventi remiantis viena ideologija. Po sovietinės politinės superstruktūros žlugimo, kai pradėta siekti atsinaujinti, žmonėms prireikė daug laiko priprasti prie naujos aplinkos. Tyrėjai sukaupė nemažai duomenų ir apmąstė problemines sritis bei jautrius socialinio bendravimo aspektus, susijusius su atvejais, kai visuomenė atmeta, marginalizuoja kitaip mąstančius asmenis. Tarpdisciplininis šio projekto pobūdis prisideda prie naujų intelektualių tradicijų vystymo. O svarbiausia jis atveria platesnes demokratinių vertybių sklaidos galimybes. 20

21 Development of the methodology

22

23 J. Rimas Vaišnys Vytautas Magnus University, Yale University Andrius Buivydas Egidija Ramanauskaitė Vytautas Magnus University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Groups in Theory and Practice Abstract Vytautas Magnus University researchers report on their progress in melding empirical research with formal theoretical development. Two aspects of the experience warrant immediate comment. First such a melding leads to substantial modifications of how both empirical and theoretical work are carried out in practice in contrast to the more traditional approaches where observations and theory tend to follow their own distinct paths. Second such integrated activities are more time consuming than anticipated, because the need for quality control in observations and in theorising become evident even at the early stages of the endeavour when practices can still be modified. This report is in three sections. The first, Overview of the dynamical systems approach, by Rimas Vaišnys, presents an overview of the dynamical systems theory as it is understood in the physical sciences and, to an increasing extent, in the biological sciences. That this theoretical approach has contributed to phrasing and solving problems in such a range of disciplines provides the motivation to apply it in studying subcultures. One of the first contributions that a theory can make to a scientific undertaking is to provide guidance in organising empirical information and, in this activity, one of the first steps is to characterise similarities and differences among the objects being investigated. This section ends with an illustration using actual field data obtained during the project. Once all the information obtained during the SAL project is converted to a suitable form, we expect rapid progress in the application of this methodology. The second section, Overview of modelling in the investigation of small groups, by Andrius Buivydas, provides an overview of mathematical modelling, a process where the consequences of assumptions made about the structures of the entities being studied are explored. Among the more interesting such consequences is the behaviour of an entity over time or in response to the actions of other entities. This activity broadens the horizons of the researcher by allowing a rapid and self-consistent exploration of what might be, and is, a useful stimulus to further empirical work by providing concrete evidence of what does not work in a theory. Because the overview has a didactic nature, only a very simple example of what is called individual based modelling is presented. The imagination of the researcher and the availability of relevant empirical information provide the only limitations to this approach. The third and final section, Overview of connecting to an empirical base, by Egidija Ramanauskaitė, presents the process by which ethnographic observations are transformed into information and the relations which form the basis for further theoretical analysis that also suggests further observations. It should come as no surprise that the ethnographic 23

24 Groups and Environments 2 characterisation of even a small group which is, after all, a complex entity itself needs detailed and time consuming analysis. Thus, in this section, we present only a fragment of the work done with a small Pagan group studied during the SAL project basing the presentation on just several selected attributes, however, in considerable detail. Such a detailed look shows how it is possible to obtain a meaningful, useful and unambiguous characterisation of real phenomena. Keywords: dynamical systems, small group modelling, structural ethnography Section 1. Overview of the dynamical systems approach Introduction Data tell a story on a stage set by theory. One of the long range goals of the SAL project was to understand how groups arise, function and disappear; thus we need to organise empirical information along causal lines. The dynamical systems theory gives us the means to phrase and possibly answer such questions by providing methods to create self-consistent descriptions based on interacting entities. The approach is outlined below in abstract terms to provide an overview which is to be followed by concrete examples. Key concepts of the dynamical systems approach Systems theory introduces three key concepts: system, environment and interaction. While that which will be treated as a system can be chosen freely by the researcher, the environment (everything else in the universe other than the system) and the interaction (between system and environment) are strongly conditioned by the initial choice for a system. It is precisely the rigorous enforcement of self-consistency and compatibility among these descriptions that makes it possible to subdivide complex systems into simpler, more manageable parts and yet correctly and completely account for the behaviour of the whole. Thus, with this approach, the whole is indeed the sum of the parts. In the context of the present study, a system will be either a group as a whole or an individual member of a group or even of the broader society. Which viewpoint is taken will depend on the questions of interest and the sources of information. One of the reasons why we chose to use the dynamical systems theory is that it allows us to combine information obtained at different levels of organisation. The technical symbolic tools used in the systems theory approach are constructed from values, variables (systematic collections of related but distinguishable values) and functions (specified relations among variables) (Luenberger, 1979; Murray, 2005). An ethnographic value, in this context, is a verbal (or, more generally, symbolic) description of a definite, concrete and clearly discernible ethnographic situation which is being observed the classical wink of the (left) eye being a ready example. (The 24

25 Development of the Methodology three words value, variable, function used to designate the important concepts are being used in a technical sense and should not be confused with alternate, particularly colloquial usages.) An investigator observes the structure and behaviour of the system of interest and characterises the interactions as being system displays (referred to in shorthand as a y or environmental influences as a u in shorthand). In addition, when one begins to seek unambiguous functional relations between environmental influences and system displays, one may need to introduce system state variables to make single-valued descriptions possible. An empirical investigation consists of a sequence of formal observations where specifically and concretely every observation provides one or more values for the indicated variables. Since the systems of interest are indeed complex, it is not surprising that any ethnographic study generates descriptions filled with overwhelming details. A key function of the investigator is to identify the important distinctions that an ethnographic study reveals and to encode them as technical values without getting lost in the much more numerous but less important details. An ethnographer s good judgement and professional expertise are the keys to a useful encoding of empirical information. The important lesson of this section can be associated with eleven words: system, environment and interactions; displays, influences and states; values, variables and functions and self-consistency and concreteness. A more detailed look at dynamical systems descriptions The basic concepts underlying the dynamical systems theory can be expressed by the following diagram with the associated mathematical summary: Figure 1. Universe composed of system, environment and interactions. y = g[s] s = f[s,u] 25

26 Groups and Environments 2 y displays System to Environment u System influences due to Environment s state of System s state subsequent to current state of System s, y, u one or more variables evaluated at a given time f[.] and g[.] functions (correspondences between values of one or more variables and the values of other variables) One of the problems in trying to study, describe and understand a complex system is that one is overwhelmed by the amount of information required to describe such a system and its behaviour. The power and utility of the systems theory formulation is that it is possible to take the complex system, to subdivide it into a number of simpler systems (subsystems) whose investigations are more manageable and then to put such partial information together again into a description of the real system. This is achieved by considering each simpler subsystem in turn and treating all the other subsystems as part of the environment for that subsystem. During the subdivision of the complex system, new subsystem displays and influences must be introduced; during the synthesis of the original system, there must be an accounting of these interactions. If the analysis and synthesis steps are carried out correctly and the systems theory formalism is designed precisely to assist these steps, the final result is a correct description of the overall system. This last description is valid to the extent that the descriptions of the subsystems are valid but, typically, attained at much lower effort. The nature of these constructions may be summarised graphically as shown below: Figure 2. Systems, subsystems and interactions. Figure 2 graphically displays why and how systems theory is attractive when studying groups. It is possible to shift the viewpoint from group to individual and back again, if needed, without loss of information. System theory provides the basis for individual based modelling, discussed in the next section, as well. 26

27 Development of the Methodology From the above description, it should be clear that systems theory presents a symbolic structure for talking about any phenomena (Casti, 1977). Using the language provided by the theory, one can express almost anything one wishes to say about the world but, for what is said to be true, one needs information that is directly or indirectly empirical. Once such information is available, the formal methods associated with a theory can be used to transform the information in useful ways or to combine one source of information with other sources of information. One of the most fruitful uses of a theory are to suggest, on the basis of limited initial empirical observations and using initial theoretical assumptions, what other sorts of observations might usefully be made. Once such additional empirical information becomes available, it almost always becomes necessary to modify the theoretical assumptions with which one began and then to reconsider the changed consequences for what is observable. This process ultimately leads to a continuing cyclical process of empirical and theoretical activities, each dependent on the findings of the other. Anecdotal information of varied kinds about the objects of study may be useful in generating possible values but it is of little help in defining variables, even less in characterising functions. To begin constructing the latter structures, critical amounts of coherent empirical data are necessary, so that significant patterns can begin to emerge and productive theoretical activities become possible. Joining the theoretical and the empirical One of the first undertakings in which the empirical/theoretical interaction can be productive is by providing natural methods for comparing different systems, be they groups or individuals. As outlined above, an empirical study of a group and its environment leads to a description of the group by specifying definite values for a concrete set of variables. Consider now the situations that can arise if two different groups are being studied. One extreme case is that the groups exist in a common social milieu and also, informally speaking, seem very similar. Recall the introduced shorthand for variables to be identified by the researcher for the system being studied: u and y are associated with the system. Because of the common milieu, we expect that the u variables of the two groups will be essentially the same, and the values specified for the u variables will also be very similar. Indeed, if the groups really were to exist in identical environments, the u variables and values characterising both groups would be identical. Because we have assumed above that the groups are rather similar, we also expect that they share many y variables, and those shared y variables probably have similar values. (Indeed, if the groups were identical, their y variables and corresponding y values would be identical, and the researcher would 27

28 Groups and Environments 2 have recognised that he/she was dealing with the same group.) Note that, for similar but not identical groups, some of the y variables characterising the group would be unique to a given group, but presumably the number of such variables would be small, since we assumed the groups were rather similar. The above considerations suggest that, to compare two groups, one might proceed as follows: First we identify shared variables and then compare the values of corresponding variables. Second we identify group specific (unique) y variables and weight their number in relation to the number of shared variables. (Comparing values of different variables makes no sense even if the values themselves are comparable.) The technical details of the above comparisons depend on the specific properties of values and these are introduced in one of the following sections. Another extreme case that might be considered is that of two different groups that exist in very different societal environments. In this case, the u variables associated with each group will differ, at the very least, in their values (otherwise the environments would not be different) and, quite possibly, in the kind of u variables, with possibly only a small number of common u variables, with the others being unique to each group. This observation suggests that we begin a comparison of the groups by considering their associated u variables: First we identify shared u variables and then compare the values of the corresponding variables. Second we identify group specific (unique) u variables and weight their number in relation to the number of shared variables. The above discussion of extreme cases is not sufficient to define a unique best method for comparing two groups but it does lead to a well defined, reproducible procedure that can be implemented in the early stages of an empirical investigation of groups. To summarise the overall procedure to be followed, as empirical information becomes available about two or more groups is: for each group, identify their u and y values and organise these collections into a number of u and y variables, with variables common to the groups being compared ( u and y ) carrying out a value comparison for corresponding variables and with group specific (unique) variables (both u and y ) carrying out a weighted variable number evaluation. In a broad sense, the procedure produces results that correspond to our intuitive notions of similarity and difference among systems, and the procedure can be applied both for systems that are groups treated as wholes and for systems defined as individual group members. Once a more complete theory of groups becomes available, other means of comparison may become more desirable but, for initial empirical work, simple and directly accessible methods are probably the most useful. Once some well defined differences and similarities are recognised, one can move to the more interesting work of interpretation. The differences and similarities that will be found in the empirical data will depend on the resolution at which the observations were made. The ethnographer 28

29 Development of the Methodology naturally is tempted to capture the study object at maximum detail, providing the greatest number of atomic values. A theory, particularly in early stages of development, needs to be as simple as possible and it is forced to ignore much detail when attempting to represent the broader and more stable patterns. Once there is a validated theory, it will provide guidelines to the appropriate balance but, before that level of understanding is reached, the joint intuitions of the researchers will provide the bases for these decisions. A concrete comparison example Below we show the results of analysing a small sample of data drawn from two groups investigated during the SAL project. 1 The information was collected through interviews with individual group members; atomic values were identified and arranged in binary variable form. In this presentation, information from five members of each group is presented with regard to 20 variables which were common to the two groups. The columns correspond to questions and rows correspond to respondents. In Figure 3, we present the information about the Vissarion group and, in Figure 4, we present the information about the Skinheads group. Figure 3. Vissarion responses each row represents responses of different individuals, columns specify questions. Figure 4. Skinheads responses each row represents responses of different individuals, columns specify questions. 1 The data was collected and analysed by Rasa Pranskevičiūtė and Tadas Kavolis. 29

30 Groups and Environments 2 Even a cursory glance reveals not only that the groups differ significantly from each other but also that the internal structure within each group shows very different degrees of heterogeneity. What indices might best summarise different properties of groups is a topic of ongoing research but, in many ways, indicators close to the raw data may be most effective. In other words, using patterns to represent information about groups is not only easy and informative but this also guides the researcher to the questions and members that deserve a close interpretative look in the effort to understand subcultural groups. Systems theory: an aid for policy makers Policies are created and implemented with certain goals in mind. Policy makers and executors often face the following situation: there is a system of interest which, at a known time, is in some state; this state is one that is undesirable and policy makers propose certain actions that will lead, over some time interval, to a new and much more desired state for the system. The question is: What actions should they take? Let us illustrate the problem faced in the above case by an example. We are in a lifeboat floating in the ocean. We have oars that will move the boat if we only have strength to use them. Knowing something about the boat, the oars and ourselves, we can estimate how fast we will move and how long we can keep up the effort. If land is in sight and the water is calm, we not only know in what direction to row but we can even estimate how long it would take us to get there. Note that the success of our efforts depends on two kinds of key expectations. The first (a) is that land is in sight and will remain so during our travail. Note that this last statement is really an assumption about the guidance and mechanics of the boat. If fog develops, we still know that rowing will move us but we no longer know in what direction to row (it is an unfortunate fact that humans lose orientation very quickly in such conditions). Vigorous rowing in the wrong direction would be the worst thing we can do. The second important expectation, (b), is that the water currents will remain the same during our journey. If they change, for example, and we encounter strong off-shore currents, all our estimates and bets will be off, perhaps disastrously. Dynamical systems theory provides guidance in the problems that policy makers face by identifying (and sometimes providing) two sorts of key knowledge or information. First, in the vocabulary of the dynamical systems theory, the policy maker needs to know the state of the system and its dynamical function, at least, to some approximation. (In terms of the example related above, this corresponds to knowing the boat characteristics and fog conditions, as mentioned under assumption a.) Second, again in the language of the dynamical system theory, the policy maker needs to know what the system interactions with its environment are 30

31 Development of the Methodology for the duration of the policy. (In terms of the example, this corresponds to knowing the currents in the course of the voyage, as mentioned under assumption b.) If the policy maker knows the system and is able to control the interactions with the system, he/she not only knows if the goal is reachable but when it is reachable; he/ she knows how to reach the goal optimally. This degree of knowledge is atypical for real systems; even if the system is known, the policy maker knows only a small part of the interactions and controls even a lesser part. The interactions coming from the larger environment not under the policy maker s control or knowledge set a limit to what a policy can achieve. We wish to explicitly repeat, in systems theory terms, what the policy maker is doing in setting policy. Except in those cases where system response is immediate to a policy, the policy maker is trying to make a prediction not only of the system behaviour but also of the environmental interactions over some time span into the future. With even approximate knowledge of the system state and dynamics, something which can be acquired from observations carried out in the past, the policy maker can make useful predictions of system behaviour into the future but only to the extent that interactions are known over this same future time span. When policy concerns goals that take some time to be reached and the policy maker does not control all of the interactions, the policy maker can either guess the time course of these interactions or monitor the interactions and adapt the policy as interactions change. Our short overview of systems theory already suggests, if only implicitly, how to deal with the latter case. To guess systematically and with known consequences, the theory needs to be extended into the probabilistic domain, an activity which falls outside the scope of this study. Nevertheless we offer one comment which may seem counter-intuitive guessing requires more empirical observation rather than less. Section 2. Overview of modelling in the investigation of small groups Introduction Modelling is an activity in which the consequences of a set of assumptions are explored (e.g., Hartmann, 1996; Hanneman, 1988; Kluver 2003). If the emphasis is on logical self-consistency without regard for any correspondence to the real world, one has mathematics. If there is concern for the correspondence between what is stated in symbols and what is found in nature, one has science. The harder sciences emphasise precision and formal methods to establish causal chains with verifiable consequences, while the softer sciences tend to use verbal arguments to construct explanations for patterns as they are found. In addition to these overarching methodological differences, there are topical differences: models are 31

32 Groups and Environments 2 usually created for specific purposes and concrete systems, and each discipline has its own notions of what is important and how that should be expressed. In an interdisciplinary effort, the participants will know different facts and accept different natural assumptions and be prepared to argue by different correct methods, and all these differences must be reconciled if the activity is to be productive. In this report, we present one way of undertaking such a process in which we endeavour to bridge the traditionally distinct approaches. We propose a simple problem and explore its development as clearly and directly as possible. In the following two sections, we present a model of group behaviour constructed from models describing the behaviour of individuals. Before proceeding, we point out that, in modelling, consistency in the selection of assumptions and in the exploration of their consequences is more important than the justification of the assumptions themselves, even though the desire to make theory relevant to empirical results does invite the latter considerations. In this model, we assume that the multitude of properties that might characterise an individual can be approximated by just one variable whose value, at some time, characterises the individual at that time. We fully recognise that a description of a real individual might involve a great many variables, so this approximation may very well be a poor one, but it is also true that there are useful approximations involving only one variable even for what, in reality, are complex systems. We explore our particular model, because it is simple enough to reach clear-cut results and also because it has not been explored before in the study of subcultural groups. Because we are interested in a connection to empirical observations, the variable used in the model should be one that describes some important aspect of individual behaviour and is also important in the interactions among members in determining group behaviour. This will be a variable which applies to all group members, but each member may hold different values of this variable. Anticipating that we will name the group members A, B, C, we name the corresponding variables sa, sb and sc. In a general case, when we are not interested in the value of the variable denoted to a particular member, we will use the sx notation. To provide a concrete illustration, suppose a researcher is investigating a religious subculture. In that case, the values of the sx variable might represent alternative beliefs about the attributes of a divine being. Another possible candidate variable might be one expressing alternative expressions of a ritual. In trying to relate a model to a real group, it will often be a judgment call for a researcher to decide which variable is more important or what interpretation to assign to the variables. Note, however, that in the context of the model and regardless of the interpretation, the formal structure of the model for an individual will still be that of one variable expressing the assumptions of the person doing the modelling. 32

33 Development of the Methodology The model To continue with the model development, we comment the assumptions about the dynamics of an individual (e.g., Castiglione, 2006; Gilbert, 2007; Kohler, 2000). We assume that an individual has a preferred value for the variable. If displaced from this value, we assume that there will be a tendency to return to it and that this tendency will be stronger if the displacement is larger, but that there is an upper limit to the maximum effort that can be made. Concretely we assume the following expression describes the dynamics: dsa/dt = -Tanh[sA - ua] Here the preferred situation for the individual is given by the value sa = ua, and indeed the individual will return to this value spontaneously if displaced from it; one can say the individual is true to his/her convictions. The above assertions about the behaviour are necessary consequences of the assumptions we have introduced. If we do not like these consequences, perhaps on the empirical grounds that individuals do not behave that way, then we will need to change the assumptions under which we start the modelling process. Because we are interested in group phenomena, we need to introduce additional assumptions to describe the way the given individual responds to other individuals. At the level of approximation used so far, we assume that ua is not simply a constant specifying the given individual s preferences but is a function which depends on the values associated with other members of the group. (Observe that we are changing the definition of a symbol and point out this fact.) The modified equations for our individual become: dsa/dt = -Tanh[sA - ua], where ua = h[sb, sc,...] is a function that describes the effects of the other individuals in the group on the designated individual. One of the consequences of this assumption is that now our individual will, for example, settle down to display properties different from those he/she would display in the absence of the other members. To complete the model of the group, we need to specify the behaviour of every other member of the group. We need to specify our assumptions about every other member of the group in the same way we detailed the assumptions being made about our first member. One of the simplest and most convenient assumptions in this regard would be to assume that all the members are described by identical dynamics, but it is likely that more varied assumptions would be closer to the empirical situation. We introduce this simple assumption not only because it is natural to begin a model exploration with the simplest cases but also to demonstrate that, even when the dynamical descriptions of all individuals are identical, the actual behaviours need not be so. 33

34 Groups and Environments 2 Implementations of the model Say we are interested in the behaviour of an individual when no interactions with the environment exist and the individual s preferred value is 0: dsx/dt = -Tanh[sX] and ux = 0 Not surprisingly, the value of the sx variable will settle down after a while, and this behaviour can be seen looking at Figure 5 (all the figures were created with the help of the Mathematica software package). This is not surprising, because one of the assumptions that we started with was that, in the case of an individual, he/she has a preferred value for the variable... there will be a tendency to return to it. Figure 5. The horizontal axis shows the time, and the vertical axis denotes the value of the variable sx at each point in time. Next we ask what the consequences of the model will be if we consider three individuals and assume they interact to form a group. As there are many ways to do that, we have to make a choice among the possibilities and express this choice as an added assumption. Because we are doing the modelling in Mathematica, a convenient way to do this is to define three interaction functions: ua = h[sb, sc], ub = h[sa, sb] and uc = h[sa, sc]. As our first modelling exploration, we explore the behaviour of a group with a strong leader i.e., the first member does not react to the other members at all, and the two other members are passionate followers of the first one (structure pictured in Figure 6). This assumption can be expressed by setting ua = 0.2, ub = sa and uc = sa. Figure 6. Strictly hierarchical group with the arrow pointed from the leading member to the follower. 34

35 Development of the Methodology While we might argue that the proposed group is the grossly simplified reflection of some radical religious group, our interest here is more in showing the consequences of the initial assumptions. Figure 7 shows what must happen over time to the values describing the given property of each member. In this simple case, not unexpectedly, all the members eventually acquire the values of the leader. Figure 7. Behaviour of the values of the sa, sb and sc variables at the initial time {sa, sb, sc} = {0.67, 0.54, 0.07}. Note that the generation of the figure does not conclude the modelling process. First, in a real situation, we would compare the model results to the empirical observations. If serious disagreement were found, we would conclude that, at least, one of our assumptions is incorrect and proceed to explore models based on alternate assumptions. Second, we might be intrinsically interested in the consequences of different assumptions. For example, having looked at the behaviour of an authoritarian group, we might wonder about the behaviour of a similarly sized but more democratic group. To explore this, we change the assumptions about the interactions among the members (diagrammed in Figure 8) and observe the consequences (shown in Figure 9) when we assume that ua = 0.2 sb sc, ub = 3 sa sc, uc = sa sb. Figure 8. Everyone influences everyone else. The weight of the influence is shown in the middle of the edge. 35

36 Groups and Environments 2 Figure 9. Behaviour of the values of the sa, sb and sc variables at the initial time {sa, sb, sc} = {0.67, 0.54, 0.07}. Clearly the behaviour of this group is different from the behaviour of the first group we considered. In addition we now know that the origin of that different behaviour comes from the differences in the interactions within the group. * Modelling allows us to explore, in a consistent and reliable way, the consequences of our assumptions. The very fact that models are concrete encourages us to express our assumptions clearly; the fact that behaviours are developed from assumptions through formal methods enhances the consistency of proposed interpretations. By providing concrete and definite consequences which can be compared to empirical data, models can help us identify erroneous assumptions and hypotheses about the systems we study. A serious investigation of the nature of such errors often leads to increased understanding. Section 3. Overview of connecting to an empirical base Introduction The research presented here on the neo-pagan community (named Earth) was accomplished using the structural ethnography method, which we developed on the basis of the systems theory approach and ethnography. This contributed to a refinement of the ethnographic method by the use of the systems theory approach oriented to dynamical analysis which assists in retracing causality in search of an explanation of human behaviour (see subhead, Key concepts of a dynamical systems approach, in Section 1, p. 24). Such a method allows a researcher to explore the structures of meanings and makes them observable. Categories are not imposed from the outside; on the contrary, they may be developed using field materials 36

37 Development of the Methodology (i.e., materials obtained by observations, questionnaires, interviews, conversations and such). This method is applied here to the analysis of group behaviour (it could be also applied in comparing different groups). Method The methods of participant observation and in-depth interviews based on a questionnaire that we developed for systematic analysis were used to obtain the data for this research (see Society and Lifestyles Questionnaire, Appendix, p. 276). During the data analysis, lists were developed of the variables regarding environmental influences on group members and group members expressions that contain corresponding lists of values. This was a helpful tool for observing and comparing ethnographic materials. Fieldwork data are organised in the tables that express the information which had been structured using the systems theory approach. There is a separate table for each variable indicating the meanings that originated during communications by group members with one another as well as with the environment outside the group. The pairs of tables (e.g., Table 1, Table 1.1 and so forth) represent meaningful relations among group members and with their environment outside the group. The tables provide a great deal of information; however, in this report, we can describe only selected fragments which serve as examples for the analysis of behaviours by group members. Constructing lists of empirical values The term value, as used in this report, corresponds to the concept of category. Empirical values (e.g., a description of group member behaviour in terms meaningful to the respondents and quotations from texts of respondent interviews) correspond to emic categories, and reduced values (familiar to the observer) correspond to etic categories. In the first stage of work, lists are made of empirical values which aid in identifying the variables relevant to the behaviour of the group under investigation. Thus values are indicated by the essential quotations from the interviews and questionnaire (e.g., the ones relevant to Pagan ideas, ritual practices and such). Data from the interviews/questionnaire along with fieldwork experiences allow the researcher to assign values to the variables of expression or of environmental influences on a group. The self-expression variables are denoted as y and the environmental variables as u. 37

38 Groups and Environments 2 Analysis It was found that the list of variables relevant for analysing the behaviour of the Pagan group under investigation is the following. The u variables of environmental influences as perceived by group members are: 1. Environmental influences relevant to the Pagan worldview 2. Societal reactions to the public relations by group members 3. Other Pagan community attitudes towards group members 4. Societal attitudes towards group members 5. Members who dropped out of the Pagan community The y variables of public self-expression by group members are: 1. Assertions by Pagans 2. Group member activities relevant to their spiritual influence on society 3. Challenges to the leaders of other Pagan groups 4. Challenges by group members to society 5. Self-confidence of group members The u y variables of relations within the group are: 1. Agreements and disagreements 2. Roles within the group The following list of Values 4, 6, 7 and 14 for the variable, Environmental influences relevant to the Pagan worldview (see Table 1), is given as an example as follows: {4. u~r3~ E5 thinks that Paganism manifests itself in songs.} {6. u~ R3~ E5 says that they are a religion.} {7. u~ R4~ In other communities there might be more of that romantic belief {u~ R4~ In the Rain community, there might be more of that romantic belief; u~r4~ Some began to ascribe to natural phenomena such gods and goddesses, which are similar to people, such as Thunder, Earth, Fire, etc.}} {14. u~r4~ E1 In Thunder they have introduced the so-called baptism, even the pagan one.}}}. 2 Worldview development The n and t values in the tables below show the environmental influences on the self-understanding of group members as Pagans (Table 1) as well as the formation of the idea of Paganism by group members (Table 1.1). These tables present the relations between different values of variables. The column headings label the important environments (E1, E2, E3, E4, E5 and Others) 2 Citations by interviewees are translated almost verbatim and do not necessarily adhere to good English practices. 38

39 Development of the Methodology and the group members (R1, R2, R3, R4). The entries in the first column label these values: 1) nature of the perception of environmental influences relevant either to environmental factors or to group members and 2) assertions expressed by group members. The possible values at the intersection of rows and columns are either n, t, + or? and, when inapplicable, the intersection is blank. These markings signify: n no (or a negative attitude of a group member towards the environment) t yes (or a positive attitude of a group member towards the environment) + identification of a specific environment and its value? value is not identifiable. Table 1. Environmental influences relevant to the Pagan worldview Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R1 R2 R3 R4 4 + n n n t 6 + n n n n 7 + n n n n 14 + t n t n Table 1.1. Assertions by Pagans 3 Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R1 R2 R3 R4 1 t t t t 2 t t t t 3 t t t t 8 t t t t 9 t n t n 11 t t t t 12 n t t n 13 t t t t 15 t t t t 16 t t t t 17 t t n t 41 t t t t 42 t t t n The n and t values in the tables above were identified by modelling the behaviour of every member of the group. When the researcher communicates with a member, e.g., Respondent R3, all other members are considered as the environment of that member. When the researcher communicates with Respondent R2, all the other group members (including Respondent R3) are considered as the environment. The 3 The environmental columns (E1-E5 and Others) in the tables displaying the variables on self-expression by group members are blank. 39

40 Groups and Environments 2 aim of the researcher is to reveal the values which show relations among group members and highlight their influences on each other. The presumption here is that the group members create their symbolic reality by means of their communications with each other as well as by the environment outside the group. Individual conceptualisation of the Pagan worldview (Table 1) Table 1 presents information about environmental influences on particular group members under investigation regarding Pagan worldviews. The environments that group members reflect as being influential are as follows: E5 and E3 refer to members of another Pagan community who declare the religious origins of Paganism, partake in Pagan baptism and think Paganism manifests itself in folk songs and rituals. E2 refers to Rain (yet another Pagan community) where there might be more of a fanatical belief in gods and goddesses. Reviewing the n and t values in Table 1 assigned to our group members (Respondents R1, R2, R3 and R4), it can be seen that the dominant value is n (meaning no or negative). This means that the respondents tend to have their own understanding of Pagan practices which differs from the environment (E2, E3 and E5). The environmental values (marked as + on the left side of Table 1) correspond to the particular characteristics of E2, E3 and E5 from the points of view of the group members. The value t (Table 1) assigned to group members, Respondents R1, R2, R3 and R4, means that some of the group members have different points of view. These differences can only be interpreted in relation to the information obtained during participant observations. We know that Respondents R3 and R1 (as well as a few other group members) follow the concept of Paganism that relates to the energy of nature, the universe and humans. This helps to explain their criticisms of other Pagan communities who are oriented to a belief in the gods and have strong rituals. However, Respondent R3 seeks to be accepted by the leader of this aforementioned community with strong rituals, since this man is also a respected leader of the Pagan movement throughout the country. While communicating with the group members, it became evident that Respondent R1 also agrees with Respondent R3 (14/R1, R3). Thus it can be concluded that group members tend to approach Paganism differently and distinguish themselves from the other Pagan groups. Nonetheless, these other groups constitute a significant cultural environment for the members of the community under investigation, an environment that sustains its understanding of Paganism. 40

41 Development of the Methodology Pagan realities and sub-realities: towards individualisation (Table 1.1) Table 1.1 shows the similarities and differences in what members of the Pagan group under investigation assert about Paganism. In the community, there exists such a particular respect for nature, such an aspiration for the preservation of heritage and the spirit of Paganism. The members consider themselves the energy (Values 1-8 in Table 1.1). The main assertions concerning the Pagan worldview by the members are similar; however, they engage in different cultural practices. The n value in Table 1.1 shows a distinctive point of view by group members on Pagan practices, a view which is characteristic of what other group members perceive. For example, Respondent R4 has no interest in the meanings of the natural calendar holidays which were presented as a main activity of the group by Respondents R2 and R3 (42/R4 in Table 1.1). The idea, to find true ethno-cultural roots which would be grounded in scientific knowledge, especially physical laws, is not considered important by Respondents R4 and R1 but it is considered the main activity by two other group members. Respondent R4 is more involved in political activities than engaging in the aforementioned Pagan activities (Table 1.1, 12/R1, 12/R4). By observing the n and t values in Table 1.1, the symbolic reality common to all group members can be identified. Moreover, within the group, sub-realities which are different from the common reality are noticeable. These symbolic sub-realities are created during the more intensive communications by individuals within the group. Group and society: dissemination of Pagan knowledge Tables 2 and 2.1 below show the activities of Earth group members relevant to their spiritual influences on society as well as their perceptions of societal reactions regarding their ideas about Paganism. Table 2. Earth group member activities relevant to their spiritual influence on society Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R3 49 t t t t 50 t n n t 51 t t t t 52 t t? t 53 t n? n 54 n t? t 56 t t t t 57 t n n t 60 t t t t 61 t t? t 41

42 Groups and Environments 2 Table 2.1. Societal reactions to the public relations by group members Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R t t t t 59 + n n n n Table 2 and Table 2.1 represent the relations between those who share their knowledge about Paganism and its recipients. Sharing knowledge (Table 2) The t values in Table 2 indicate group member assertions concerning activities relevant to their spiritual influence on society. The following are examples of assertions found in the group: My mission is to share knowledge about Paganism with other people and encourage their consciousness-raising (49) and We are acting all over the country because we are all Lithuanians; we are all Pagans (54). Group members share knowledge about Paganism in different environments outside the group: I share my propaganda with co-workers (52) and I got involved in politics because I wanted to share my knowledge about Paganism with politicians (50). Value 50 represents disagreements among group members concerning participation in politics. However, Respondents R3 and R4 think that their efforts can help to improve the social standing of Pagan groups in the whole country. Civilised people and commoners (Table 2.1) Group members get many different reactions from people when they tell them they are Pagans and try to share ideas about Paganism. The following are group member descriptions of the environment that identify their views towards recipients (members of the society) who react differently to the ideas of Paganism (Table 2.1): Civilised people [are those who] don t demonstrate their disapproval of Pagan ideas (58) and Commoners [are those who] don t understand us and demonstrate their opposition (59). 4 As per the views of group members, disagreements arise because of the society s inability to understand the ideas of Paganism. Earth group and other Pagan communities: agreements and disagreements Table 3 shows perceptions by the Earth group regarding the attitudes of other Pagan groups members towards them. Table 3.1 relates to challenges raised by group members to the leaders of other Pagan groups. 4 Group members, sensing themselves as central, transfer the marginal position to the society-at-large; thereby they seemingly reorganise the usual levels of the societal hierarchy. The data substantiate the transformation of the classical, high-low cultural concept (see Fornäs,1995, pp ). 42

43 Development of the Methodology Table 3. Thunder group member attitudes towards the Earth group Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R t n n n t n n n t n n n 111 +? n n n 112 +? t t n n n n n 117 +? n n n Table 3.1. Challenges to leaders of the Thunder group Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R3 109? n n t Ignorance (Table 3) Table 3 represents the state of Earth group members who are influenced by negative attitudes towards them from members of other Pagan groups. The following are examples of negative attitudes emanating from the leading Pagan group: E3, the leader of the other group, often disagreed with cosmological ideas; he doesn t understand what we are doing (107) and Leaders from the Thunder group cramp Earth activity (108). According to the data in Table 3, group members perceive that some of the other Pagan groups surrendered to money and honour (111) and They don t understand that we have found something more; other Pagans can not get higher positions in spiritual growth (110). The t value ascribed to Respondent R4 shows that this group member evidently does not express such criticism about the other Pagan groups. Data from participant observations as well as from the interviews demonstrate that Respondent R3 usually directly experiences negative influences from the Thunder Pagan group, and much more so than the other group members do. This is related to the intensiveness of activity by Respondent R3. However, during communication, Respondent R3 shares negative experiences with Respondents R2 and R1. The n values in Table 3 permit an assumption that Respondents R3, R1 and R2 perceive that the Thunder leaders are ignorant about them and react negatively to them. Against ignorance (Table 3.1) Table 3.1 shows the reactions of Respondent R3 of the Earth group against ignorance. R3 challenges members of another group to behave in a different way, I gave way to my emotions for a second and told them, why don t we seek acceptance? Why 43

44 Groups and Environments 2 we humiliated ourselves in the eyes of foreigners (109). However, the others group members did not accept this challenge. In summary, the tensions which arise within and between groups with different values and ideologies depend on the activities and the intensiveness of self-expression by groups members. The Earth group and society: agreements and disagreements Tables 4 and 4.1 below represent the perceptions by the Earth group of societal attitudes towards them and the reactions of group members to these attitudes. Table 4. Societal attitudes towards the Earth group Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R t n? n 69 +? n n n 70 +? t t t 71 + n n n n 72 + n n n n 73 +? n t n 74 + n n n n 75 + n n n n 76 +? n n n 77 + n n n n 79 +? n? n 113 +? n t n n n n n Table 4.1. Challenges by Earth group members to society Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R3 62 t t t t 66? t t t 78? n t t Society doesn t understand us (Tables 4 and 4.1) The n value in Table 4 shows the negative experiences of group members regarding communications with different members of society. The majority of people has a low spirituality and doesn t understand us (63). Others don t understand us; they haven t knowledge about Paganism (72). We were called Satanists by a representative of the Catholic Church (74, 114). Society worships money and sex (75) and Society treats me wrong (77). 44

45 Development of the Methodology Positive values, marked t in Table 4, show relations of the respondents with their former classmates, colleagues, teachers (70), who are distinguished by the respondents from the society-at-large (70/R1, R2, R3). Value 73 is unique due to its positive description of society. Respondent R2 is the only group member who experiences positive reactions in behalf of society. Society is becoming virtuous (73/R2). The respondent engages in cosmologyrelated activities and doesn t communicate intensively with members from other groups or with society. The following quotations represent the efforts by group members to distinguish themselves from the environment. We have reached a high level of spirituality and have never been slaves to money (62 in Table 4.1). I don t talk about that to people who don t understand it (66) and I am a fighter (78). 5 Why members drop out of the Pagan community Table 5. Members who dropped out of the Pagan community Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R n? n n 92 + t n n n 96 +? n n n 98 +? n n n n n n n Table 5.1. Self-confidence of group members Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R3 93 n? t t 95 t t t t They want to be leaders (Tables 5 and 5.1) The n value in Table 5 shows the negative reactions of the respondents to those who drop out of the Pagan community. The following quotations from interviews maintain that quite a few group members left because they wanted to be leaders. They want to be leaders; they want to leave an imprint on society (96) and Others are not accepted, because there is always someone who wants to lead (98). Values 93 and 95 in Table 5.1 indicate that most group members do not tolerate others who want to lead. There can t be many of us (leaders) (93). 5 Ibid. 45

46 Groups and Environments 2 Relations within the group Tables 6 and 7 present information concerning communications by members within the group. Table 6. Agreements and disagreements R4 R1 R2 R3 32 t t t t 35 n t t t 36? t t n 37 t t n n 41 t t t n 42 t n? t 45 t t? n 46? t n n 47 n t t n 92 t t t t Both values ( n and t ) appear in Table 6 in varying proportions relevant to different circumstances. For example, Respondents R3 and R2 reject the willingness of R4 to be a leader (37/R2; 37/R3). He wants to be a leader. He isn t a bad guy, but he doesn t understand everything in essence (37/R2). Respondent R1 accepts his leadership, but he disagrees with R4 regarding his participation in politics (42/R1). As respondents related, different levels of knowledge, willingness to lead and willingness to participate in politics are the main reasons of disagreements within the group. Table 7. Roles within the group R4 R1 R2 R3 20 t t t t 21 n t t t 22 t t t t 23 n t t t 24 t t t t 25 t t t t 26 t t t t 27 t t t t 28 t? n n 29 t t t t 30 t t t t 46

47 Development of the Methodology The t values, which dominate in Table 7, describe approval by group members regarding their roles within the group. What has become clear while communicating with the respondents is that the roles within the group help to reach a consensus among group members. As per Respondent R3, each of us does his or her own work, the one we can do best. The following quotations present explanations by group members regarding their cultural roles: I am like fire, I was born on the land of the ancestors, and my mission is to communicate with people (R3, 20). According to the old cosmological knowledge, Vaiva [R3] is a leader; she should organise everything. She shouldn t deal with scientific research like me (R2, 21). My work is to collect data; I look for and review the manifestations of ethno-cultural and ethnographical phenomena. I make a calendar of nature for our Earth group (R2, 22). Virga [R2] is capable to understand everything better. She works on Chinese and Japanese cultural heritages. She analyses everything (R3, 23). My husband Toris [R1] is a guard; he is called Vytis [a horseman] (R3, 25). Andre [R4] has reached the third eye of a scientist (R3, 26). Andre [R4] organises our gatherings (R3, 27). I am a guard; I take care to avoid the appearance of conflicts in the group (R1, 30). The n values in Table 7 (28/R2; 28/R3) are also found to indicate disagreement, as per the following statement by Respondent R4, Without a doubt, in Lithuania, I am the leader of this trend of Paganism which is based on the energy of nature. To summarise, leadership is a significant factor in Pagan group behaviour. Role divisions among group members contribute to a harmonious coexistence with those who tend to appear on the scene of the culture. The next step: reduction of values The reduction of empirical values helps to generalise the following relations: 1) How group behaviour depends on communications by members within the group. 2) How the external environment influences the state of the group and, consequently, how the behaviours of group members depend on this state. The reduced list of values of variables regarding environmental influences on group members ( n ) (Tables 1, 2.1, 3, 4 and 5) is presented below. 47

48 Groups and Environments 2 Sceptical environmental influences as identified by group members List of values 1. Pagans from other communities strongly believe in gods and deities (Table 1, Environmental influences relevant to the Pagan worldview). 2. Society that doesn t understand Pagan values disagrees with us (Table 2.1, Societal reactions to the public relations by Earth group members). 3. Leaders of the Thunder group cramp Earth group activities; they want to be leaders but they cannot rise any higher (Table 3, Thunder group member attitudes towards the Earth group). 4. The majority of people who have no knowledge about Paganism and have low spirituality reject us (Table 4, Societal attitudes towards the Earth group). 5. Other members wanted to be leaders so consequently they dropped out (Table 5, Members who dropped out of the Pagan community). Table 8 below is compiled identically to the tables previously discussed in this report. The n and t values were identified by virtue of summarising/generalising the n and t values for each respondent as assigned in Tables 1, 2.1, 3, 4 and 5. Each case is considered individually when the values for each member of the group are being generalised. For example, the following are the values assigned by Respondent R4, as presented in Table 3: t, t, t, n,?. The process of generalising the values involves the interpretation by the researcher who must be grounded in field experience. Table 8. Influences from a sceptical environment as identified by group members Others E1 E2 E3 E4 E5 R4 R1 R2 R n n n n 2 + n n n n 3 +? n n n 4 + +? n n n 5 +? n n n The n values in the table display the negative perceptions by a sceptical environment on group members, which include members from other Pagan groups as well as persons from the society-at-large. Below the reduced list of values of variables regarding self-expression by group members towards their environment outside the group ( y ) is presented. It is in conjunction with Table 9, which denotes the agreements and disagreements among group members concerning the ideas and the behaviour characteristic to the group. 48

49 Development of the Methodology Self-expression by group members on sceptical environments List of values 1. We consider ourselves energy; share the value of respect for nature much more than for gods and deities (Table 1.1, Assertions by Pagans). 2. Our mission is to share knowledge about Paganism with other people and encourage their consciousness-raising (Table 2, Earth group member activities relevant to their spiritual influence on society). 3. Group members challenge the leader of the other Pagan group to behave in a different way (Table 3.1, Challenges to leaders of the Thunder group). 4. We have reached a higher level of spirituality and have never been slaves to money. We don t talk about Pagan ideas to people who don t understand them. Sometimes we fight (Table 4.1, Challenges by Earth group members to society). 5. There can t be many of us/leaders (Table 5.1, Self-confidence of group members). Table 9. Self-expressions by group members on the environment outside the group Others En1 En2 En3 En4 En5 R4 R1 R2 R3 1 t t t t 2 t t t t 3? n n t 4 t t t t 5 n t t t How do group members react to sceptical attitudes towards them by other Pagan groups or other members of society? They believe in their individual way of Paganism and perceive themselves to be at a higher level of spirituality. They don t talk about Pagan ideas to people who don t understand them. Sometimes they fight. The most active member of the group challenges the leaders of another Pagan group to behave in a different way (3/R3). Although such emotional reactions and challenging behaviour are characteristic of only one member of the group, it is, nonetheless, important to point out this respondent when considering group behaviour, since this respondent is one of the leaders of this group. Some of the others who have dropped out of the Pagan community are perceived by the respondents as those who wanted to be leaders. The group members react in an unfriendly way to such persons since they think that only those who have reached higher spiritual growth can be a leader. 49

50 Groups and Environments 2 Disagreements within the group Below we present the reduced lists of values for the variable, Agreements and disagreements. (Here we put special emphasis on disagreements within the group.) List of values 1. Some members have a different level of knowledge. 2. Respondent R4 wants to be a leader. 3. Respondent R4 participates in politics. Table 10. Disagreements within the group R4 R1 R2 R3 1 n t t t 2 t? n n 3 t n? t The t and n values in the table represent different attitudes of the respondents towards the meanings which appear during communications among members within the group. According to the data, Respondent R3 sees that some group members have different levels of knowledge. Values 1/R4-R3 in the table show that Respondent R4 is the only member who disagrees with this opinion. Respondents R3 and R2 are sceptical about the desire of Respondent R4 to be a leader (2/R3, R2). Respondent R1 sees that R4 wants to participate in politics and that R3 follows him because of the possibility to share Pagan values with politicians. However, Respondent R1 is worried about that. He is against politics (3/R1, R4, R3). Different levels of knowledge, willingness to be a leader and participation in politics are the main disagreements within the group. Roles within the group List of values 1. My mission is to communicate with people, to share our knowledge (R3). 2. My work is to collect data about Pagan origins (R2). 3. I am a guard (R1). 4. R4 organises our gatherings (R3). 5. I am a leader of this trend of Paganism in Lithuania (R4). 50

51 Development of the Methodology Table 11. Roles within the group R4 R1 R2 R3 1 t t t t 2 t t t t 3 t t t t 4 t t t t 5 t? n n The roles of the group members are related to the creation of a life-world of Pagans. Respondent R2 is interested in the symbols which express the meanings of ethnic culture. He develops a system of knowledge about Paganism and shares it within the group with other members. Respondent R3 communicates more intensively with the other Pagan groups as well as politicians and shares this knowledge with them. Respondent R4 (the organiser) also participates in politics, but this respondent s role within the group is to organise calendar holiday gatherings for a wider circle of participants. Respondent R1 (a guard) takes care of the spiritual safety of group members especially of those who tend to share Pagan knowledge with people outside the group. This table clarifies the mutual acceptance of roles by group members within the group, excepting Respondent R4, the member who believes he/she is one of the leaders of the Pagan movement. Discussion The ethnographic texts tend to disclose a variety of meanings which are attached to these values. Unfortunately, due to the scope of this report, it is not possible to pursue these concepts comprehensively. A hypothetical frame of behaviour by group members is evidenced herein, one which tends to disappear when discussing merely the fragments of relations within the group as well as between the group and its environment. The fragments regarding the state of group members and, consequently, the selfexpression by different members of the group highlight the following: Willingness to create a Pagan lifestyle as well as to make his/her own role within the group relevant to self-realisation within the group as well as developing knowledge about Paganism Willingness to be a leader relevant to self-realisation within (as well as outside) the group and the development and dissemination of knowledge about Paganism Willingness to participate in politics relevant to self-realisation outside the group and dissemination of knowledge about Paganism 51

52 Groups and Environments 2 Those who are active tend to disseminate their knowledge about Paganism to the environment outside the group (communicate with other Pagans, politicians and the like). As a result, they usually experience ignorance, disagreements and rejection. This helps them realise that they behave contrary to the expectations of the environment in which they tend to participate. How does this experience change the behaviour of the group members? Presumably group members would not change their values due to the moralities coming from the environment (unless they are disappointed themselves by their choice). Consequently group members endeavour to pass on their knowledge to the environment (in the event their ideas on Paganism are vital). Will the active group members seek realisation by taking on a leadership role? Possibly he/she will seek to be a leader, not only within the group but also within the entire Pagan community as well as in political activities whenever applicable. The fragments of communications among the members within the group as well as those between group members and the environment outside the group, as described in this report, tend to the following interpretation. The Pagan community tends to divide up into smaller circles of members (subgroups) who seek realisation of their individual values which they attempt to transfer into the wider Pagan community and in their social lives as well. * The ethnographic materials systematised here, due to the development of meaningful structures of variables and associated values, can be used for different purposes by researchers. A researcher can move towards a more strict reduction of values in an attempt to find the main causal relations for explaining group behaviour. Furthermore a researcher can readily move towards a reorganisation of the structuring of variables and values in the event there is some dissatisfaction with the results of his/her work. Structures can be compared with materials collected by other researcher in other group, assuming both researchers agree with a particular structure of variables. The ethnographic materials systematised in this manner become a reliable source of information for researchers who tend to more systematically describe the behaviour of some particular group in its specific environment. 6 6 For other examples of empirical information analysis in the framework of a modified systems approach, see E. Ramanauskaitė, & R. Vaišnys (2009). Lessons from a Lithuanian Hippie Paradise Glimpsed through a Keyhole. In G. McKay, Ch. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaitė (Eds.), Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe. In H. Chambers (Ed.), Cultural Identity Studies, 15. Oxford, Bern, Berlin: Peter Lang. 52

53 Development of the Methodology Conclusions While most researchers agree that our current understanding of how groups form and develop is very incomplete and that improved understanding of the behaviours of real groups will require both empirical observations and theoretical analysis, there is little agreement on how such a study programme might be implemented. One class in such a programme tends to concentrate on the empirical, providing rich, descriptive details of very specific situations, but the generalisation remains unknown. Another class tends to involve speculative theoretical constructions using concepts too general to be relevant to concrete situations. By their very nature, empirical studies must observe the concrete attributes of specific groups; likewise theoretical studies must be cast in terms of abstract concepts. Scientific development occurs when theories guide what is observed and when the concepts used in the theories are coupled with what is being observed. In this three-part paper, we attempted to indicate both the key steps needed for such a programme and the nature of the difficulties that can be expected while implementing the proposed approach. Among the constructive developments in this direction, although we are forced to illustrate them through incomplete examples, we mention the advantages for ethnographers to devise well-defined and unambiguous characterisations of what is observed, to be explicit in describing not only the systems of interest but also the environments in which the systems occur and to employ theoretical concepts and structures needed for allowing a consistent integration of partial information and the possibilities inherent in the exploration of simplified theoretical models in systematic ways. References Bryant, Ch., & Jary, D. (Eds.) (1991). Giddens Theory of Structuration: A critical appreciation. London, New York: Routledge. Casti, J. L. (1977). Dynamical Systems and their Applications: Linear Theory. New York: Academic Press. Castiglione, F. (2006). Agent based modelling. Scholarpedia, 1(10), Fishe, A. P. (1991). Structures of Social Life. The Four Elementary Forms of Human Relations. New York: Free Press; Toronto: Collier Macmillan Canada; New York: Maxwell Macmillan International. Fornäs, J. (1995). Cultural Theory and Late Modernity. London, New York: Sage. Gilbert, N. (2007). Agent-based models (Quantitative Applications in the Social Sciences). London: Sage Publications. Goldblat, D. (Ed.) (2000). Knowledge and the Social Sciences: Theory, Method, Practice. London, New York: Routledge (in association with Open University). Hanneman, R. A. (1988). Computer-assisted theory building: Modelling dynamic social systems. Retrieved from 53

54 Groups and Environments 2 Hartmann, S. (1996). The World as a Process: Simulations in the Natural and Social Sciences. In R. Hegselmann, U. Mueller, & K. G. Troitzsch (Eds.), Modelling and Simulation in the Social Sciences from the Philosophy of Science Point of View (Theory and Decision Library A:) (pp ). Kluwer: Dordrecht. Kluver, J., Stoica, C., & Schmidt, J. (2003). Formal models, social theory and computer simulations: Some methodical reflections. Journal of Artificial Societies and Social Simulation, 6(2). Retrieved from Kohler, T. (2000). Dynamics in human and primate societies: Agent-based modelling of social and spatial processes. Santa Fe Institute Studies in the Sciences of Complexity Proceedings. USA: Oxford University Press. Luenberger, D. G. (1979). Introduction to dynamic systems. New York: Wiley. Murray, J. D. (2005). Mathematical Biology (2nd ed.). New York: Springer. Vallacher, R., & Nowak, A. (Eds.) (1994). Dynamical Systems in Social Psychology. San Diego: Academic Press, Inc. Wheelan, S. A. (Ed.) (2005). The Handbook of Group Research and Practice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. J. Rimas Vaišnys Department of Electrical Engineering, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut 06511, U.S.A; Centre for Cultural Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Vytautas Magnus University, Laisvės al , LT Kaunas, Lithuania. rimas.vaisnys@yale.edu Andrius Buivydas Centre for Cultural Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Vytautas Magnus University, Laisvės al , LT Kaunas, Lithuania. a.buivydas@gmf.vdu.lt Egidija Ramanauskaitė Centre for Cultural Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Vytautas Magnus University, Laisvės al , LT Kaunas, Lithuania. egidija@hmf.vdu.lt Received 12 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 J. Rimas Vaišnys Andrius Buivydas Egidija Ramanauskaitė Grupių teorija ir tyrimų praktika Santrauka Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto tyrėjai analizuoja empirinių tyrimų ir teorijos sąveikos tobulinimo galimybes. Tradiciškai stebėjimams ir teorijoms keliami skirtingi uždaviniai. Autoriai siūlo metodą, padėsiantį šiuos uždavinius integruoti. Integruota tyrėjų veikla trunka gerokai ilgiau, 54

55 Development of the Methodology nei galima tikėtis, nes stebėjimų ir teorijos sąveikos bei plėtros kryptis svarbu suderinti jau pirmuose bandymų etapuose, kai pritaikomumas vis dar gali būti modifikuotas. Šią ataskaitą sudaro trys skyriai. Pirmame skyriuje (parengtame J. Rimo Vaišnio) Dinaminių sistemų prieigos pristatymas pateikiama dinaminių sistemų teorijos prieiga, t. y. kaip ją supranta fizikos mokslai ir, vis didėjančiu mastu, biologijos mokslai. Tai, kad šis teorinis požiūris prisidėjo prie problemų formulavimo ir sprendimo, aprėpdamas tiek disciplinų, suteikia daug motyvacijos jį taikyti tiriant subkultūras. Vienas pirmųjų teorijos įnašų į mokslo plėtrą yra rekomendacijos apie empirinės informacijos organizavimą, o šioje veikloje vienas pirmųjų žingsnių yra apibūdinti tiriamų objektų panašumus ir skirtumus. Pirmojo skyriaus pabaigoje pateikta iliustracija, kurioje naudojami faktiniai tyrimo duomenys, gauti projekto įgyvendinimo metu (p. 29). Kai tik visa informacija, gauta atliekant projekto tyrimus, bus tinkamai sutvarkyta, galima tikėtis sparčios pažangos, taikant šią metodiką. Antrasis skyrius (parengtas Andriaus Buivydo) Mažų grupių modeliavimo galimybių pristatymas skirtas matematinio modeliavimo galimybėms aptarti. Vienas įdomesnių rezultatų yra subjekto elgesys per tam tikrą laiką arba reakcija į kitų subjektų veiksmus. Modeliavimo veikla praplečia tyrėjo akiratį, sudarydama sąlygas savarankiškam tyrimui. Tai yra naudinga paskata tolimesniam empiriniam darbui, pateikiant konkrečių įrodymų apie teorijos spragas. Kadangi pristatymas yra didaktinio pobūdžio, pateikiamas tik labai paprastas pavyzdys individualusis modeliavimas. Vieninteliai pastebėti šio metodo sunkumai yra mokslininko vaizduotė ir aktualios empirinės informacijos sukaupimas. Trečiame skyriuje (parengtame Egidijos Ramanauskaitės) Susiejimo su empirika galimybių pristatymas aprašomas procesas, kai etnografiniai stebėjimų duomenys transformuojami į informaciją ir ryšius, sudarančius tolesnės teorinės analizės pagrindą, taip pat suformuluojami uždaviniai papildomiems tyrinėjimams. Nereikėtų stebėtis, kad mažai grupei (kuri pati savaime yra kompleksinis subjektas) apibūdinti reikia išsamios ir ilgai trunkančios analizės. Šiame skyriuje pateikiama tik dalelė darbo, atlikto su nedidele pagonių grupe, tirta SAL projekto metu, pristatymas grindžiamas tik keletu labai detaliai atrinktų požymių. Tokiu išsamiu pristatymu norime parodyti, kaip galima parengti prasmingą, naudingą ir vienareikšmį realių reiškinių apibūdinimą. Raktažodžiai: dinaminės sistemos, modeliavimas mažose tyrimo grupėse, struktūrinė etnografija. 55

56

57 Case studies

58

59 Egidija Ramanauskaitė Vytautas Magnus University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Introduction to the Analysis of SAL Case Studies Articles on qualitative data analysis methods as well as groups case studies are presented in this part of the volume. Case studies of different subcultural groups performed by SAL researchers reveal a wide range of segments (communities, scenes, networks) of contemporary post-soviet societies and help to identify power interactions specific to these societies which influence the formation of different groups. Different discourses and meanings explored by the researchers based on fieldwork materials assist in a better understanding of the subjects and groups which arise and act in post-soviet countries. This brief overview of the SAL project case studies highlights findings which, in our opinion, help to approach issues on the behaviours of members of different groups. Thereby attention is on the values/ideologies of groups members and their modes for generating such ideas internally as well as for influencing society, the environmental influences on groups members and, finally, the forms and situations for public ideological expressions along with the reactions groups members experience from the environment (other groups, society-at-large). SAL research shows that a value orientation (systems of values in general) is the main impetus for forming a subcultural identity. Moreover groups members are sensitive to influences from a meaningful environment with which they communicate and react to. This results in varying behaviours by similar groups in different societies. The value orientations of groups members that SAL research discovered are summarised below: Eastern religious values and identities vs. Western pragmatism Mysticism and esoteric practises Different forms of ethnic/national revival relating to culture and religion and, possibly, aggressive nationalism and racism as well Churches with entrenched pro-soviet powers such as the case of the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and Metropolitan Church of Moldova Youth anti-fascist movement in Russia signalling emerging fascist ideas in its social environment 59

60 Groups and Environments 2 Youth and their spirituality while using drugs Adaptation of youth subcultural forms for self realisation via contrived lifestyles and arts Ecological/nature-oriented, sustainable lifestyle versus negative powers of civilisation The above-mentioned values signal the presence of social and cultural processes which are, more or less, active nowadays but, under favourable circumstances, can lead to highly diverse outcomes. Some of them highlight tensions which can arise among different groups and those which can appear between groups and the society-at-large. 1. Ethnic revival groups in Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, Russia and other post-soviet countries This section of our publication includes papers on neo-pagan communities, ecologically-oriented communities of neo-cottagers, groups of followers of the Euro- Indian movement and Cossack communities, all of which were investigated in the framework of the SAL project. These groups are oriented towards reconstructing the lifestyles of ancestors which can be understood as the legitimation of the Pagan worldview or they follow an ecologically-oriented, sustainable way of life which includes living in harmony with nature. Thus their sub-ethnic authenticity can be realised through their social organisations and social activities. Ethnic/cultural/social revival legitimating the Pagan worldview/religion Research on neo-pagan groups in Latvia, Russia and Lithuania and on representative group leaders from other post-soviet countries show that such groups link to forms for the reconstruction /revival of ethnic customs and folklore, including religion. These groups ideological and behavioural orientations are to enhance individual national consciousness. They appeared at the beginning of 1990s, after the collapse of Communist regime, but a history of 20 th century Paganism in Eastern-Central Europe can be dated back to the 1920s. There are three papers on the neo-paganism topic included in this part of our publication. One is a case study on a neo-pagan group from Saint Petersburg, which is presented by Elena Omel chenko, Hilary Pilkington & Elvira Sharifullina (see Neo-Pagan Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia, p. 89). The contemporary Latvian Dievturi movement is analysed by Gatis Ozoliņš (see Contemporary Dievturi Movement in Latvia: Between Folklore and Nationalism, p. 99). The third is the research on neo-pagan groups in Central-Eastern Europe (see Neo-Pagan Groups in Central-Eastern Europe by Piotr Wiench, p. 105). Additionally Pagan 60

61 Case Studies values of the members of a small Lithuanian group and their communications with their group s environment are presented by Egidija Ramanauskaitė (see Section 3 in Groups in Theory and Practice by Rimas Vaišnys, Andrius Buivydas & Egidija Ramanauskaitė, p. 36). Internal group activities reveal this kind of ideology via calendar holidays, family and initiation rituals, public gatherings, art festivals and the like. It also manifests during communications between members of one group with another, various social activities and daily, in-person interactions. Pagan groups oriented to national/ethnic customs and folklore are specific to all post-soviet countries. Moreover ideological nationalistic expressions characterising these groups tend to relate to the social political contexts of their residence areas. This includes the environment with which they communicate and the societal ideologies present there. Russian social political life, naturally reflected by members of this society, is more conflictual and politicised than life is in Lithuania, Latvia or other post-soviet countries. Thus research on Russian neo-pagan groups show nationalistic ideas that link to a racially-oriented worldview. Consequently they speak out against immigrants or residents from formerly Soviet Caucasus countries. Whereas, in Latvia, Lithuania and Poland, research show that, despite displays of certain latent forms of radical nationalism, activities of like groups tend to a romantic nationalism revealed via folklore and lifestyle as well as religious identity. Late research revealed that these neo-pagan group members were more likely to engage in political activities than they were in the past. The research discovered two different processes at the organisational and at the subcultural levels. Organisations established for the religious trend of the movement include the Lithuanian united Romuva communities, Pagan World Congress and others that contribute to institutionalising the movement (see Neo-Pagan Groups in Central-Eastern Europe by Piotr Wiench, p. 105). Long-lasting research on Lithuanian neo-pagan groups performed by the author of this Introduction also show that, simultaneously, the movement tends to heterogeneity. Individuals who seek different Paganism interpretations split into different groups. This can be explained as a demand by individuals to create various, internal subsystems of values by the power interactions already existing inside these groups. Usually new leaders then emerge and unite small circles of Pagan movement followers. Ecologically-oriented, sustainable way of life per ancestral values Ethnographic research on an ecologically-oriented community of neo-cottagers in Zajezova Slovakia was performed. The researcher paid extra attention to the way of life of group members, community cooperation and cohesion and issues on applying community principles and ideology in real everyday life. Neo-cottagers 61

62 Groups and Environments 2 characteristically proclaim the return to one s own roots, to the values of ancestors and to the native environment. Tensions inside the group highlight diverse understandings of life with nature by young adult cottagers from different backgrounds (see Eco- Villagers (Novolazníci) in Slovakia by Martin Priečko, p. 109). Reproduction of North American Indian culture Research on Slovak Euro-Indian groups, who follow an idea to imitate the North American Indian culture, was performed. As per SAL project fieldwork data, similar groups also operate in Lithuania but here they are not as prevalent as they are in Slovakia. This movement has developed since the 1920 s. Its main values relate to harmony with nature, communications within the group and experiences with lifestyles, including rituals grounded on worldview and, in part, religion. This author notes that Slovak Euro-Indians represent an apolitical subculture with no ambitions for public self-presentation. A main goal is to live in accord with nature; thus this movement has a strong ecological accent (see Euro-Indians in Slovakia by Radoslav Hlúšek, p. 113). Ethnic/social and cultural revival via legitimating sub-ethnic authenticity based on social organisation Ethnic revival movements appeared in formerly Soviet areas some years before the USSR s collapse, during the latter half of the 1980s. These include Cossacks in Russia, Samogitians in Lithuania, Lettigallians in Latvia and others. The roots of the Cossacks date back to the fourteenth century thusly uniting members of different ethnicities (Russian, Ukrainian, Kalmuk, Bashkir, Ossetian and others). Findings from the research on the Cossack ethnic, social and historical group in Krasnodar, Russia are presented. The researchers shift from ethnic selfconsciousness to the social aspects of group behaviour. They indicate the significance of reviving Cossack roots for possible social roles especially, for example, Cossack organisations to maintain social order and to engage in economic activities linked to the historical reconstruction movement (see Xenophobic Youth Groups in Krasnodar/Sochi Russia: Cossacks by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Anton Popov, p. 117). 2. Youth lifestyle subcultures The part on youth lifestyle subcultures involves anti-fascism oriented youth groups in Russia, the Do It Yourself (DIY) culture in Russia, hip-hop in Estonia and Romania, cannabis users in Estonia and Russia and skinheads in Tatarstan, Russia (Vorkuta) 62

63 Case Studies and in Lithuania. The researchers explore how young people create their individual identities (values, mode of thinking as well as behaviour) while communicating in groups and networks and sharing their values and ideology. Anti-fascism oriented youth groups in Russia The research findings report on Saint Petersburg s extremely heterogeneous Antifa scene, involving different subcultural groups based on the value of anti-fascism. The value of anti-fascism emerges in reaction to the appearance of fascist-oriented groups within the social environment. This alliance is not institutionalised or organised; as per the authors, its basis is an unusual subcultural grouping or movement of anti-fascist oriented youth seeking ideological expression via strong subcultural self-expression. Anti-fa has a dynamical value system that includes a set of values contrived from different subcultural groups ranging from aggressive Anti-fa crews to intellectual anarchists, from anti-military activists to aggressive hooligans. The particular worldview of its members is ideologically grounded. The authors conclude that a youth Anti-fa movement will continue to develop in parallel with fascistic groups (see Anti-fa Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Yulia Andreeva, p. 127). DIY culture in Russia The DIY (Do It Yourself) subculture in Saint Petersburg Russia involves a diversity of young people in urban DIY scenes and contains differing narratives of DIY culture among musicians and activists. The main values include independent music production, anti-commercialisation, anti-consumerism and creative self-realisation... This subculture reflects processes of music and culture commercialisation. Young people attempt to institutionalise alternative forms of self-realisation. They form style and movement laboratories which, as the authors state, prompt groups onto a path to wider recognition (see DIY Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Irina Kosterina, p. 135). Hip-hop in Estonia and Romania Research on hip-hop in Rakvere Estonia and in Galati Romania support the understanding of the behaviours of groups member in the context of their close relation to the social environments they reflect. The analysis emphasises authenticity and social criticism. At both sites, group members construct a collective identity on an abstract level against tasteless others, the mainstream. As the researchers in Estonia point out in their paper, Estonian hip-hop songs tend more to an irony of success-oriented mentality in a transition society rather 63

64 Groups and Environments 2 than to the social criticism of injustices that American hip-hop stresses. Estonian hip-hop composers reflect an environment that includes hoodlums hanging around, that is, young teenage males looking for fights and doing monkey business, people who live monotonous lives and others, the mainstream. Researchers indicate hiphop as a way to escape the daily monotony and boring life in Rakvere. Estonian researchers highlight the gender aspect. The tough guy attitude prevails, one that local Rakvere behavioural norms support as do international hiphop subcultural norms. Meanwhile the female roles most acceptable to both sexes are as girlfriends of rappers (see Hip-Hop Culture in Rakvere Estonia by Airi- Alina Allaste & Maarja Kobin, p. 143). When comparing the reports on two countries, apparently, Romanian hip-hop seemingly reflects social injustices more than Estonian hip-hop does. Added to irony on the political and cultural mainstream, performers explore social aspects that usually go unnoticed or remain unsolved. The researchers in Romania say they put Romanian society at its worst under a lens with its unresolved unemployment, poverty, poor living conditions and lack of education. Further the researchers in Romania noticed that the hip-hop subculture in Galati and in Romania, in general, faces serious social criticism from authorities and the society-at-large who oppose it. Governmental bodies like the National Council are imposing censorship for the Audiovisual and school boards, employers and parents alike are in opposition. As a result, hip-hop communities have become quite exclusivist since they are very aware of the discrimination against them. However, they have also become prejudiced as a result (see Hip-Hop in Romania [ ]) by Michaela Praisler, Daniela Şorcaru & Isabela Merilă, p. 149). Cannabis users in Estonia and Russia This publication includes three papers on recreational drug users. The researchers in Estonia, Airi-Alina Allaste, Vaike Võõbus, Peeter Vihma and Maarja Kobin, in collaboration with the researcher in Russia, Irina Kosterina, provide an analysis of recreational cannabis users in Estonia along with the relevant gender aspects in Estonia and Russia (see Recreational Cannabis Users in Estonia and Russia, p. 157). The researchers in Russia analysed drug using youth groups by exploring the values of the members in Sochi and in Vorkuta. Drugs (cannabis) are mostly considered as fun for young women and associated with more spiritual motives such as open doors for young men. Cannabis is seen as a natural drug, not as harmful as synthetic drugs. The research in Sochi point out that drug use appears almost as a kind of subcultural prerequisite for rappers, skateboarders and roller skaters and considered necessary for creative people including musicians, artists, graffiti artists and others. Use is usually at parties or at alternative clubs. 64

65 Case Studies These researchers stress gender inequality in the analysis on communications within groups. In youth cultures, drug use reflects traditional gender roles women consume less and are more critical of drugs and they do not have same rights as men. An open drug market does not exist in Estonia or in Russia; thus involvement in informal social networks is needed. A key research finding in Vorkuta was that drug sales are just one component of a wider range of hustling practices, including trade in acquired goods and drugs, money-lending and sorting disputes which are widespread among youth. For this, extensive networks of friends are needed to circulate resources and make profits. Researchers point out that drugs, their use and the practices linked to their commercial sales are reasons for cultural and even ethnic conflicts (see Drug Using Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Elvira Sharifullina & Elena Omel chenko, p. 169). In Sochi the research indicate a link of drug use practices with group solidarity and practices. For example, whether involving drug experimentation or abstention, all group members tend to assimilate the practice. Anti-drug campaigns might well note this to be effective. Since the public is critical of cannabis users, linking them with addicts, users try to remain invisible. For youth in Sochi, tourists from Moscow and abroad are points of reference and imitation seeming to symbolise style, innovation and progressiveness. Their active assimilation with this cultural channel is a means to learn about new, fashionable brands, trends, books, music, modes of moving and dressing, slang and new ideas (see Drug Using Youth Groups in Sochi Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Irina Kosterina & Elena Omel chenko, p. 163). Skinheads in Kazan (Tatarstan Republic) and Vorkuta (Komi Republic), Russia and in Lithuania Three papers are dedicated to analysing the subculture of skinheads. The researchers in the Tatarstan Republic note in their report the increasing violence and crimes among skinheads in Russia, especially in their area. In Lithuania, however, it is noticeably less due to less intense societal immigration and criminality processes. Researchers found various skinhead trends such as, in Kazan (of Tatarstan), fascist and anti-fascist skinheads who normally oppose one another. As per the researchers, Being a skinhead [in Tatarstan] is perceived largely as some fun game, since only a few members of the movement are aware and in favour of skinhead ideology. In Lithuania clear and well-formulated nationalistic values were found among skinheads. These members respond to immigration and multi-culturalism or historical multi-ethnicity. Meanwhile researchers in Tatarstan, where the Kazan phenomenon of youth-organised delinquency originated, point out, The skinhead subculture of 65

66 Groups and Environments 2 Kazan very much depends on the inheritance of Kazan-type gangs which makes these groups criminal rather than ideological (see Violent Youth Groups in the Tatarstan Republic of Russia by Alexander L. Salagaev, Alexander S. Makarov & Rustem R. Safin, p. 175 and Skinhead Subculture in Lithuania by Tadas Kavolis, p. 183). The ethnographic research on Vorkuta skinheads focuses on issues of why skinheads constitute an attractive cultural strategy for young people. The research is vital to understanding motives for joining, and leaving such groups. It reveals that young Russians adopt skinheads today as a means of generating meaningful solidarities which help them navigate their lives on the margins of Russian society. Additionally this research indicates that skinheads want to influence society. The researchers in Vorkuta note that skinheads are motivated by a desire to change the world which they articulate verbally through ideological statements and physically through street violence (see Xenophobic Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia: Skinheads by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Al bina Garifzianova, p. 189). Meanwhile, in Lithuania, skinheads consolidate needing to defend national dignity, retain ethnic/racial and cultural entity and also to defend one s political position against counter subcultures. A specific lifestyle with strong community solidarity and combativeness was selected as a possible solution to contemporary social problems. In Russia (including Tatarstan) and in Lithuania, the mass media characterises the skinhead subculture as purely racist or Nazi by ideology (Lithuania) or as a violent fascist movement (Russia). Thusly the media spreads the commonly predominant stereotypes which vitally affect the police. As Kavolis points out in this report, the police view skinheads as potential criminals and arrest them on the streets or order them to leave public events, even when a skinhead has not broken any law. This, in turn, affects group member behaviours. 3. Ethnic minority subgroups Muslims in Slovakia The Afghan minority group, which represents Slovakia s Muslim subculture, was studied. According to Silvia Letavajova, the methods and approach are in line with similar Western research; thus this serves as an enlargement of research on Muslim communities in Europe to Slovakia. The main aspects of the life and behaviour of the group under investigation involve constraints by unfamiliar, culturally different conditions and the negative attitudes from the local environment. In their daily lives, Afghans experienced ignorance, pressure and diverse types of open or latent intolerance. 66

67 Case Studies The research highlights factors providing stability of values as well as cultural and lifestyle manifestations (in spheres of religion, family relations, language, cuisine, clothing and such) and disinclination towards changes and factors forming activities and lifestyles. The study highlights that, principally, cultural differences between European (Christian) and Muslim ways of life cause tension. As per the researcher, The attitudes of the majority result from negative stereotypes. Official institutions and the government in Slovakia limit normalisation of life for Afghan immigrants via complications with processes for acquiring status, conflicts on registered church status for Islam, delays in building a mosque and others. Slovakian converts to Islam, who are particularly interested in developing Islamic culture in Slovakia, are presented as cultural mediators (see Muslims in Slovakia by Silvia Letavajová, p. 199). Roma communities in Hungarian society The Roma ethnic minority group in Hungary is analysed as a heterogeneous community with sub-ethnic groups, the elite and the ghetto populations. This research analyses the processes of Roma integration into the local Hungarian community and indicates tensions arising between them. Roma subgroups are described by place of residence, economic standing, education, efforts by groups members to retain the native language and customs and their experiences of attitudes about them from the local majority. The report comprehensively analyses characteristics of Roma subgroups including Romungro (Raj-Gypsies or Gentlemen Gypsies) representing the middle class culture, poor Boyash communities living in small villages with high unemployment and alcoholism, Olah Gypsies living scattered throughout Hungary and other subgroups. Although subgroups members had different experiences with the local majority, researchers indicate strong prejudices against Roma, especially by the mass media with its main discourse being on the crimes Gypsy gangs commit. Researchers suggest that policy makers involve young Roma intellectuals to mediate between minority and dominant society members. Further, researchers see utility for additional research on Roma subgroups and dissemination of obtained information which can effectively contribute to educating society and minimising social conflicts (see Romani Communities in Hungary by Katalin R. Forray, Mónika Balázsovics, Zoltán Beck & Szabolcs Fekete, p. 205). 67

68 Groups and Environments 2 4. New religious movements (NRMs) vs. Western materialism Vissarion and Anastasia religious groups in Lithuania Research of the Anastasia and Vissarion religious groups (New religious movements) were performed in Lithuania. The report on these groups indicates their spread in Lithuania as well as in Russia, Latvia and other post-soviet countries. The analysis presents ways their members communicate internally as well as externally with their socio-cultural environment. Groups members devise their own religious value systems, worldviews and understandings of God and develop esoteric and ecological ideas. By organising a lifestyle differing from mainstream society, groups members challenge traditional Christianity along with changes in contemporary post-soviet society with its Western influences. Lithuanian followers of Vissarion maintain close relations with the largest Vissarion community known as the United Family, in Siberia Russia (see Vissarion and Anastasia Movements in Lithuania by Rasa Pranskevičiūtė, p. 213). Theosophical movement in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia The social adaptation process of Theosophy was examined via ten theosophical groups in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. The author presents the research on the Roerich Societies in all three Baltic countries, Vydūnas communities in Lithuania and Aivars Garda s followers in Latvia and Estonia. Although the beliefs of each of these groups originate in Roerich s teaching, different orientations of core values were found evident as the values and symbols of the different groups were investigated and compared. Different levels of social adaptation were identified among theosophical groups. Research revealed tensions among theosophical communities themselves as well as much negativity by NRM groups about traditional churches. Mainstream society rejects these communities as totalitarian sects and destructive cults. Public debates on the NRMs are dominated by misunderstandings, exaggerations and, sometimes, pure disinformation by different parties. Researchers recommend authorities to begin genuine and meaningful dialogues with NRM members and share knowledge about basic values (see Subcultural Dynamics of Theosophical Groups in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania by Anita Stasulane, p. 219). India-inspired New religious movements (NRMs) in Slovakia The report on the research on India-inspired NRMs in Slovakia examines the challenges that India s religious ideas and practices posed to NRMs in post- Communist Slovakia. 68

69 Case Studies Many ISKCON, Sahaja Yoga, Shree Chinmoy and Swami Maheshvarananda followers emphasised spirituality (argued to be a typically Eastern virtue vs. Western materialism) as the common basis for real religious life. The research discusses the most popular, India-inspired NRM concepts in Slovakia such as yoga, meditation, bhakti, guru, Vedas, Kundalini and chakras. According to the author, many introduced concepts and related practices can be traced back to the neo- Hindu movement but, despite ancient antecedents, these are new rather than old due to the modern contexts of their presentations. The researcher recommends revising the legal policy on registration of religious organisations, supporting diversity and equal opportunities for NRM members, informing the wider society about NRMs as objectively as possible and consulting with academicians who are independent of religious organisations (see Conceptual Framework of India-Inspired New Religious Movements in Slovakia by Dušan Deák, p. 227). 5. Religious confessions Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia in Moldova The report on the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia in Moldova is presented by the researchers in Moldova, Natalia Cojocaru and Ruslan Sintov. After the communist regime collapsed, Moldova s historical and political background facilitated establishment of two distinct religions the Metropolitan Church of Chisinau and All Moldova (MCM) and the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia (MCB), canonically subordinate, respectively, to the Russian and Romanian Parishes of the Orthodox Church. What makes MCB different from MCM is obedience to different eparchies and differing believer perceptions on history, identity and national values (especially relative to Romanian or Moldovan identities). The two different church systems with the same religious doctrine define the specific, mainly political, relationships between them. Researchers refer to an ongoing conflict between MCB, MCM and the State. Initially it focused on legal recognition of MCB and, later, on its church patrimony which had been nationalised in Soviet times. The research analysed tensions involving communications between MCB and MCM believers and, especially, with governmental officials. MCB is often presented as disadvantaged compared to the MCM regarding separation of the church and state. Moldova s policies affect dispute resolutions between these two churches (see Religious Attitudes in Moldova: The Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and The Baptist Community by Natalia Cojocaru & Ruslan Sintov, p. 233). 69

70 Groups and Environments 2 Evangelical Baptist Community in Moldova The Baptist community, the largest minority religion in Moldova, which involves about 500 established religious groups (of which 385 are officially registered) is also analysed by Cojocaru and Sintov. These researchers analyse the positive changes after 1989 as well as the problems of Baptist community members including material and financial difficulties, discrimination, ignorance and marginalisation as compared with Orthodox Church members. Most difficulties involved establishing churches (registration, obtaining building permits and construction) and organising certain public expressions. Conversion from Orthodoxy to Baptism is usually due to better satisfaction of individual interests and spiritual needs. Evangelical Baptist missions play a special role is this context. The Baptist community s image in society is also important ethical and moral behaviour, decent clothing, caring attitude and the like. * Researchers provided useful information of their research about minority religions to policy makers, the mass media and the public. The hope is that this will help stimulate more dialogues between governmental bodies and minority religions and between minority religions and the dominant churches to avoid/minimise misunderstandings. SAL researchers revealed the real life meanings of different subcultural groups and their members, explored the main characteristics of the behaviours of groups and developed theoretical discourses of analysis. Moreover they explored main power interactions among groups as well as between groups and their local societies. These contribute to a better understanding of contemporary processes in post-soviet societies. The policy recommendations that the researchers presented at their own local levels contribute to raise tolerance towards different attitudes and lifestyles and enhance social harmonisation. 70

71 Egidija Ramanauskaitė Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Įvadas: SAL subkultūrinių grupių tyrimų analizė Šioje dalyje publikuojami straipsniai, skirti lauko tyrimų metodologijai ir grupių tyrimams. Įvairių subkultūrinių grupių atvejo studijos, kurias atliko SAL projekto tyrėjai, atskleidė platų dabarties posovietinių visuomenių segmentų (bendruomenių, scenų, tinklų) spektrą ir padėjo atpažinti toms visuomenėms būdingus galios santykius, kurie paveikia įvairių grupių formavimąsi. Tyrėjų išanalizuoti įvairūs diskursai ir reikšmės, pagrįsti lauko tyrimų duomenimis, padeda geriau suprasti nūdienos kultūros veikėjus (subjektus ir grupes), iškylančius ir veikiančius posovietinėse šalyse. Šiame įvade pateikta SAL projekte dalyvavusių šalių grupių tyrimų apžvalga, išryškinant ir palyginant tuos pagrindinius rezultatus, kurie, mūsų nuomone, padeda suprasti įvairių grupių, veikiančių skirtingose socialinėse aplinkose, elgesį. Atkreipiamas dėmesys į tyrėjų atskleistas grupių narių vertybes ir ideologijas, taip pat į šių vertybių generavimo būdus grupėse ir siekiant daryti poveikį aplinkai; akcentuojamos grupių narių reakcijos į jų matomas socialines aplinkas (kitas grupes ir plačiąją visuomenę). SAL projekto tyrimai rodo, kad vertybinės orientacijos (vertybių sistemos) yra pagrindinis subkultūrinių tapatybių formavimo faktorius. Grupių nariai yra jautrūs jiems svarbios aplinkos, su kuria jie bendrauja ir į kurią reaguoja, poveikiams. Tai nulemia skirtingą panašių grupių elgesį įvairiose visuomenėse. Vertybinės grupių narių orientacijos, kurias atskleidė projekto tyrimai: Rytų religijų vertybės ir jų pagrindu kuriamos tapatybės, priešinamos Vakarų pragmatizmui; misticizmas ir ezoterinė praktika; įvairios etninio / tautinio atgimimo formos, susietos su kultūra ir religija bei, tikėtina, su agresyviuoju nacionalizmu ir rasizmu; prosovietinių galių vertybės, atsiskleidžiančios Besarabijos metropolito ir Moldovos metropolito bažnyčių bendravime; jaunimo antifašistinis judėjimas Rusijoje, perspėjantis apie kylančias fašistines idėjas jų socialinėje aplinkoje; jaunimo dvasingumo paieškos vartojant narkotikus; 71

72 Groups and Environments 2 jaunimo subkultūrinių formų adaptavimas, siekiant savirealizacijos per originalų gyvenimo stilių ir meną; ekologiniai / į gamtą orientuoti tvarūs gyvenimo stiliai, priešinami negatyvioms civilizacijos galioms. Čia paminėtos vertybės padeda pastebėti socialinius ir kultūrinius procesus, kurie pastaruoju metu yra daugiau ar mažiau aktyvūs, tačiau, esant palankioms aplinkybėms, gali turėti labai skirtingas pasekmes. Kai kurie iš jų išryškina įtampas, kurios gali kilti tarp įvairių grupių arba tarp grupių ir plačiosios visuomenės. Šiame įvade projekto atvejo studijos sugrupuotos pagal kultūros veikėjų vertybinių orientacijų kryptis: 1) pateikiami etninio atgimimo grupių Lietuvoje, Latvijoje, Slovakijoje, Rusijoje bei kitose posovietinėse šalyse tyrimo rezultatų palyginimai (aptariamos Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Rusijos pagonių grupės; ekologiškai orientuotos ir protėvių vertybėmis grindžiamos naujųjų kaimiečių grupės bei atkuriančios Šiaurės Amerikos indėnų kultūrą grupės Slovakijoje; taip pat Rusijos kazokų grupės, kurios siekia etninio / kultūrinio atgimimo, įteisindamos subetninį autentiškumą per socialinę organizaciją); 2) pateikiami jaunimo gyvenimo stiliaus subkultūrinių grupių tyrimų palyginimai ir originalūs atvejai (aptariamos į antifašistines vertybes orientuotos grupės Rusijoje; DIY (Do it yourself pasidaryk pats) subkultūra Rusijoje; kanapių vartotojai Estijoje ir Rusijoje; skinhedai Vorkutoje, Tatarstane ir Lietuvoje; Hiphopo subkultūra Estijoje ir Rumunijoje); 3) pateikiami projektui reikšmingi etninių mažumų tyrimo rezultatai (musulmonai Slovakijoje, čigonų / romų bendruomenės Vengrijoje); 4) pristatomi pagrindiniai naujųjų religinių judėjimų tyrinėjimų aspektai (Visariono ir Anastasijos grupės Lietuvoje, teosofinės grupės Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje; veikiami Indijos kultūros besikuriantys naujieji religiniai judėjimai Slovakijoje); 5) apibendrinami religinių konfesijų tyrimų rezultatai (Besarabijos metropolito bažnyčia ir Evangelinė baptistų bendruomenė Moldovoje). 72

73 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Development for Group Research and Comparative Case Studies Abstract The University of Warwick collaborated with Region Ul ianovsk on the analysis and dissemination of results from seven case studies during Year 3 (January-December 2008). These studies, presented in this publication, are: (1) Neo-Pagan Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia by Elena Omel chenko, Hilary Pilkington & Elvira Sharifullina, p. 89, (2) Xenophobic Youth Groups in Krasnodar/Sochi Russia: Cossacks by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Anton Popov, p. 117, (3) Anti-fa Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia by Elena Omel chenko, Hilary Pilkington & Yulia Andreeva, p. 127, (4) DIY Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Irina Kosterina, p. 135, (5) Drug Using Youth Groups in Sochi Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Irina Kosterina & Elena Omel chenko, p. 163, (6) Drug Using Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia by Hilary Pilkington, Elvira Sharifullina & Elena Omel chenko, p. 169 and (7) Xenophobic Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia: Skinheads by Hilary Pilkington, Elena Omel chenko & Al bina Garifzianova, p The University of Warwick also developed comparative analyses both between these case studies and with transnational studies. The transnational case studies involved collaboration with University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava Slovakia, Tallinn University in Tallinn Estonia and Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas Lithuania. The University of Warwick was not directly involved in the aforementioned three new case studies conducted by the Region during 2008 (in Saint Petersburg). Nonetheless, consultations and discussions around these case studies took place between the partners both during fieldwork and during the preparation of academic papers and reports. Keywords: Data analysis methods, ethnography, comparative analysis Data analysis Mode of analysis In all the case studies, both audio and video interviews were transcribed in Russian and analysed using the computer assisted Nvivo7 qualitative data analysis software. Field diaries were transcribed and analysed in the same way as the interviews were although these were located as a separate sub-category of documents. Recorded interviews and conversations were coded in their entirety. Some codes were thematically pre-determined by the research design, e.g., substance 73

74 Groups and Environments 2 use in the case of the drug users case studies, subcultural affiliation for the skinhead study and the like. However, a number of other categories that were not necessarily envisaged in advance as being central to the study also produced rich data, e.g., material relations, relationship to place, trust and such. Codes and their sub-categories were derived as a mixture of authentic codes drawn from the informants linguistic repertoire (e.g., razvod, aktsiia, dvizhukha, kompaniia, kidat), while others were described by English-language terms imbued with some external, theoretical content (e.g., life plans and aspirations, turning points, subcultural style ). Codes were developed in a hierarchical relationship ( tree nodes ) and, as a general rule, authentic codes were at the bottom of this hierarchy while, further up the tree, theoretically informed codes predominated. The relationship between codes was interpreted by researchers, and it was at this point that key themes for dissemination and publication were determined. An important element of this interpretative process consisted of the discussions between the researchers working on these case studies, as well as with researchers working on other SAL case studies. During these discussions, themes that could be usefully developed as foci for comparative analysis were also determined. Comparative analysis A comparative analysis based on the use of Nvivo7 was conducted on three themes: gender and drug use, neo-paganism, and affective communities. These comparisons were developed using the principles of multi-sited ethnography in which case studies are first analysed holistically using categories emerging from each case study data, and then comparisons are made between codes/categories that appear in more than one site. To give one example of how this process worked in the case of the comparison of the role of neo-paganism in the Cossack and Skinhead case studies, this code appeared in both data sets unexpectedly and independently in neither case had it been a pre-determined question for investigation. Having identified this broad code as a potentially comparative theme, the narrative extracts from all the sub-categories related to the code (e.g., rodnaia vera) as well as its significant others (e.g., Orthodoxy ) were collated and exchanged between researchers. Each researcher then pulled out key parameters around which the data from each case study could be compared and contrasted (e.g., attitude to institutionalised religion, information and resources on neo- Paganism, the relationship between neo-paganism and wider worldviews, neo- Paganism as a youth cultural resource), and these were refined and clarified through discussion. The other two themes comparatively used the same basic principles although, because they were transnational comparisons and thus the data in the two 74

75 Case Studies cases for comparison were in different languages, researchers had to determine key themes for comparison based on each researcher s presentation of their data rather by a direct exchange of data. Innovative methodologies Some experimentation with innovative modes of analysis was undertaken and developed during the course of analysis. This relates to the use of autobiography and analysis in the Cossack case and to visual analysis in the analysis of data from both Vorkuta case studies. The shooting of research films in both Vorkuta and Sochi was also employed as an innovative way of engaging young people in a dialogic mode of research. Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. H.Pilkington@warwick.ac.uk Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Hilary Pilkington Grupių tyrimų ir lyginamosios analizės metodologijos plėtra Santrauka Autorė pristato duomenų analizės metodologiją, kuri buvo taikoma Varviko (Warwick) universiteto tyrėjams bendradarbiaujant su Uljanovsko Regiono centro tyrėjais. Varviko tyrėjai taip pat atliko lyginamąją analizę, bendradarbiaudami su tyrėjais iš Šv. Kirilo ir Metodijaus universiteto Trnavoje, Talino bei Vytauto Didžiojo universitetų tyrėjais. Garso ir vaizdo interviu buvo transkribuojami rusų kalba, nes tyrimai atlikti Rusijoje. Duomenys buvo analizuojami naudojant kompiuterinę kokybinių duomenų analizės programą Nvivo7. Lauko tyrimų dienoraščiai transkribuoti ir išanalizuoti tokiu pačiu principu kaip ir interviu. Įrašyti interviu ir pokalbiai buvo koduojami, ir nors kai kurie kodai buvo iš anksto numatyti tyrimo dizaine, tyrimo metu iškilo daug kitų kategorijų, kurios nebuvo numatytos iš anksto. Kodai ir jų subkategorijos buvo gauti kaip samplaika autentiškų kodų, perimtų iš informantų (pvz., razvod, aktsiia, dvizhukha, kompaniia, kidat), o kiti aprašyti anglų kalba ir prisotinti išorinio teorinio turinio (pvz., gyvenimo planai ir troškimai, lūžiai / posūkiai, subkultūrinis stilius ). Kodai išvystyti hierarchine tvarka ( medžiais ): autentiški kodai buvo šios hierarchijos apačioje, o aukščiau dominavo teorinėmis žiniomis pagrįsti kodai. Ryšius tarp kodų interpretavo tyrėjai, nustatydami pagrindines tyrimo temas, skirtas publikuoti. Svarbus šio interpretacinio proceso elementas buvo diskusijos tarp tyrėjų grupės narių ir šios 75

76 Groups and Environments 2 grupės narių diskusijos su kitais SAL projekto dalyviais, dirbusiais su kitomis grupėmis. Šių diskusijų metu buvo nustatytos lyginamajai analizei reikšmingos temos, kurios gali būti plėtojamos ateityje. Naudojant kompiuterinės analizės paketą Nvivo7 buvo atlikta tyrinėtų grupių lyginamoji analizė. Lyginimai atlikti naudojant etnografijos principą, kai atvejai pirmiausiai analizuojami naudojant kategorijas, kylančias iš kiekvieno atvejo studijos duomenų, ir po to lyginami kodai / kategorijos, kurie / kurios iškyla daugiau nei vienu atveju. Pavyzdžiui, neopagonybės vaidmuo išryškėjo nepriklausomai kazokų ir skinhedų atvejų studijose, nė vienu atveju šis kodas nebuvo numatytas iš anksto kaip tiriamasis klausimas. Nustačius šį platų kodą kaip tinkamą lyginti temą, buvo surinktos naratyvų ištraukos, atitinkančios visas subkategorijas, kurios susijusios su šiuo kodu (pvz., rodnaia vera ir pan.), ištraukos buvo palygintos tyrėjams pasikeitus duomenimis. Kiekvienas tyrėjas surado pagrindinius parametrus, kurių plotmėje kiekvienos atvejo studijos duomenys galėtų būti palyginami (pvz., požiūris į institucionalizuotą religiją, informacija apie neopagonybę, ryšiai tarp neopagonybės ir kitų pasaulėžiūrų, neopagonybė kaip jaunimo kultūrinis išteklius). Visa tai ištobulinta ir išgryninta diskusijų metu. Tarptautinių lyginimų atvejais (kai duomenys surinkti skirtingomis kalbomis) naudotas tas pats principas: tyrėjai pristatydavo savo tyrimų temas (dėl kalbinių skirtumų nepasikeisdavo duomenimis), ir remiantis šiuo pristatymu buvo nustatomos pagrindinės tyrimo temos. Analizės metu buvo eksperimentuojama duomenų analizės būdais, pvz., naudotas autobiografinis metodas, vizualinių duomenų analizė, filmuoti tyrimų filmai, kurie padėjo paskatinti jaunimą bendrauti su tyrėjais. Raktažodžiai: duomenų analizės metodai, etnografija, lyginamoji analizė. 76

77 Andrius Buivydas Egidija Ramanauskaitė J. Rimas Vaišnys Vytautas Magnus University (Authors are listed in alphabetical order) ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Developing Methods and Computer Tools for Systematic Qualitative Data Analysis Summary Computer tools for qualitative data analysis were developed by Vytautas Magnus University researchers for their case studies. The methods were also used for comparative analysis and tested when working together with researchers from the CIVIS (Moldova), Region (Russia) and CASD (Tatarstan) research centres as well as with researchers from Daugavpils University (Latvia), Dunarea de Jos University of Galati (Romania) and Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania). Excerpts from the data analysis of the case study on Lithuanian hippies as well as from the SAL comparative analysis are presented in this article. Keywords: systematic data analysis, qualitative data, computer tools, variable, values Systematic data analysis This report focuses on the essence of systematic data analysis based on the dynamic systems theory approach (see Groups in Theory and Practice, p. 23). The approach was used with the SAL case studies that the authors of this article 1 performed and tested in the SAL comparative studies. This systematic analysis helps with the comparison of different groups in different environments and the identification of the main features of the sub-cultural behaviour of these groups as well as the main reasons for their formation. The influence of the environment on such group members is a significant factor. This influence relates to the state of the members of a group or of different groups. The impact of these groups on the environment, in its own turn, is largely dependent on the state of their members. The other significant factor is the communication among individuals within groups. By communicating they form their subjective realities which are then the sources of group behaviour as well as the sources of the tensions that arise. 1 Also see, E. Ramanauskaitė, & R. Vaišnys (2009). Lessons from a Lithuanian Hippie Paradise Glimpsed through a Keyhole. 77

78 Groups and Environments 2 Most concepts elicited by the researchers from the empirical data emerged naturally as components of the systematic approach. These concepts helped to identify significant variables, which are necessary for describing the behaviour in a group. The empirical data were collected using ethnographic techniques: a questionnaire, an in-depth interview, the diary of the researcher and others. The model of the text analysis displayed in Figure 1 helped us to compare our data as well as to form an exhaustive description of the behaviour of a group. The environments of different groups, the internal states of these groups and the influences of a group on the environment appear as indicators of a systematic comparison. To indicate the nature of the text, we used special denotations. The classifications of greatest interest to us and the symbols used to denote them in the texts are the following: a) The environment outside the group as reflected in the texts provided by group members (U~ denotation) b) The environment within the groups as reflected in the texts provided by individual group members (u~ denotation) c) The influence of the group on the environment outside the group as reflected in applicable texts (Y~ denotation) d) The influence of group members on the internal environment of the group itself (y~ denotation) e) The state of the group as reflected in its texts (s~ denotation) Figure 1. Model of text analysis as per the dynamical systems theory approach. Bearing in mind the broad view of the process of data comparison, attention is oriented to the small practical steps that made this process possible. 78

79 Case Studies Step 1 Place the gathered empirical data into an electronic format (as usual text files). This is a time-consuming activity. The following is a sample of an excerpt from a transcribed interview with a member of a rock group in the 1960s. It is comparatively calm in Lithuania, however, in Kaunas, the formation of small groups of young people involved or related with the hippie movement is already being strongly felt. Yet almost everyone (from these groups) still stays in the underground. Most guys on the street still hide their hair behind their collars; girls still don t appear publicly in maxi skirts, bright colours or with a flower in their hair. The society, to say the least, does not tolerate neither long hair, nor flowers in the hair, nor liberal behaviour, nor loud and sincere laughter in public. The city is comparatively small; however, it hosts many musical bands. Older, meritorious and more mainstream bands, such as Aitvarai, Kertukai and Bočiai, must yield their leading positions to the more relaxed and progressive groups like Gintarėliai and Meteorai, to the absolute free-thinker groups like Raganiai, the subtle ones like Gėlės, the steady like Dainiai and others. These groups, in fact, become the epicentre for the newlyarriving Kaunas bohemia (Nat, rock band member in the 1960s). Step 2 Denote 1) the selected passages of text, 2) any introduced comments/interpretations and 3) the concepts/categories revealed by the researcher. Use of matched braces {...}, brackets [...] and triangular brackets < > are recommended for these purposes. This step requires a careful overview on the data. To illustrate the denotation procedure, the following is the marked-up version of the above excerpt from an interview. It is comparatively calm in Lithuania, however, {U~ in Kaunas, the formation of small groups of young people involved or related with the hippie movement is already being strongly felt. Yet almost everyone (from these groups) still stays in the underground. [U~ Nat sees that new hippying youth groups are emerging in town <U~ Sustainable musical environment/other rock groups>]}. {UY~ Most guys on the street still hide their hair behind their collars; girls still don t appear publicly in maxi skirts, bright colours or with a flower in their hair. The society, to say the least, does not tolerate [U~ Nat sees that the society is intolerant of the relaxed behaviour of hippying youth. We can assume the Raganiai band s behaviour was not tolerated, since they were already active <U~ Conservative society>], neither long hair, nor flowers in the hair, nor liberal behaviour, nor loud and sincere laughter in public. [Y~ Youth laughing aloud (including the Raganiai band) is disturbing society <Y~ Free and easy behaviour >]}. The city is comparatively small; however, it hosts many musical bands. {Y~ Older, meritorious and more mainstream bands, such as Aitvarai, Kertukai and Bočiai, must yield their leading positions to the more relaxed and progressive groups like Gintarėliai and Meteorai, to the absolute free-thinker groups like Raganiai, the subtle ones like Gėlės, the steady like Dainiai and others [Y~ Rock music Raganiai is part of it is transforming the mainstream <Y~ influence of rock music on the mainstream in 1967>]. These groups, in fact, become the epicentre for the newly-arriving Kaunas bohemia.} 79

80 Groups and Environments 2 Step 3 Several software programs, the so-called scripts (Bird, 2009), were created aiming to help the researcher structure the text further in accordance with the second step. With the help of these scripts, the researcher can list concepts with or without the textual context, sort the concepts and look for some patterns in the data. Once applied the transformation of the same excerpt shown above could result as follows. short text (sub-sub-categories) 1 {UY~In4~ Most guys on the street still hide their hair behind their collars; girls still don t appear publicly in maxi skirts, bright colours, or with a flower in their hair. The society, to say the least, does not tolerate [U~In4~ Nat sees that the society is intolerant of the relaxed behaviour of hippying youth. We can assume the Raganiai band s behaviour was not tolerated, since they were already active <U~In4~ Conservative society>], neither long hair, nor flowers in the hair, nor liberal behaviour, nor loud and sincere laughter in public. [Y~In4~ Youth laughing aloud (including the Raganiai band) is disturbing society <Y~In4~ Free and easy behaviour >]}. values (sub-categories) 1 skb 1 [U~In4~ Nat sees that the society is intolerant of the relaxed behaviour of hippying youth. We can assume the Raganiai band s behaviour was not tolerated, since they were already active <U~In4~ Conservative society>] variables (categories) 1 skc 1 <U~In4~ Conservative society> values (sub-categories) 1 skb 2 [Y~In4~ Youth laughing aloud (including the Raganiai band) is disturbing society <Y~In4~ Behaviour >] variables (categories) 1 skc 2 <Y~~In4~ Behaviour > short text (sub-sub-categories) 3 {U~In4~ in Kaunas, the formation of small groups of young people involved or related with the hippie movement is already being strongly felt. Yet almost everyone (from these groups) still stays in the underground. [U~In4~ Nat sees that new hippying youth groups emerge in the town <U~In4~ Sustainable musical environment/ other rock groups>]} values (sub-categories) 3 skb 1 [U~In4~ Nat sees that new hippying youth groups are emerging in town <U~In4~ Sustainable environment>]. variables (categories) 3 skc 1 <U~~In4~ Sustainable environment> 80

81 Case Studies short text (sub-sub-categories) 4 {Y~In4~ Older, meritorious and more mainstream bands, such as Aitvarai, Kertukai and Bočiai, must yield their leading positions to the more relaxed and progressive groups like Gintarėliai and Meteorai, to the absolute free-thinker groups like Raganiai, the subtle ones like Gėlės, the steady like Dainiai and others [Y~In4~ Rock music Raganiai is part of it is transforming the mainstream <Y~In4~ influence of rock music on the mainstream in 1967>]. These groups, in fact, become the epicentre for the newly-arriving Kaunas bohemia.} values (sub-categories) 4 skb 1 [Y~In4~ Rock music Raganiai is part of it is transforming the mainstream <Y~In4~ Rock music>]. variables (categories) 4 skc 1 <Y~~In4~ Rock music> Step 4 The values extracted from the researcher texts are grouped into variables (see Figure 2). This choice helps researchers in the process of the actual comparison of the data, making it quicker and more systematic. For the sake of comparison, the values and variables that each researcher found in their texts are arranged in a common place. Figure 2. Relationship of values and variables. 81

82 Groups and Environments 2 Step 5 The joint work by researchers was possible by using Google online, real-time service Google Docs. The tool mentioned was useful in two ways. Firstly each researcher could see what values and variables were picked out by each other researcher who took part in this study. Secondly each researcher could fine-tune the common list of values and variables according to the understanding he/she gained about important values and variables. This step is also time-consuming because, for one, it requires a researcher to place all the data in some strict format and it requires making changes that affect all the researchers. It has to be emphasized that, for the sake of comparison, a researcher must indicate the values of the variables for all respondents with whom he/she worked. This means that, if there are, for example, a hundred values identifying one respondent and there are, again as an example, five respondents, the researcher has to write-in a total of five hundred values. This way the small difference in the number of respondents resulted in a big difference of time consumed in this kind of activity. Development of sets of variables and values for systematic comparative analysis Lists of values of identified variables were developed by the project partners using Excel on-line and real-time service Google Docs. The focus was on the description of the behaviours of group members relevant to their states as well as their environmental influences. Data from 209 respondents (including transcribed texts of in-depth interviews and data from questionnaires) were analyzed using systematic tools. 82

83 Case Studies Table 2. Excerpt from the full table of variables and their values (the last three columns show the values of three skinhead group members in Lithuania) Variable u~ : Why members sometimes drop out of the group? Common list of empirical values developed by the researchers of different groups Respondent 1 Respondent 2 Respondent3 [aims and views change] possibly possibly possibly [realize that it is not their way] possibly no no [inability to make contacts with other group members, imperfect relationships] no no no [does not practice seriously, cannot get rid of bad habits] no no no [frightened by the fanaticism of other group members] no no no [little by little, distances oneself from others due to communications with people who have different worldviews] yes no inapplicable [further spiritual searching] inapplicable inapplicable inapplicable [the teachings are too difficult to follow] inapplicable inapplicable inapplicable [rejection by spouse/relatives/family] unknown no no [lack of belief] inapplicable inapplicable inapplicable [personal] unknown no no [lack of activity] unknown no no [realisation that it is impossible to make the group s ideas come true] unknown no no [inconvenient meeting time and place] unknown no no [did not find what one expected] unknown unknown unknown [inseparable] no no no [it is just an adolescent rebellion] yes no no [leaves because of one s mate] yes no no [gets scared/can t take the stress] yes no yes [they weren t completely devoted to the group/ their actions weren t sincere] unknown yes yes [did not suit the group s lifestyle] unknown no no [is in contact with the wrong people] unknown no no [does something shameful to the group: lies, runs away from a fight] unknown no no [different worldviews] unknown no yes [turns out he/she is a foreigner] unknown no no 83

84 Groups and Environments 2 Table 3. Excerpt from the full table of variables and their values (the last three columns show the values of three Vissarion group members in Lithuania) Variable u~: Why members sometimes drop out of the group? Common list of empirical values developed by the researchers of different groups Respondent 1 Respondent 2 Respondent 3 [aims and views change] no no unknown [realize that it is not their way] no no no [inability to make contacts with other group members, imperfect relationships] no no no [does not practice seriously, cannot get rid of bad habits] no no no [frightened by the fanaticism of other group members] no no no [little by little, distances oneself from others due to communications with people who have different worldviews] no no no [further spiritual searching] no no no [the teachings are too difficult to follow] yes yes no [rejection by spouse/relatives/family] yes no no [lack of belief] no no no [personal] no no no [lack of activity] no no no [realisation that it is impossible to make the group s ideas come true] no no no [inconvenient meeting time and place] no no no [did not find what one expected] no no unknown [inseparable] no no yes [it is just an adolescent rebellion] unknown unknown unknown [leaves because of one s mate] yes no unknown [gets scared/can t take the stress] unknown unknown unknown [they weren t completely devoted to the group/ their actions weren t sincere] unknown no unknown [did not suit the group s lifestyle] inapplicable inapplicable inapplicable [is in contact with the wrong people] no no unknown [does something shameful to the group: lies, runs away from a fight] inapplicable inapplicable inapplicable [different worldviews] no no unknown [turns out he/she is a foreigner] unknown unknown unknown Looking at Tables 2 and 3, one could be surprised by the low number of the yes indications. The main reason is that the values and variables try to reflect the possibilities seen in many various groups, so they are more numerous than one particular group might require. Again there are differences between the members 84

85 Case Studies of the group under consideration, and these effects sum up the variety of the indications seen above. Most concepts which will be elicited by the researchers from the empirical data will emerge naturally as components of the system described above as long as the questions in the questionnaire are aimed at this result. The concepts that the researchers find will help to identify significant variables, which are necessary for describing the groups behaviours. The proposed data analysis is very natural. All of its structural components reflect the reality of a group s behaviour. Consequently the system theory does not simply form a rough theoretical framework from top to bottom but also assists in organising the empirical data in a way that answers the main question of the project, namely how groups arise and function. The proposed model of analysis will help us to form a more exhaustive description of the behaviour of a group. References Bird, S., Klein, E., & Loper, E. (2009). Natural Language Processing with Python: Analyzing Text with the Natural Language Toolkit. Retrieved from Luenberger, D. G. (1979). Introduction to dynamic systems. New York: Wiley. Murray, J. D. (2005). Mathematical Biology (2nd ed.). New York: Springer. Ramanauskaitė, E., & Vaišnys, R. (2009). Lessons from a Lithuanian Hippie Paradise Glimpsed through a Keyhole. In G. McKay, Ch. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaitė (Eds.), Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe, 15. Oxford, Bern, Berlin: Peter Lang. Andrius Buivydas Centre for Cultural Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Vytautas Magnus University, Laisvės al , LT Kaunas, Lithuania. a.buivydas@gmf.vdu.lt Egidija Ramanauskaitė Centre for Cultural Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Vytautas Magnus University, Laisvės al , LT Kaunas, Lithuania. egidija@hmf.vdu.lt J. Rimas Vaišnys Department of Electrical Engineering, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut 06511, U.S.A; Centre for Cultural Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Vytautas Magnus University, Laisvės al , LT Kaunas, Lithuania. rimas.vaisnys@yale.edu Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

86 Groups and Environments 2 Andrius Buivydas Egidija Ramanauskaitė J. Rimas Vaišnys (Autoriai išvardyti abėcėlės tvarka) Metodai ir kompiuterinių programų panaudojimas sisteminei kokybinių duomenų analizei Santrauka Straipsnyje pateikiamas sisteminės duomenų analizės metodas, grindžiamas dinaminių sistemų teorijos prieiga (žr. Groups in Theory and Practice, p. 23), kurį VDU Kultūros tyrimų centro tyrėjai taikė atvejo studijose. Metodas buvo išbandytas ir grupių lyginamajai analizei, dalyvaujant tyrėjams iš CIVIS (Moldova), Region (Rusija), CASD (Tatarstanas) tyrimų centrų, taip pat Daugpilio universiteto (Latvija) ir Galati Dunarea de Jos universiteto (Rumunija). 2 Straipsnyje pateikti pavyzdžiai iš Lietuvos hipių grupės duomenų analizės ir iš SAL projekte taikytos lyginamosios duomenų analizės. Autorių sukurtos sisteminės duomenų analizės pagrindinis principas suformuoti tyrimui reikšmingas duomenų struktūras, kurios padėtų išsamiai aprašyti duomenis, taip pat palyginti dviejų ar daugiau grupių duomenis. Buvo suformuotos tiriamosios sistemos (individo arba grupės) būsenos, aplinkos ir saviraiškos kintamųjų ir verčių struktūros, kurios padėjo ieškoti priežastinių ryšių tarp minėtų kintamųjų. Sukurta kompiuterinė tekstinių duomenų analizės programa, kuri padeda tyrėjui greičiau ir tiksliau išrūšiuoti duomenis. Straipsnyje aprašytas duomenų paruošimo kompiuterinei analizei metodas: kaip tyrėjas turi sužymėti duomenis, kad kompiuteris suprastų tyrėjo sumanymą. Straipsnio autoriai norėtų paskatinti tyrėjus pačius kurti kompiuterines programas, kurios gali padėti lengviau įgyvendinti jų individualius sumanymus. Raktažodžiai: sisteminė duomenų analizė, kokybinė analizė, kompiuteriniai įrankiai, kintamieji, vertės. 2 Sisteminei analizei panaudoti 209 respondentų duomenys iš trijų skinhedų grupių, dviejų neopagonių grupių, hiphopo grupės, taip pat krišnaistų, Visariono ir Anastasijos grupių. 86

87 Ethnic Revival Groups Photo by R. Hlúšek

88

89 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Elena Omel chenko Elvira Sharifullina Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Neo-Pagan Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia Abstract Literature to date on the neo-pagan movement in Russia has focused on understanding the movement as a form of escape and evaluating the relative harm posed to individuals and society by such organisations. This research focused on the everyday manifestation and reproduction of Slavic neo-pagan groups in St. Petersburg. The research suggested that, as the Slavic neo-pagan movement struggled to establish an agreed set of principles and practices, disagreements focused on the relative weight of its ideological and cultural components and that particular communities of neo-pagans had become organised around their position in relation to these discourses. Keywords: xenophobia, drug use, youth, subculture, neo-paganism Introduction Current academic literature on the question of Paganism might be broadly defined as adopting one of two approaches. The first envisages Paganism as one tendency within a wider sphere of New religious movements by which it is meant that such religious or spiritual groups have emerged relatively recently or have not been recognised publicly as distinct denominations, churches or religions (Barker, 1997). The second approach interprets Paganism as a branch of the New-Age movement, where New-Age is understood as a particular constellation of various occult groups which emerged as a movement for the revival of spirituality, esoteric traditions and the revision of established views. Paganism, from this viewpoint, is characterised by syncretism and the belief in the unity of science, mysticism and religion (Kanterov, 2006). Common to both these approaches is the understanding of the attraction of Paganism as lying in the desire to escape the reality of the everyday contemporary world. Much of this literature consists of descriptions regarding reasons for such an escape, various Pagan groups themselves, the form and depth of the escape 89

90 Groups and Environments 2 into groups, the relative potential harm to society such movements present and the acceptability of individual choices to join such groups. In contrast to this emerging body of literature, the research conducted for SAL moved away from the centrality of the notion of escape to consider the mechanisms of the reproduction of the logic concerning the everyday lives of people identifying themselves as Pagans. This shift of focus allowed researchers to explore new questions in the field such as how and why particular elements of traditional and sacred knowledge (be they practices or speech forms) become normatively accepted while others are rendered unacceptable. The understanding of neo-paganism adopted for this research was that it constitutes a form of polytheism by which, in part, various kinds of historical, traditional and cultural forms (knowledge, perceptions, practices, bodily forms) and images of the sacred are learned, re-thought, given new meaning and reproduced. Methods One six-week period of fieldwork was conducted in Spring Access to the group was gained through existing contacts in St. Petersburg and contacts provided by scene members in other cities. Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, a survey of the media coverage and self-presentation of the groups (especially via the Internet) was conducted. This also facilitated initial contacts for example in the case of the neo-pagan case study through chat forums. In all cases, snowballing was used to generate new respondents from contacts provided by key informants. The main methodological techniques employed for gathering data for these case studies were: web-site analysis ethnographic observation recorded interviews with respondents researcher diaries visual mappings of urban space used by the groups emploing still and video photography. A total of 14 interviews and one fieldwork diary were analysed in this case study. Results Group-society relations In Russian society, neo-paganism is a marginal discourse in relation to monotheism. This is manifested in the fact that the Russian Orthodox Church treats neo-pagans 90

91 Ethnic Revival Groups even more negatively than it does members of religious sects. Informants reported that they often concealed their views for fear of evoking a negative reaction, being ridiculed or simply not being understood appropriately. The prefix neo is thus adopted in this research to describe members of neo-pagan communities in order to indicate linguistically the significance of the discursive construction of the movement in contemporary Russia. Talking about the direct reproduction of Paganism (in contrast to other contemporary religions like Judaism, Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, Lamaism, Sintoism or Brahmanism) in contemporary Russia is impossible due to the dominant culture of monotheism whose hegemony is underpinned by the maintenance of a particular understanding and structuring of traditional and sacred knowledge. Intra-group relations Although neo-paganism is very internally diverse, this research focused, from the outset, on Slavic neo-pagans (see Gaidukov, n.d.). Thus the research related to Slavic and Scandinavian forms of neo-paganism as well as to followers of Wicca. 1 This focus facilitated the understanding of how the different meanings attached to neo- Paganism had engendered a discursive confrontation over the establishment of the principles of normative neo-paganism both in general as well as within particular branches of it (Slavic, Scandinavian and Wicca). The analysis of Slavic neo-pagan websites conducted for this research 2 suggests that Slavic neo-paganism falls into two broad categories. The first the cultural branch of the movement is oriented towards the history of the Slavs of Ancient Rus, their culture, daily life, traditions and the reconstruction of Pagan rituals and holidays. The second group of websites, in addition to containing information on the history and rituals of neo-paganism, also carry literature of a nationalist, revisionist and racially-oriented kind. This was particularly evident from the exploration of linked sites which almost always contained not only neo-pagan references but also fascist and nationalist materials. Thus organisations and communities whose leaders and representatives openly demonstrated nationalist views were considered to constitute a second, ideological branch of Slavic neo-paganism. The results of the analysis of the informational space of Slavic neo-paganism were confirmed by interviews with neo-pagans and discussions within their groups. 1 Wicca is derived from the synthesis of eastern magical rituals and a series of books on European witchcraft. At the heart of Wicca ethics is the principle, Do what you want as long as it harms no-one. The movement consists of small groups (covens) who gather twice per month (at new moon and half way through the lunar cycle). They also celebrate a series of ancient Celtic festivals (Halloween, Beltane etc.) (Falikhov, 1999, p. 104). 2 A total of 38 neo-pagan sites were studied prior to commencing the fieldwork. 91

92 Groups and Environments 2 This suggested that, as the Slavic neo-pagan movement struggled to establish an agreed set of principles and practices, disagreement focused around the relative weight of its ideological and cultural components. At the current point in time, it is the ideological branch of Slavic neo-paganism which dominates. This is evident from the representation of neo-paganism in the public sphere (media, Internet) and specifically its dominance in claims on the true understanding of historical, cultural and sacred knowledge. On the level of everyday practice, this discursive struggle was an important element in the positioning of individual subjects within the group as this respondent makes clear: Respondent: Religion as a way of life was what interested me. I was more oriented towards the spiritual aspect. I bought the relevant literature and read it. I found people of a like mind to talk to via the Internet met with them once or twice. We discussed common interests and after some time 2 or 3 months we set up our society, completely separate from politics, from everything. We discuss only issues relating to traditions. Not a whiff of nationalism. Far from it. Interviewer: Do you mean in your group or more generally? Respondent: We never cooperate with organisations which politicise it all but there are many of those kinds of organisations, even in Petersburg. So we make a clear distinction. So that s how we formed basically we determined our ideas and principles and the frameworks within which we wanted to work, made sure we were clear about them. In particular we don t want anything to do with politics and what I mentioned. That s it basically. The main members are all right here in front of you bar five or six people who can t make it every day. (M., Scandinavian Pagan) Thus the rupture between the ideological and cultural discourses of neo- Paganism means that particular communities of neo-pagans become organised around their position in relation to these discourses. Conclusions At its current stage of development, Slavic neo-paganism in St. Petersburg falls into two broad categories a cultural branch of the movement oriented towards the history of the Slavs of Ancient Rus, their culture, daily life, traditions and the reconstruction of Pagan rituals and holidays and an ideological branch which propagates nationalist, revisionist and racially-oriented worldviews. This division is central to the self-identification of individual neo-pagans and neo-pagan groups and prevents any agreed set of principles and practices for the movement being established. It also makes the movement vulnerable to criticism from within the dominant culture. 92

93 Ethnic Revival Groups Policy recommendations There are several factors which differentiate neo-pagan companies. The first are role games, reconstructionism. The second are different types of mystical practices, symbols and rhetoric. Among outside influences, the important one is the influence of the symbolic and historical heritage of the city. From the historical point of view, there is a wide field for role and reconstructionist movements. Images of St. Petersburg as a living entity are widespread in literature, and this fact shapes the mystical practices, symbols and rhetoric of the company s members. There are two key places for the spatial localisation of a company the kapishche (place for rituals and worships) in the city and temporary, tented stands organised for different events. Both can be replaced territorially but remain as important places. In both cases, the symbolic core of these places is the opportunity to communicate and exchange information, experiences and knowledge. Private space is not only place of residence for the company s members but also the webpage on the site, vkontakte.ru. Everyone has more than 30 friends there. That means the numbers of friends are growing, especially after events. Companies arise around the most active and experienced participants. A factor defining leadership is the so-called uncivilised, meaning the rejection of norms and ethic rules of the wider society. The second key factor is the level of spiritual development or deepness of world understanding on positions of existing cult forms or on an individually-developed worldview. Males are quite masculine. Females are defined according to their attractiveness. If a person is subscribed in the category of beauty, that person gets the most attention. A person gets the most protection if that person belongs to the group. Young women are quite a specific combination of features. From one side, they are very independent. From another side, they become very feminine when taking on an old-fashioned role. But they still remain active. From the point of role gamers and reconstructivists, a man is warrior, and a woman is a girlfriend of a warrior. The active position is ascribed to the warrior. From a mystical view, both a man and a woman are strong. Gender doesn t restrict the ability to understand life. A unifying factor in the company is the reading of fantasy and historical literature. Alcohol is widespread in the company but it is not abused; many smoke. In the context of tolerance towards various forms of difference in the youth sphere, it is important to note that neo-paganism is considered by the authorities not as a subcultural identity but as a non-normative religious practice. Moreover practising neo-paganism is not only labelled non-normative, but concrete actions are taken to destroy the places in which representatives of neo-pagan communities 93

94 Groups and Environments 2 gather. Specifically, in the city of St. Petersburg, a temple (where people meet and pray) was cleared of sacred monuments (idols): Respondent: I remember it really well although I don t remember who did it. [They said] we cannot allow hostility between religions so, in place of this foul Pagan temple, we are going to construct a sacred Orthodox church. This will make sure there is no hostility. This, they said, is what we will build. Interviewer: And had this temple always been there? Respondent: How do you mean, always? At first it was the Triglav, the Triglav Temple [Triglav is] another of the deities, one of the gods of war really, of the military gods, Pagan ones. That s how it was. They were building a temple, some Tajiks came as construction workers, and the cops rounded up the Tajiks and took them away on the orders of Mrs. Markova, or maybe not Markova. I don t remember; probably it was Mrs Markova. (M., neo-pagan, 29-year old) The official reasons given by the authorities for pulling down the temple and removing property registered as belonging to a voluntary organisation from the square were twofold: 1. The neo-pagans had seized the land without permission. 2. The rituals conducted at the temple had raised questions; information had been received that they bore a nationalistic and extremist character. The temple was transferred by the priest (zhrets) and Pagan followers to another place not far from the original one and it is now operational there. In this sense, the measures taken had no lasting effect. Moreover, it is important not to forget that Slavic Pagan communities are characterised by Russophile and xenophobic sentiments. In this particular case, this is evident from the fact that the leader of the Slavic Pagan community has xenophobic views and accepts skinheads into Paganism. This can be seen as providing support to the nationalistic skinhead movement. However, it would be a mistake to think that the eradication of places of meeting and prayer by the authorities will change this situation. On the basis of the research conducted, we can state that it would be more effective to offer discursive and socio-cultural support to groups and individuals who interpret and engage with Slavic Paganism such as: 1. A form of spiritual development Respondent: So it is all connected to the forest, to natural forces. The forests generally are really the cult of trees is particularly well-developed. Of course then it all got tied up with power and so on. But at the start, it was like that. Interviewer: And what is it for you? Respondent: For me it is inspiration. I was at art school and, at some point, someone told me that there was a Celtic Festival called The May Tree in Vyborg. When you get to this May Tree, it turns out they have everything there. There s Ancient Rome and everything you could want. Teutonic knights in armour. And the only thing left of the Celts is the May Tree ritual and the ribbons. So not much really. But even so, it s like a core around which 94

95 Ethnic Revival Groups this can grow. I really believe in natural forces. This is something really significant for me. [M., neo-pagan, 29-year old] 2. The reconstruction of historic or ancient practices There are individuals who come consciously. Those who want to learn the culture join the folklorists. In the folk music clubs, the girls [learn] dancing and singing. And when we get together and get going, it s marvellous. They have their songs, and we have our games. They celebrate Kupala [summer solstice] beautifully it s such a great event. (M., neo-pagan, 30-year old) In this vein, it is important to give those interested the opportunity to work in local history museums so that their practices and methods become not only an individual hobby but an important socio-cultural activity. Of course one problem here is that the subcultural status of neo-pagans means that they often prefer their own spaces and places and try to avoid incorporation into existing cultural institutions. This might be addressed by seeking to create places where they can realise their interest in the past in new ways. Indeed there is some indication that the development of new forms and spaces for expression might meet approval from below. For example, currently, participation in large scale fight reconstructions is being challenged within the movement as a result of a number of serious injuries. Respondent: Two people ended up disabled after just 15 minutes of fighting, not even 15. But that s exceptional. Usually you get away with just broken bones and bruises. Getting the edge of a shield in your face is pretty normal. I have had teeth knocked out three times. And that happened last time even though at last I had a concealed mask on. Interviewer: What is a concealed mask? Respondent: Well you see Russian helmets are mainly not European. I mean they are not like [European ones]. The European type is a like a pot with slits for the eyes, whereas a Russian helmet is open. This is because the Russians usually fought with peoples from the Steppe. We fought Europeans less. When you fight with people from the Steppe, you need to see into the distance, the Steppe. If you are wearing a tin can like that, then you can t see anything; you have no peripheral vision. You d be killed three times over before you located anybody. So for that reason, the helmets were kept as simple as possible. And since we are into reconstruction and not fantasy, we make real helmets but try to sneak into there as much mask as possible to keep as many teeth as possible whole. It s expensive to replace teeth. I found that out for myself. (M., neo-pagan, 30-year old) This growing disaffection with fighting as the main group activity might be used as a starting point for switching the main activity to mastering the art of fighting, by replacing actual fighting with an effective demonstration of fighting instruments and skills. 95

96 Groups and Environments 2 References Barker, E. (1997). Novie religioznie dvizheniia: Prakticheskoe vvedenie. St. Petersburg: Izdatel stvo Russkogo Hristianskogo gumanitarnogo instituta. Trans. of New Religious Movements: A Practical Introduction (1989): London, Her Majesty s Stationery Office. Falikhov, B. (1999). Novie religioznie dvizheniia khristianskogo i nekhristianskogo proiskhozhdeniia. Khristianstvo i drugie religii. Moscow: Svjato-Filaretovskij Pravoslavno- Hristianskij Institut. Kanterov, I. I. (2006). Novie religioznie dvizheniia v Rossii. Moscow: MGU im. M. V. Lomonosova. Gaidukov, A. (n.d). Molodezhnaia subkul tura slavianskogo neoiazychestva v Peterburge. Retrieved February 15, 2009, from Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. omelchenkoe@mail.ru Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. H.Pilkington@warwick.ac.uk Elvira Sharifullina Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. ellain@yandex.ru Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Hilary Pilkington Elena OmelČenko Elvira šarifulina Neopagonių jaunimo grupės Rusijoje (Sankt Peterburge) Santrauka Mokslinė literatūra, analizuojanti neopagonių judėjimą Rusijoje, iki šiol daugiausia dėmesio skyrė judėjimo, kaip socialinio eskapizmo (angl. escape), analizei ir santykinės tokių judėjimų keliamos žalos asmenims ir visuomenei įvertinimui. Šis tyrimas susitelkia į kasdienę slavų neopagonių grupių saviraišką ir jų reprodukciją Sankt Peterburge. Atvejo studija atlikta remiantis stebėjimu, grupių svetainių analize, 14 giluminių interviu ir vienu tyrėjo dienoraščiu. Tyrėjai nustatė, kad Sankt Peterburgo slavų neopagonių judėjimas turi dvi šakas. Kultūrinė šio judėjimo šaka nukreipta į senosios Rusios slavų istoriją, jų kultūrą, kasdienybės papročius, tradicijas, ritualų rekonstrukciją; ideologinė šaka propaguoja nacionalizmą, rasistinius požiūrius. Šios skirtingos vertybės yra atskirų slavų pagonių grupių tapatybės formavimo pagrindas. Toks judėjimo pasidalijimas sąlygoja visuomenės kritiką, kelia grupių tarpusavio nesutarimus. 96

97 Ethnic Revival Groups Tyrėjai pateikia rekomendacijas valdymo sferoje dirbantiems visuomenės veikėjams, kuriose atskleidžia pagrindinius grupės narių elgesio bruožus, jų interesus bei siūlo grupių narių socialinės integracijos galimybes. Raktažodžiai: ksenofobija, narkotikų vartojimas, jaunimas, subkultūra, neopagonybė. 97

98

99 Gatis Ozoliņš University of Daugavpils ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Contemporary Dievturi Movement in Latvia: Between Folklore and Nationalism Abstract The movement of Dievturība was formed in the late 1920s as an alternative combination of Christianity and new nationalism and it is proclaimed as an invention of tradition in contemporary society. The participants of the Dievturi movement consider Dievturība as a specific Latvian religion based on Latvian folklore and national ideology. They emphasise that each nation has its ancestral/ethnic religion, and the duty of a nation is to take care of it. Dievturi acknowledge and treat Latvian folklore as the source of their ethnic religion. The methods used and the data acquired during the research (e.g., field research) give a clear idea of Dievturība in contemporary society. They are trying to practise Dievturība as an ethnic religion, but there are no considerable changes or new ideas aimed at the doctrine of the group. The members of the group characterise their involvement in the movement as the development of personality and a good possibility for spending their leisure time in an attractive and exciting way. The Dievturi movement has not managed to attract the contemporary intelligentsia to reinvent itself for the modern age and it is not attracting any considerable attention from the mass media. Keywords: Dievturība, ethnic religion, fieldwork, nationalism, neo-paganism, Latvian folklore, social values Introduction In recent years, nearly every European society, including Latvia, has been faced with the emergence and growth of different New religious movements (NRMs). Some of these NRMs are centred around the re-invention of pre-christian belief systems. These NRMs strictly deny Christianity and reclaim a primordial European or national spirituality for themselves. The forms of such neo-pagan belief systems and religious practices are mostly very inhomogeneous across different groups and countries. The term neo-paganism is well known in Latvia, but Dievturība 1 in 1 The term, Dievturība, is derived from the Latvian Dievs God, and turēt hold and it is generally translated as people who hold or live according to God s laws. Formation of the Latvian Dievturība took place in 1926, when it was registered as a religious community. Its rise associated with widespread nationalism in Europe at that time, and the aim of the participants was to provide an ideological basis 99

100 Groups and Environments 2 Latvia differs from the contemporary neo-pagan tradition by several aspects. For instance, Dievturība is not characterised as a pantheistic, polytheistic, shamanistic or magical religion oriented towards the spirituality of nature. These aspects, characteristic of neo-paganism, are on the periphery of the contemporary Dievturi movement. Our consideration is that Dievturība continues the tradition started in 1920s and it can be proclaimed as the invention of the tradition. Although the history of its origin is well known, the ones forming the new tradition try to construct it as the reconstruction of authentic, ancient Latvian concepts (e.g., Misāne, 2000, pp ). Dievturi regard that Latvian folk songs entail all of Latvian religion and its faith, morality, aesthetics, social views and values. Dievturība is close to those New religious movements which emphasise ethnic aspects. Its ethnic religious construction is based on unsophisticated doctrine, sacral texts and practice of rituals (e.g., Beitnere, 1995; Misāne, 2000; Misāne, 2005; Рыжакова, 1995; Saivars, 1997). Our aim of the research is focused on obtaining the elements of nationalism and social values and the interpretation of folklore in Latvian Dievturi groups (e.g., Dievturība in the context of NRMs movements, major values and ideas in the policy of national ideology and group member goals, activities and interests). Moreover, the aim is both to describe and formulate the position and functions of modern Dievturi groups and their impact and significance in strengthening the existence of the Latvian nation along with its values and ethnic religion and the ability to influence the formation and development of social values in the society. Methods The aim of our research is gained by summarising the results of the fieldworks in among contemporary Dievturi groups using the methods of participant observation, ethnographic descriptions, semi-structured interviews and methods of visual anthropology (the techniques of photography and filming) and the analysis of the data in mass media. The research obtains the information on which it is based from thirty extensive interviews (from 1.5 to 4.5 hours) with group leaders and active members, photos (200) and video-materials (16 hours) from exaltations and other Dievturi events and questionnaires (32). for the Latvian nation state. The Dievturi Church popularised a Latvian way of life in areas such as religion, politics, economics, art, philosophy and the like. At that time, Dievturība only partially joined the European neo-pagan tradition; it was more like a national ideology. During the Soviet period, Dievturība did not exist officially in Latvia, but some groups continued their activities in exile in the 1950s and later. In Latvia, Dievturība was officially reconstructed in 1990, after a rather long time of non-existence. Dievturi in present day Latvia has split into 15 groups. 100

101 Ethnic Revival Groups The structured compilation of the data (based on interviews and questionnaires with Dievturi ) in SAL/neo-Pagan spreadsheets of Google docs (e.g., impact on society and wider society, family, friends and institutions, environment in the past, lifestyle and image, values and ideas, true/false member) is used as an additional method for comparing the results of similar groups. Results The major activities of Dievturi groups involve exaltation, 2 family festivals (name-giving ceremonies, weddings, funerals), folk music group concerts, culturalhistorical tours (visiting ancient cult places, sacred places and hill forts), preparing publications and articles for the mass media, organising summer camps, meditative rituals, celebrating the great annual festivals (the autumn, winter, spring and summer solstices) and significant events in Latvian history and so forth. As the main element of national ideology in these groups, folklore has been studied in the context of the rite of exaltation. It is evident that Dievturi groups treat Latvian folklore as the source of their ethnic religion. Among the most significant social values are kindness, truthfulness and accord, world cognition and joy, honesty, respect towards the values of other people as long as they do not interfere with the individual freedom of the human being to openly express his or her worldview. Other positive values also include family, veneration of ancestral virtues, generally humane values, healthy lifestyle, respect towards nature, ability to become part of the world processes and the cosmic rhythm and the wish to pass down Latvian virtues and the legacy of traditional culture to future generations. Many of the Dievturi emphasise the significance and worth of tolerance inviting to pay closer attention to the philosophy of Latvian folk-songs instead of engaging in social and political activities. Globalisation tendencies of Latvian society (including internationalism and cosmopolitism) along with the acceptance and promotion of negative virtues (one-sex marriages, homosexuality) receive a very negative evaluation; they are characterised as an essential threat to the existence of the Latvian nation in the nearest future. Any kind of religious or political fanaticism that turns people into impersonal marionettes poses a threat to the personal freedom and human rights and national rights for independence is negatively evaluated. In the context of gender stereotypes, Dievturi groups unanimously accept gender equality grounding it on the notions of folk-songs and correspondence to the Latvian mentality according to which each gender has particular functions, rights and duties in the family and community. 2 Exaltation (daudzinājums) is a term used only by Dievturi, who introduced it to emphasize the difference between their way of praising God and Christian religious services. 101

102 Groups and Environments 2 The number of members in the most active Latvian groups is approximately 30. The age of the participants is mostly middle-aged and older. Dievturi events are also attended by young people, yet their influence in the group is insignificant. The groups in Latvia are characterised by the high proportion of females (about 70%). Nevertheless group leaders are usually males. The contemporary Latvian Dievturi group members acknowledge that their involvement in the group relates to a good possibility for spending their leisure time and professing and developing the Latvian worldview and identity. For many of them, it is a calling and duty to their past (sustaining the legacy of their ancestors) and the future (passing down the ancestral legacy to younger generations); hence, on the ideal level, this involvement is a sense of mission to sacrifice themselves to Dievturi and to people and to cultivate traditional values in the name of the society-to-come. Discussion and conclusions Present day Latvian Dievturi groups are practicing Dievturība as a national religion. Though almost all Dievturi followers admit that religious tolerance is the most significant value in relation to other religions, it is just a theoretical assumption. This coveres-up the concept of national self-awareness which nowadays does not impact the social structure of Latvia, since Dievturi groups are peripheral in the contemporary culture, education and politics of Latvia. As a result, the Dievturi movement in contemporary Latvia is not attracting any considerable attention from the mass media and public financing sources. Dievturi groups are weak, because members are growing older. They are not able to attract youth or solve their internal problems, since several active Dievturi group participants have either abandoned Dievturība and do not practice it in any way or they act individually and their actions do not reach beyond the boundaries of their own family or friends. Furthermore the Dievturi movement has not managed to attract the contemporary intelligentsia to reinvent itself for the modern age. Unless it addresses these problems, the Dievturība will have no strong future but it may exist for some time yet. The national elements used presently by Dievturi groups as symbols of national values are semantically insignificant and, in the social environment, they are treated as attributes of archaic Latvianness that, in the best case scenario, can only be used in annual festivals and pseudo-national decorum. People in Latvia more or less recognise the national culture symbols used by Dievturi, yet their world perception is not influenced in any significant way. Besides, the national elements used by Dievturi in their rites are not their private property. National costumes, cuisine, 102

103 Ethnic Revival Groups annual festivals, the related symbolism, sacred places and hill forts and folklore belong to everyone and may be used in diverse and very different contexts. This means that they do affect the society (e.g., national cuisine and costume for annual festivals), education (e.g., celebrating annual festivals at school) and culture (e.g., in the form of culture signs in the text). However, society is not strongly influenced by the elements of national culture employed by Latvian Dievturi groups. References Beitnere, D. (1995). Lettische heidnische religion als vertreterin des religiosen synkretismus. Annals of the European Academy of Sciences and Arts, 15, Misāne, A. (2000). The traditional Latvian religion of Dievturība in the discourse of nationalism. Humanities and Social Sciences. Latvia. Religious minorities in Latvia, 4, Misāne, A. (2005). Dievturība Latvijas reliģisko un politisko ideju vēsturē. Reliģiski-filozofiski raksti, 10, Рыжакова, С. И. (1995). Dievturība. Латышское неоязычество и истоки национализма. Российская Академия Наук. Институт Этнологии и Антропологии. Исследования по прикладной и неотложной этнологии, 121, Saivars, J. (1997). Kā atbildēt Dievturi em., Mantojums, 1, Gatis Ozoliņš Department of Latvian Literature and Culture, University of Daugavpils, Vienibas iela 13, LV-5401 Daugavpils, Latvia. Received 27 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Gatis Ozoliņš Šiuolaikinis dievturių judėjimas Latvijoje: tarp folkloro ir nacionalizmo Santrauka Dievturyba judėjimas Latvijoje buvo įkurtas 1920 m. pabaigoje kaip alternatyvus krikščionybės ir naujojo nacionalizmo idėjų derinys, propaguojantis naują požiūrį į tradicijas. Tyrinėjant atlikta 30 giluminių interviu su judėjimui priklausančių įvairių grupių lyderiais ir aktyviais nariais, užpildyti klausimynai, sukaupta daug filmuotos medžiagos, analizuota, kaip judėjimą pristato žiniasklaida. Tyrėjai nustatė, jog dievturių judėjimo nariai laiko dievturybą išskirtine latvių religija, kuri remiasi Latvijos folkloru ir nacionaline ideologija; pabrėžia, kad kiekviena tauta turi savo protėvių / etninę religiją, o tautos pareiga yra rūpintis ja. Dievturiai pripažįsta ir laiko latvių folklorą savo etninės religijos šaltiniu, grupių nariai praktikuoja dievturybą 103

104 Groups and Environments 2 kaip etninę religiją, apibūdina savo dalyvavimą judėjime kaip asmenybės ugdymą ir puikią galimybę patraukliai ir įdomiai praleisti laisvalaikį. Tyrimas atskleidė judėjimo narių vertybes, jų papročius, pagrindinius tapatybės bruožus. Dievturių judėjimui nepavyko pritraukti gausesnio šiuolaikinės inteligentijos būrio ir aktyviau įsilieti į visuomenės gyvenimą, todėl jis nesuranda platesnio atgarsio. Raktažodžiai: dievturyba, etninė religija, lauko tyrimas, nacionalizmas, neopagonybė, Latvijos folkloras, socialinės vertybės. 104

105 Piotr Wiench Warsaw University of Life Sciences ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Neo-Pagan Groups in Central-Eastern Europe Abstract Over recent years, a new phenomenon called polytheistic Reconstructionism emerged among the neo-pagan milieu. Groups belonging to this stream of neo-paganism claim that they inherit a long tradition reaching back to the ancient times. A fieldwork study on these groups, conducted in several countries of Central-Eastern Europe indicates their intense networking and ability to create transnational structures. Keywords: religion, nationalism, neo-paganism, Reconstructionism, ethnicity, Paganism, New religious rovements Introduction The subproject prepared by the Faculty of the Humanities at the Warsaw University of Life Sciences (formerly known as Warsaw Agricultural University) was concentrated on groups representing the so-called polytheistic reconstructionism, which is a brand of neo-paganism inspired by folklore and ethnicity. The principal investigator was Dr. Piotr Wiench, an assistant professor at WULS. According to the definition by Timothy Jay Alexander, Polytheistic Reconstructionism, sometimes simply referred to as Reconstructionism, is the practice of rebuilding an ancient cultural pre-christian religion based on the best available archaeological evidence and, where evidence is lacking, making inferences from scholarly comparisons to similar cultures and religions, both ancient and modern (Alexander, 2007, p. 16). The groups chosen for the fieldwork were selected according to their conformity to the above stated features. The main objective of the fieldwork was to interview the key activists/leaders of the selected groups in several countries of Central-Eastern and Southern Europe (Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Ukraine, Hungary and Serbia) to obtain a comparative perspective of the contemporary reconstrucionist movements in Central-Eastern Europe. 105

106 Groups and Environments 2 Methods The research was done using the qualitative approach solely. The main research tools were 17 semi-structured interviews with key activists/leaders of the target groups. The interviews were based on a questionnaire which contained five basic sections (characteristic of the group, ideas, activity, tradition, Paganism and the social mainstream). The emphasis in the interviews was on the ideas of the group, on the concept of tradition and on the problem of the re-construction and construction of tradition. Sources of legitimacy for the group were especially important to its members who were usually engaged in seeking sources in antiquity for the tradition they represent. Results As the members of the movements state themselves, they have gathered to express their solidarity for the ethnic, indigenous, native and/or traditional religions of Europe and the other regions of the world (WCER, 1998). The research also revealed the process of integration and unification of the neo- Pagan religious movements which are driven by the need to unite, because they perceive themselves as an oppressed minority. In some cases, there is clear evidence of this discrimination, including some forms of legal discrimination on religious grounds. Yet another topic of this research involves the sources of inspiration for these movements. It disclosed very distant locations and traditions involving cases such as the Hungarian neo-shamans. The main research findings can be summarised as follows: The target group patterns of behaviour and activity occurring with striking regularity within groups which have nothing in common and which never even had an opportunity to meet. Most of the groups claim that they are heirs of ancient traditions. They usually stress the role of nature as the source of divinity. They claim that they focus on the reconstruction of extinct or eradicated traditions. Although some groups display certain latent forms of radicalism, the majority is not politically engaged. None of the groups has developed a strategy for recruitment of new members and no conversion-oriented activities are present in their activities. They tend to represent a conservative set of values. 106

107 Ethnic Revival Groups Discussion and conclusions The most interesting part of the research findings is the insight into an ongoing process of globalisation within the New religious movements which leads to an integration of the reconstructionist movements. This process has passed through two distinctive stages. First the World Congress of Ethnic Religions, which represents mostly the European groups, was created. Later the close cooperation of WCER with Hindu groups began. Both the Reconstructionists and Hinduists define themselves as original, ethnic, native religions. This permits close collaboration and, with the help of the Indian diaspora, the development of an extended network of participating groups worldwide. References Alexander, T. J. (2007). Hellenismos Today. Lulu.com. Davy, B. J. (2006). Introduction to Pagan Studies. Rowman Altamira. Ferlat, A. (2007). Néo-Paganisme Et Globalisation. In M. Geoffroy, M. Gardaz, J.-G. Vaillancourt, & M. G. Médiaspaul (Eds.). La mondialisation du phénomène religieux (pp ). Montréal: Médiaspaul. Harvey, G. (2007). Inventing Paganisms: Making nature. In J. R. Lewis, & O. Hammer (Eds.), The Invention of Sacred Tradition (pp ). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Laruelle, M. (2008, April). Alternative identity, alternative religion? Neo-Paganism and the Aryan myth in contemporary Russia. Nations and Nationalism, 14 (2), (19). Blackwell Publishing. Piotr Wiench Warsaw University of Life Sciences (formerly Warsaw Agricultural University), Nowoursynowska 166, Warszawa, Poland. Received 29 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Piotr Wiench Neopagonių grupės Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje Santrauka Šio tyrimo metu buvo atlikta 17 giluminių interviu su atrinktų neopagonių grupių lyderiais iš Lietuvos, Latvijos, Lenkijos, Čekijos, Slovakijos, Ukrainos, Vengrijos ir Serbijos. Tyrimo tikslas atlikti Rytų ir Vidurio Europos šalių rekonstrukcinio judėjimo raiškų lyginamąją analizę. 107

108 Groups and Environments 2 Pagrindinės tyrimo temos apėmė grupių charakteristikas, idėjas, veiklas, tradicijas, pagonybės ir socialinio meinstrymo santykius. Pastebima, jog pastaraisiais metais neopagonių aplinkoje atsirado naujas reiškinys, vadinamas politeistiniu rekonstrukcionizmu. Šiai neopagoniškai srovei priklausančios grupės teigia, kad jos paveldi ilgalaikes tradicijas, siekiančias gilią senovę. Šių grupių tyrimai Vidurio ir Rytų Europos šalyse rodo intensyvų jų bendravimą ir gebėjimą kurti tarptautines struktūras. Tyrimas atskleidžia naujųjų religinių judėjimų globalizacijos procesą, susijusį su rekonstrukcionistinių judėjimų integracija. Su juo siejamas Pasaulio etninių religijų kongreso suformavimas, kuriame daugiausia dalyvauja Europos grupės, taip pat vėliau užmegztas artimas bendradarbiavimas su hindu grupėmis. Raktažodžiai: religija, nacionalizmas, neopagonybė, rekonstrukcionizmas, pagonybė, naujieji religiniai judėjimai. 108

109 Martin Priečko University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Eco-Villagers (Novolazníci) in Slovakia Abstract The aim of the SAL project, focused on eco-communities in Slovakia, was to explicate the patterns of development and the perspectives of such communities for transforming society under particular socio-economic conditions. It showed up that different social, historical or settlement predispositions significantly limit the overall character of the community and manifestations of everyday life of its individual members as well as the relations within the community. The existence of such a community in the environment of Slovak society points to different patterns and particularities of its development which are contrary to similar communities in the western part of Europe. Keywords: isolated environment, utopian community, eco-village, social heterogeneity, interpersonal conflict Introduction In the scope of the SAL project, I studied and mapped utopian (ecologically-oriented) communities in Slovakia, particularly the way of life of the community members and the community cooperation and cohesion as well as the issues relevant to the application of community principles and ideology in real, everyday life. The community of neocottagers in Zajezova constitutes the dominant part of my research. The previous research to which I had devoted myself since 1999 had focused on revealing the present-day perspectives of a dispersed settlement in Slovakia. During the field research, I noticed that unproductive, deserted and isolated settlements are gradually becoming objects of interest for settlement by various groups of the population who then adapt them for their own activities and, in several cases, for permanent community residence. Due to this, I focused on an overview of the situation in Slovakia, on mapping individual communities and on gathering the widest spectrum of information on communities and their way of existence, all within the first part of the ethnographic fieldwork. Methods and results Partial discovery of my research was the fact that, in the Slovak environment, new intentional communities with a short life span are relatively frequently formed. 109

110 Groups and Environments 2 The communities usually do not survive their first two critical years of existence (Forster & Wilhelmus, 2005, p. 378). The exception, however, is an inconspicuous community in Zajezova which had formed in The existence of this community is based on the principles of a sustainable way of life and the possibilities of its application to a particular environment and life. In this way, it is the dispersed settlement that offers a range of possibilities for its primary application thanks to social, economic and mostly geographic conditions (Huba, 1997, pp ). Another interesting discovery was that several newcomers have preferred life in a distant, isolated environment to the stereotypical life in the city in accordance with a notion regarding the defence of their own personal identities (Farkašová, 2001); they proclaim the return to one s own roots, to the values of ancestors and to the native environment. Such newcomers lived more or less independently (they did not associate in communities) and dispersed in the whole territory with a similar type of settlement. Their typical feature was social and age heterogeneity. On the other hand, the formation and intentional development of community life required a concentration of people not only of the same worldview but also of a similar social background young people with university degrees, mostly up to 40 years of age, originally with no commitments and willing to undertake the risks and experiments in accordance with the needs of the community. A more detailed analysis of the community life, organised within the next part of the fieldwork, was made possible by the concentration of a central, eco-villager community in Zajezova. I had to overcome problems of distrust and admittance into the community with repeated research by repeated participation in community activities and with a widening network of contacts within the community. Long-term involvement within the community enabled me to penetrate more deeply into the structure of the community and analyse particular issues which were not apparent at first sight, from inside the community. In this context, the process of constant solving of interpersonal problems as a part of community development cannot be neglected (Christian, 2004). The extent and intensity of such conflict situations increase proportionally with membership growth, including within the socalled associative membership (Forster & Wilhelmus, 2005, p. 372) or relative to the marital status changes of individual members. Community parental pairs with children have diametrically different requirements for community cooperation and existence from the individually prospering members. Such disproportions currently polarise the community at the opinion and value levels significantly. For now I do not presume to estimate the impact of such polarisation on the future of the community. Time will show. So far these phenomena proved to be fresh issues, and I had the possibility to observe them during my research. These tendencies point to the nonlinear development of such communities, mostly during generational changes within the group. 110

111 Ethnic Revival Groups Conclusions Regarding the contribution of this project, it can be said, I managed to reveal several interesting aspects in part regarding the development of this community which, in many ways, reminds of situations from well-established community lives in Western Europe or on the American continent (e.g., the increase of interpersonal conflicts with the development of the community, two-year critical period of existence, round tables and such). On the other hand, these also point out the dissimilarity in the development of utopian communities under conditions of the present, socioeconomic development in the former Eastern bloc countries (e.g., possibilities for economic prosperity). It is also worthwhile to mention that, within the framework of SAL activities, I managed to draw attention to several aspects of the proclamation of utopianism in Slovakia, a matter that is a novelty in the academic literature of our country. My partial achievements can serve as primary methodical data for a further comparative study of such communities. Last but not least, certain possibilities for comparison appeared during the last conference presentation on issues of young Neo-Cossacks in present-day Russia (with A. Popov). References Christian, D. L. (2004, Summer). Structural conflict and interpersonal conflict. Communities, Farkašová, E. (2001). Lokálne versus globálne. Acta Culturologica, 6, Forster, P. M., & Wilhelmus, M. (2005, December). The role of individuals in community change within the Findhorn Intentional Community. Contemporary Justice Review, 8 (4), Huba, M. (1997). Kopaničiarske osídlenie, životné prostredie a trvalo udržateľný spôsob existencie. Životné prostredie, 31 (2), Librová, H. (2003). Vlažní a váhaví. Kapitoly o ekologickém luxusu. Brno: Doplněk. Steinman, J., & Christian, D. L. (2006, Spring). Community survival during the coming energy decline. Communities, Martin Priečko Department of Ethnology and World Studies, University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Trnava, Slovakia. martin.priecko@ucm.sk Received 15 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

112 Groups and Environments 2 Martin Priečko Slovakijos ekologinio kaimo gyventojai (novolazníci) Santrauka SAL projekto rėmuose buvo tyrinėtos ekologinės bendruomenės Slovakijoje. Tyrėjo tikslas buvo išaiškinti tokių bendruomenių plėtros galimybes ir perspektyvas, ypač besikeičiančios Slovakijos visuomenės socialinėje ir ekonominėje situacijoje. Tyrimas atskleidė, kad Slovakijos ekonominė situacija gerokai apriboja bendruomenių veiklas ir nulemia pagrindinius jų skirtumus nuo Vakarų bendruomenių. Ilgalaikio stebėjimo metu buvo išanalizuota Zajezovos kaimo bendruomenės struktūra ir jos vystymosi charakteristikos, susijusios su tarpasmeninių problemų sprendimu. Tokių konfliktų gausa ir intensyvumas proporcingai auga, didėjant bendruomenės narių skaičiui, jie taip pat susiję su bendruomenės narių šeimyninio statuso pasikeitimais: šeimos kelia kitokius reikalavimus bendruomenei negu prisijungiantys atskiri nariai, nekuriantys šeimų. Slovakijos socialinėje aplinkoje veikianti bendruomenė kuria tvarųjį gyvenimo būdą (harmoningas santykis su gamta) ir išsiskiria vystymosi tendencijomis, kurios skiriasi nuo panašių Vakarų Europos bendruomenių. Raktažodžiai: izoliuota aplinka, utopinė bendruomenė, ekologinis kaimas, socialinė įvairovė, tarpasmeninis konfliktas. 112

113 Radoslav Hlúšek University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Euro-Indians in Slovakia Abstract The Euro-Indian movement in Slovakia has developed since the 1920s. It is based on the culture of North American native peoples, especially of the cultural area called Great Plains. All matters concern lifestyle, worldview and partly religion. Slovak Euro-Indians represent a kind of subculture which is absolutely apolitical and does not have any ambitions in the field of public self-presentation and public activities. One of their main goals is to live in accord with nature, and therefore this movement has a strong ecological accent. In the case of their relationship with the majority, it can be said that there is no conflict nor any problems between Euro-Indians and the Slovak majority. The Euro-Indian movement is not very strong, if we talk about the membership base, and it has never been massive. This part of the SAL project discusses the origin, development and current situation of the Slovak Euro-Indian subculture, its lifestyle and its relationship with the majority. Keywords: Euro-Indians, spirituality, North American natives, lifestyle, Great Plains, camping Introduction The movement of Euro-Indians in Slovakia has a relatively long history which is connected with the same movement in the Czech Republic. The break-up of the former Czecho-Slovakia in 1993 meant a division of the Euro-Indian movement, which was united up to that point, into two parts Slovak and Czech. Although both of them never stopped mutually co-operating, it is not possible to deny that, since 1993, the Slovak and Czech Euro-Indians have gone their own ways. This chapter is concerned with the history of this movement in the wider European and North American context and with the organisation and activities of Slovak Euro- Indians in the framework of Slovak society. Central Europe, especially the Czech Republic, is a region where the traditions and legacy of Indians have found an ideal place to flourish. Czech people have been more interested in them for a longer time than the Slovaks have, but the Indian lifestyle has found its followers in Slovakia too. These followers began to organise camps where they live in tepees, practise Indian habits and rituals and try to live in harmony with their environment. This was not forbidden but also not supported by the communists, because they saw a good source of anti-american propaganda 113

114 Groups and Environments 2 regarding Indian genocide. After the fall of the communist regime, the Euro-Indian movement, like all non-communist movements, expanded further and became slightly more familiar to the rest of the population. Methods The basis of this research comes especially from the fieldwork we completed in two phases (Fieldwork 1 and 2) in 2006 and We used the methods of participant observation, questionnaires, 35 interviews and informal conversations. Naturally, visual materials in the form of photos and videos were collected. Since this subculture is not very visible to the majority of Slovak (and European in general) society, it has not been studied by academics in Slovakia; the same situation prevails in Europe as a whole. Therefore the material is based mostly on fieldwork alone but supplemented by some books and articles about Plain Indians and by journals and web pages of Slovak and Czech Euro-Indians. Our fieldwork among Slovak Euro-Indians lasted two years. Its core was represented by participation in two-week Slovakia-wide camps in the summer of 2006 and We concentrated on the organisation of the movement, its structure, membership and relationship with the majority. In general there were no problems with the fieldwork. People were open to serious interest which is not valid in the case of journalistic interest. Publicity in the media is not something Slovak Euro- Indians desire. Fieldwork 1 was aimed at the general situation of the Euro-Indian movement. Fieldwork 2 (via the questionnaire) was aimed at the organisational structure of the movement and its relationship with the majority of Slovak society. Results and conclusions The Euro-Indian movement in Slovakia has a relatively long history beginning in the 1920s. The year of 1989 does not represent any special breaking point, because the subculture existed a long time before. Slovak Euro-Indians cannot be viewed separately, only within the framework of the former Czecho-Slovakia. The boom which arose after the Velvet Revolution did not have as great an effect as might have been expected and it has already ended. Euro-Indians themselves are not convinced their subculture has a more distant future, because the decreasing number of members may bring about its end in Slovakia. This, of course, is not valid regarding their lifestyle, values and worldview. The Euro-Indian movement in Slovakia is strictly apolitical. Euro-Indians do not have public ambitions and do not try to persuade anybody about anything. Their organisation and structure is based on independence as a substantial feature of 114

115 Ethnic Revival Groups North American Indian cultures. Euro-Indians do not think that they are markedly different people but consider themselves to be ordinary people with a distinctive hobby, lifestyle and values and they do not long to be separate from the rest of Slovak society. References Flores, D. (1991). Bison ecology and bison diplomacy. The Southern Plains from 1800 to The Journal of American History, 78 (2), Fowler, L. (2003). The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Great Plains. New York: Columbia University Press. Hlas orla [Voice of the Eagle] (1997, 2000). Hybáčková, B. (2001). Na začiatku bol Vinnetou. Život, 3, Laubin, R., & Laubin, G. (1990). The Indian tipi, its history, construction and use. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Lemešani, T. (2008, April 11). Oheň rozložia iba s kresadlom, v potoku sa umývajú bez mydla. Košický večerník, 11. Macek, J. (2002). Táboříme v típí. Praha: Liga lesní moudrosti. Moore, J. H. (2003). Šajen. Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny. Opatrný, J. (1998). Kde leží indiánská zem. Konec bojů na Velkých pláních. Praha: Brána. Pecha, L. (1999). Woodcraft, lesní moudrost & lesní bratrstvo. Olomouc: Votobia. Švický, M (1996). Slovenskí Indiáni nechcú peniaze. Nová smena mladých, II (71), 1, 8. Švický, M. (1995). Nie je Indián ako Indián. Zmena, VII (294), Ullrich, J. (2002). Mýty Lakotů aneb když ještě po zemi chodil Iktómi. Praha: Argo. Ullrich, J. (2004, 2005). Speak Lakota!, 1, 2. Bloomington: Lakota Language Consortium. Ullrich, J. (2007). Úvodní poznámka překladatele. In G. Hyde. Dějiny oglalských Lakotů Praha, Litomyšl: Paseka. Web pages of Euro-Indians:

116 Groups and Environments 2 Radoslav Hlúšek Ethnology and World Studies Department, University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Nám. J. Herdu 2, Trnava, Slovakia. radohlusek@hotmail.com Received 26 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Radoslav Hlúšek Euroindėnai Slovakijoje Santrauka Slovakijoje euroindėnų judėjimas susikūrė 1920 m. Jis grindžiamas Šiaurės Amerikos čiabuvių, ypač gyvenusių kultūrinėje zonoje, vadinamoje didžiosiomis lygumomis, kultūra. Klausimai, nagrinėjami ataskaitoje, yra susiję su jų gyvenimo būdu, pasaulėžiūra ir iš dalies religija. Ši SAL projekto dalis nagrinėja Slovakijos euroindėnų kilmę, vystymąsi, dabartinę padėtį, jų gyvenimo būdą ir santykius su gyventojų dauguma. Tyrimas tęsėsi dvejus metus (2006 ir 2007 metais), taikytas stebėjimo metodas dalyvaujant Slovakijos euroindėnų stovyklose, bendraujant individualiai. Surinkti 35 giluminiai interviu ir klausimynai. Slovakijos euroindėnų judėjimas nėra labai gausus, jie yra visiškai apolitiški ir nesiekia iškilti viešumon ar įsitraukti į visuomeninę veiklą, nekelia pastebimų socialinių įtampų. Vienas pagrindinių grupės tikslų yra gyventi sutariant su gamta, todėl šiam judėjimui labai svarbi ekologija. Judėjimo organizacija ir struktūra grindžiamos nepriklausomybe, kuri yra esminis Šiaurės Amerikos indėnų kultūros bruožas. Raktažodžiai: euroindėnai, dvasingumas, Šiaurės Amerikos čiabuviai, gyvenimo būdas, didžiosios lygumos, stovyklavimas. 116

117 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Elena Omel chenko Anton Popov Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Xenophobic Youth Groups in Krasnodar/Sochi Russia: Cossacks Abstract This case study considered the role of xenophobia within Cossack movements in the Krasnodar region of Southern Russia. In contrast to existing literature which primarily considers the institutional dimension of Cossack organisations and their impact on the political scene, this research focused on issues of grassroots support of the Cossack movement, especially among young people in regional urban centres. The research revealed the importance of Cossack movements as both a space for youth activism as well as a resource economic, cultural and institutional that young people in the region could draw upon in negotiating their transitions to adulthood. Keywords: Cossack, xenophobia, drug use, youth, subculture Introduction The main body of literature on contemporary Cossacks and Cossack ethno-cultural revival in the Russian Federation focuses on the institutional level of this movement and the role it plays on the political scene of post-soviet, provincial Russia (Boeck, 1998; Derluguian, 1996; Laba, 1998; Markedonov, 2003; Tutsenko, 2001). The issue of Cossack identity construction has been investigated in the context of identity politics in the Russian regions as a response and challenge to policies of regional citizenship regimes under conditions of social, economic and political transformations (Derluguian & Cipko, 1997; Skinner, 1994; Toje, 2006). The discussion and critical analysis of Cossack renaissance have brought to light growing nationalism and xenophobia among Cossacks as well as their paramilitary activities in local conflicts in the post-soviet space and former Yugoslavia. Human rights activists routinely list in their publications the different Cossack hosts and unions among radical nationalist organisations (Verkhovskii, Mikhailova & Pribylovskii, 1999, pp ). Research has been especially concerned with violence 117

118 Groups and Environments 2 against ethnic minorities perpetrated by Cossack organisations in southern Russia (Osipov & Cherepova, 1996; Osipov, 1999; Verkhovskii, Mikhailova & Pribylovskii, 1999, p. 54). At the same time, apologists of the Cossack ethno-cultural revival tend to concentrate on historical and ethnographic evidence of the particularity of the Cossacks as a distinct (sub) ethnic group drawing heavily in their analyses upon folklore data and historical documents (Matveev, 2000). In these publications, Cossacks are represented as a core and consolidating element in establishing a single ethno-cultural space (edinnoe etnokul turnoe prostranstvo) on the territory of such historically Cossack regions as Krasnodar Krai (Bondar, 1998, p. 38; Matveev, 2002, p. 4; Rakachev & Rakacheva, 2003, p. 94). The Krasnodar Krai administration stimulated the development of the Cossack movement and was able to influence its internal processes by establishing contact with the leaders of the Cossack organisations and offering them financial and administrative-legislative assistance in exchange for the Cossacks support of the regional political regime. As per the Krasnodar Krai regional regime s ideology, Cossacks are allocated a role similar to that of titular nationality in national/autonomous republics of the former Soviet Union. However, neither critics nor apologists of Cossack revivalism raise issues of grassroots support of the Cossack movement or the motivations bringing ordinary citizens to these organisations, especially young people in regional urban centres among whom Cossacks recruit their new members. This research has thus added a significant new dimension to the scholarly field. Methods Two six-week periods of fieldwork were conducted in 2007 studying Cossack groups as per: Ethnographic observations Interviews with respondents [recorded] Diary-keeping Photos including giving cameras to respondents to take photos of the group themselves Video recordings Researcher reflections on fieldwork Walking tours of the city with respondents A total of 26 interviews and three fieldwork diaries were transcribed and analysed using Nvivo7 software. 118

119 Ethnic Revival Groups Results Intra-group relations The Cossack informants in this study were not a coherent and united group but a network of acquaintances and friends who shared an interest in the Cossack cultural/ ethnic revival. These networks brought together young people who participated in official ( registered ) Cossack organisations and those who were members of informal clubs which were often critical towards Cossack officialdom. The research in Krasnodar Krai was focused on young Cossacks (15-30 years old) although it also involved some people of older generations who participated in Cossack organisations and historical reconstruction movements in the region together with younger informants (one of the key Cossack informants was in his fifties). The network character of the researched group led to the extension of the initial focus of the study of Cossack youth through the inclusion of a historical reconstruction movement in the thematic scope of the research since, in Krasnodar and Sochi (the two main sites of the research), there was evidence of growing mutual interest and collaboration between the Cossack revivalist movement and historical re-enactment clubs. Several of the key informants in both settings were members of registered Cossack organisations and engaged in activities of different re-enactment clubs which focused on the medieval history of the Russian and Steppes regions. Group-society relations Many people in Russia, and in the region (Krasnodar Krai) in particular, are very sceptical about the authenticity of contemporary Cossacks especially when these Cossacks as in the case of the majority of informants in this case study were actually young city dwellers. The word riazhennii (masquerading) was often used by people to refer to contemporary Cossacks implying that these were people donning attire which did not belong to them. People were especially outraged by the fact that many contemporary Cossacks wear Russian pre-revolutionary medals as part of their Cossack costume. Moreover, by calling a modern Cossack riazhennii, people inferred that this person did not adhere to what the dress he wore actually represented. In this second sense, the Cossack costume again had a strong association with the memory of old Cossack communities. Our participants were aware of this contradiction between memories of the past and the current revival of the movement and were conscious of sceptical and ironic attitudes towards them from the majority of the population. Thus Danil (born 1984), who worked in the Cossack ceremonial guard (pochetnii karaul) and wore a Cossack uniform at work, told us that he would not go around in his Cossack attire when he was off duty because he would not be treated normally by other people, even his 119

120 Groups and Environments 2 friends. Those informants who showed their Cossack identity externally (through their hairstyle, moustache or uniform) almost always faced negative attitudes or misunderstanding from the general public as in the case of Georgii, who was a Ph.D. student at the Kuban State University and an active member of the Cossack movement from 2004: [People have ironic attitudes] Well, how can I put it, because they don t see any practical reason for this [Cossack identity]. Traditionalism, which I perhaps promote by my appearance, although I am not a good proponent [because] I don t persuade anybody I just choose certain principles for myself. [For me traditionalism] is non-pragmatic. [They] don t understand. Well, [if they] don t understand, I don t seek to persuade anybody. I know what is meaningful for me and try to live accordingly. (Georgii, born 1982, Krasnodar) Cossackdom as activism The ethnographic data from the case study suggest that young Cossacks are, in general, receptive to the ethnicist interpretation of Cossack identity. However, by reproducing ethnicist discourse in their interviews, they assume their active roles in choosing to revitalise their Cossack roots in order to achieve something and, in this way, change themselves. Thus Andrei, who is seventeen and an active member of the official Cossack organisation in one of Krasnodar s suburbs, stated this point very clearly in his answer to my question about his motivations for joining the Cossacks: Why? Well, because I am in general an impulsive person; if I didn t make myself busy, without some kind of activity, I wouldn t be myself. I try to find myself in something, find something for myself, some activity. But generally, [my] kin (rod) is a Cossack one. [ ] So, traditions need to be revitalised; the Kuban is, at the end of the day, a Cossack territory [with a] rich history. Well, what else, [there is a desire] to revitalise traditions and unwillingness to follow the mainstream of our youth. At least we are doing something; we have physical training and military training, other things. There are many opportunities other than sitting in courtyards drinking beer by the fence like the majority of young people. We are more united albeit at the micro level of our stanitsa. [I want] young people to stick together so that there is always somebody to support you in difficult times. (Andrei, born 1990, Krasnodar) Some of our informants think it is worth revitalising Cossackdom only if it could have some function in contemporary society. Thus, one of our Sochi participants, Comandor, despite his Cossack origins, was hesitant about joining the local Cossack organisation where his friend and fellow historical reconstruction enthusiast was an active member. At the time of our interview he was very enthusiastic about the Sochi Cossacks plan to organise a Cossack volunteer patrol unit (kazach ia druzhina) because it served an important function in the maintenance of social order. 120

121 Ethnic Revival Groups Enacting Cossack identity Young people become Cossacks by acting as Cossacks including such bodily activities as martial arts, military training or mastering Cossack skills of horse riding and sword fencing. Even when young people talk about their Cossack heredity, they do not take their Cossack identity for granted but rather do it. Through their military and sporting activities in the Cossack organisations, they enact their Cossack identity: [My] great-grandfather This is why I started to do fencing; he turned out to be very skilful with the sword. I even found proof of this. They lived then in the village (stanitsa) of Medvedovskaia. I asked relatives there, [they told me that] he apparently was very good at sword fencing. Therefore I decided to do [fencing]. (Sergei, born 1985, Krasnodar) Cossackdom as a resource Many informants spoke about their motivations for joining Cossack organisations as being a strategy for negotiating their conscription to the military service, since the military training of future conscripts was a key activity in many Cossack organisations in the region. Here the link between Cossack identity and territory was especially evident, since many young people believed that the Kuban University Cossack Host had an official agreement with the Ministry of Defence according to which conscripts from Cossack organisations would be sent to serve only in those military units which were based on the territory of Krasnodar Krai. In fact this was a myth; some Cossack organisations did have informal agreements with some regionallybased military units to which they might try to direct their young members but they were not able to provide any guarantee that a young soldier would not end up in a remote Siberian garrison. Nevertheless, young people found the military training provided by Cossacks free of charge a useful and valuable activity: I was studying in the vocational school when a head of staff from our kuren (small Cossack organisation - AP) came and asked whether we wanted to join the official Cossacks. There they have sports trainings free of charge and other such things. And I went, [because I have] Cossack roots my grandfather and great-grandfather were Cossacks. I went to the army, served for two years in the internal forces (police forces staffed by a conscript solders - AP). Of course [it helped me a lot] that we had military training before the army we learned military marching and had tactics classes which were not bad. It helped later in the army. (Sergei, born 1985) 121

122 Groups and Environments 2 Conclusions This research suggests that some young Cossacks are receptive to the ethnicist interpretation of Cossack identity. However, the reproduction of ethnicist discourse for its own sake was not appealing; rather young Cossacks saw the significance of the revival of Cossack roots in terms of the social role it could play especially, for example, though the role of Cossack organisations in maintaining social order. Members of some organisations also employed Cossack roots as a resource either in negotiating military conscription or through engagement in economic activities linked to the historical reconstruction movement. Thus young people s engagement with the Cossack revivalist movement should be understood first and foremost as a means of adopting an active social position and seeking control over their own lives rather than as a primarily ethnic movement. References Boeck, A. J. (1998). The Kuban Cossack Revival ( ). The beginning of a Cossack national movement in the North Caucasus Region. Nationalities Papers, 26 (4), Bondar, N. (1998). Sostav i spetsifika traditsionnoi kul tury Kubani. Problemy i Puti Razvitiia Narodnogo Khudozhestvennogo Tvorchestva Kubani. Kraevaia Nauchno-prakticheskaia Konferentsiia, Krasnodar, 9-10 Dekabria 1997 Goda. Tezisy Dokladov. Krasnodar: Krasnodarskaia Akademia Kul tury i Krasnodarskii Nauchno-Metodicheskii Tsentr, Derluguian, G. (1996). The neo-cossacks of Kuban. Trajectory of a fundamentalist movement in a Russian province Advanced Study Centre , Ann Arbor: International Institute of Michigan Working Paper, 23. Derluguian, G., & Cipko, S. (1997). The politics of identity in a Russian borderland province: The Kuban neo-cossack movement, Europe-Asia Studies, 49 (8), Laba, R. (1998). The Cossack Movement and the Russian State In N. Kirei, N. Bondar, I. Kuznetsov, I Marchenko, & B. Vinogradov (Eds.), Arkheologiya i etnografiya Severnogo Kavkaza. Sbornik nauchnikh trudov (pp ). Krasnodar: Kuban State University. Markedonov, S. (2003). Neokazachestvo na Yuge Rossii: Ideologiia, Tsenosti, Politicheskaia Praktika. Central Asia and Caucasus, 5 (29), Matveev, O. (2002). Etnicheskaia Migratsia na Kubani v Kontekste Regional noi Bezopasnosti: Uroki Istorii i Sovremennosti, Krasnodar: Kubanskii Gosudarstvennyi Universitet. Matveev, O. (2000). K Razrabotke kontseptsii Kazach ego Obrazovania. Pedagogika, 4, Osipov, A. (1999). Rossiiskii Opyt Etnicheskoi Diskriminatsii: Meskhetintsy v Krasnodarskom Krae. Moskva: Pravozaschitnyi Centr Memorial. Osipov, A., & Cherepova, O. (1996). Narushenie Prav Vynuzhdennyh Migrantov i Etnicheskaia Diskriminatsia v Krasnodarskom Krae (Polozhenie Meskhetinskih Turok). Moskva: Pravozashchitnyi Centr Memorial. Rakachev, V., & Rakacheva, Y. (2003). Krasnodarskii Krai: Etnosotsialnye i Etnodemograficheskie Protsessy (Vtoraia Polovina 1980-kh Nachalo 2000-kh gg.). Krasnodar: Kubanskii Gosudarstvennyi Universitet. Skinner, B. (1994). Identity formation in Russian Cossack revival. Europe-Asia Studies, 46 (6),

123 Ethnic Revival Groups Toje, H. (2006). Cossack identity in the new Russia: Kuban Cossack revival and local politics. Europe-Asia Studies, 58 (7), Tutsenko, N. (2001). Kazach e Dvizhenie Kubani: na Puti k Grazhdanskomu Obshchestvu. Sotsiologicheskie Issledovaniia, 2, Verkhovskii, A., Mikhailova, E., & Pribylovskii, V. (1999). Politicheskaia ksenofobiia: radikal nye gruppy, predstavleniia liderov, rol tserkvi. Moscow: Izdatel stvo OOO Panorama. Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. H.Pilkington@warwick.ac.uk Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. omelchenkoe@mail.ru Anton Popov University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. a.popov@warwick.ac.uk Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Hilary Pilkington Elena Omelčenko Anton Popov Ksenofobinės jaunimo grupės Krasnodaro regione, Sočyje (Rusijoje): kazokai Santrauka Šis tyrimas nagrinėja ksenofobijos reikšmę kazokų judėjimo dalyviams Krasnodaro regione, Pietų Rusijoje. Skirtingai negu dabartinėje mokslinėje literatūroje, kurioje daugiausia analizuojama kazokų organizacijų gausa ir jų įtaka politikai, šis darbas buvo sutelktas į problemas, kylančias dėl jaunimo susidomėjimo kazokų judėjimu pagrindiniuose regionų miestuose. Tyrimas pagrindė kazokų judėjimo svarbą jaunimui kaip veiklos erdvę bei ekonominius, kultūrinius, institucinius išteklius, kurie padeda jaunimui, artėjančiam prie pilnametystės, integruotis į so cialines veiklas, spręsti užimtumo ir bendravimo problemas. Tyrimas pagrįstas integruoto 12-kos savaičių stebėjimo, atlikto 2007 m. Krasnodaro regione, ir 26 giluminių interviu duomenimis. Raktažodžiai: kazokai, ksenofobija, narkotikų vartojimas, jaunimas, subkultūra. 123

124

125 Photo by G. Jaronis Youth Lifestyle Subcultures

126

127 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Elena Omel chenko Yulia Andreeva Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Anti-fa Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia Abstract The research enables a description of the (sub)cultural Anti-fa scene, an analysis of how participants enter and progress within the movement and the illumination of important aspects of interpersonal and group interactions. The research also reveals the emergence of new forms of Anti-fa solidarities and explains the meanings, logic and justification provided by members for radical Anti-fa actions. The further development of a youth Anti-fa movement is closely connected to the development of fascistic youth groups; it will continue to develop in parallel with them. Keywords: Anti-fa, xenophobia, youth, subculture Introduction To date there is no academic literature on the Anti-fa movement in Russia; information in the public sphere is thus based on media reporting and commentaries in which the Anti-fascist movement is often portrayed as an extremist organisation. Sometimes the alternative media attempt to present the movement from within and outline a more or less objective interpretation of its members. Such attempts include an article in the newspaper, Russkii Reporter (see replies.xml?item_no=46&ncrnd=2656) and a series of documentary television programmes. Nonetheless this material lacks any scientifically based conclusions regarding the spontaneous formation of youth Anti-fa groups. 1 The Anti-fascist movement in Russia consists of informal youth groups calling themselves Anti-fa as well as organisations such as the Youth Human Rights Movement (abbreviated in Russia as MPD), the Network against Racism and 1 The first academic study of the anti-fascist movement in contemporary Russia has been completed recently by Mischa Gabowitsch (Princeton University) based on research in a number of Russian provincial cities. A book based on this research is in preparation but not yet published. 127

128 Groups and Environments 2 Intolerance and the international Memorial Society, which all share anti-fascist ideas. The findings of the research for this case study are based on extensive qualitative data including interviews with young participants in Anti-fa groups and field observations in St. Petersburg. The aim was not to map the whole anti-fascist movement in the city but to explore the specifics of youth protest as manifested by a particular network of anti-fascist activists. On the basis of the research for SAL, it has been possible to determine the political and cultural context and key characteristics in the development of the Anti-fa movement in St. Petersburg. The research facilitated the description of the (sub)cultural Anti-fa scene, an analysis of how participants enter and progress within the movement and the illumination of important aspects of interpersonal and group interactions. The research also reveals the emergence of new forms of Anti-fa solidarities and explains the meanings, logic and justification provided by members for radical Anti-fa actions. Methods One six-week period of fieldwork was conducted in Spring Access to the group was gained through existing contacts in St. Petersburg and contacts provided by scene members in other cities. Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, a survey of the media coverage and self-presentation of the groups (especially via Internet) was conducted. This also facilitated initial contacts for example, in the case of the neo-pagan case study through chat forums. In all cases, snowballing was used to generate new respondents from contacts provided by key informants. The main methodological techniques employed for gathering data for these case studies were: web-site analysis ethnographic observation recorded interviews with respondents researcher diaries visual mappings of urban space used by the groups using still and video photography A total of 14 interviews and 1 fieldwork diary were analysed for this case study. Results Young people use a wide range of means to make public their Anti-fa identity. These actions include those with strong socially normative associations (e.g., provision of help to vulnerable groups and ecological protection) as well as more contentious actions such as pickets, direct action against ideological enemies and graffiti actions which are often interpreted as anti-social. 128

129 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures The Internet is a very popular mode of activity as it provides the easiest way of opposing right-wing organisations; neo-fascist sites are hacked into and boneheads uncovered in forums and chats via provocative postings against fascists or, on the contrary, postings of a clearly fascist nature. The aim is to flush out Nazi-skins (either by penetrating the group or by challenging them to meet) and set them up for an Anti-fa attack. Also popular are Food Not Bombs actions as they are examples of direct action whose meaning is in the demonstration of the ineffectiveness of a state that prefers to spend money on arms rather than attending to social problems. Groups of young anti-fascists independently collect money to buy vegan foodstuffs and disposable crockery and utensils. Several people prepare the food at home and then take it to the place of the action usually by train stations where the homeless often live. Leaflets are also handed out giving information about where the next action will be held. Graffiti actions usually consist of the painting over of fascist slogans and symbols in entrance ways, on walls and fences and along railway lines. Antifa symbols are also drawn, however, using their own, hand-made stencils or stencil templates found on the Internet. Graffiti actions are organised quite often as they are one of the simplest ways of getting involved in direct Anti-fa actions. Sticker actions take place in public places (metro, public transport) and have an informational character. The stickers can also be found in the Internet and virtually every Anti-fa activist has his/her own archive of sticker pictures and templates. In additional sticker pictures are drawn independently in the form of neo-nazi caricatures. Sticker actions are undertaken by small groups of Anti-fa activists (3-4 people) who place the stickers on already existing advertising materials so as not to damage public transport carriages. Meetings and pickets are organised generally in squares or in places where large numbers of people gather. These meetings and pickets usually have an animalistic, ecological or anti-military character and some concrete event, incident or fact links them. Military actions are radical direct actions. The Anti-fa organises patrols that gather usually by the metro and follow the flows of people coming and going. Having picked out a bonehead or group of boneheads, they mount surprise attacks on them. Usually it is only Anti-fa skinheads and football hooligans who engage in these fights ordinary young people are involved in such actions only in the role of scouts, looking out for victims or warning the Anti-fa of police presence. Relations with law-enforcement organs are rather complicated and ambivalent. According to many informants, the Anti-fa is treated as a dangerous subculture, 129

130 Groups and Environments 2 and their appearance alone (baggy trousers, Anti-fa badges, rapper caps, yashmak scarves, nose piercings and such) is enough to get them stopped and their papers checked. Many key figures in the Anti-fa scene are convinced that many policemen are Nazi-skinhead sympathisers: The police are cadets, and there is a section of cadets who fully approve of such things because after work they themselves mix with those people (Nazi-skinheads). Another section just don t want to create additional problems for themselves; it s easier to walk away, turn their backs, as they have done many times when I have been there. (A., 22-year old) In public discourse, the Anti-fa is almost always associated with acts of hooliganism. Informants stated that often no distinction was made between them and fascist youth groups: In Petersburg there is a programme to promote tolerance and counter xenophobia and racism Everyday tens of thousands of people see on the streets these posters like Petersburg a city without racism or the capital of the family of nations, but this doesn t concern anybody. But we were like doing a graffiti action and it happened that in one archway I was writing, Skinheads against racism in Russian, like, and this woman turns into the archway, about 40 years old, typical market dress, and starts squealing wildly at me that like I am worse than the skinheads, and I should get out of there before she called the police. So what can you do with these people? You could give these people 500 newspapers, 1000 leaflets, put the same speech on the television saying racism or fascism is bad 700 times they wouldn t give a damn because they are only bothered about themselves. (M., 21-year old) Intragroup relations The Anti-fa scene is extremely heterogeneous; people within it often have completely opposed political, subcultural, stylistic and other preferences and interests. It ranges from aggressive Anti-fa-crews to intellectual anarchists, from anti-military activists to aggressive hooligans. They range from 15 to 35 years of age and include those into music including punk rock, ska-punk and hard core. In terms of political preferences, the Anti-fa includes liberals, social democrats, communists, anarchists and even those who have no political conviction or consciously reject politics. All, however, are people who have a particular view of the world and who are, to some degree or other, ideologically grounded. Subculturally Anti-fa includes punks (anarchopunks, cultural punks, Goth punks), skinheads ( Rash [Red and anarchist] skins, Sharps [Skinheads against racial prejudice] and Trads [Traditional skinheads]), football hooligans, rappers and those who call themselves civilians, i.e., ordinary people without any subcultural affiliation. In terms of lifestyles, among the Anti-fa one finds DIYers, straight-edgers and vegans. 130

131 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Thus Anti-fascism is best understood as a set of ideas around which young people, often with relatively different views, unite at least temporarily: Anti-fascism incorporates all kinds of different ideas, that is someone may be an anarchist, someone else a patriot, someone else a vegan or vegetarian, someone else simply has musical interests, someone else is into communism or Trotskyism; there could even be Hare Krishnas. (M., 21-year old) For most youthful Anti-fa groups, the meaning of their activism is not only in wining space (real and virtual) but in active cultural opposition: The rivalry between the Fa [fascists] and the Anti-fa is like the rivalry between two football teams. Whichever team wins over a certain period of time then that team will get more and more fans. (M., 21-year old) Nobody came and said they would teach us how to be anti-fascists, nothing like that. It was just that mixing in punk rock circles led to us notice the behaviour of the extreme right at all kinds of concerts. It became clearer and clearer that those people were actively damaging the punk movement, and nobody was doing anything. So we wanted to do something to stop these people being at the concerts, on the streets. (M., 21-year old) The question of the use of force remains the most contentious question in relations between the various strands of young people within Anti-fa groups. Justification for the use of violence towards Nazi-skinheads rests on arguments that otherwise they don t understand or as a counter demonstration of force: If we kick somebody, then, first of all, he will get back into the swing, to put it crudely, only after some time and, in the meantime, he won t be doing anything to anybody. Secondly he might get frightened off and, the next time they go somewhere, he ll say, I ve got to pick up my mum from the station or something and simply won t go. That s what we count on. (V., 24-year old) Views, beliefs and ideology Notwithstanding the actively declared political context, therefore, it is actually cultural opposition which is the key factor in the development of the Petersburg anti-fascist scene since it began to form in response to the cultural activity of fascist groups. In this sense, the Anti-fa groups are unique since, as a rule, traditional subcultural movements are specific projects in the sense that their formation does not require a counterculture against which the movement develops. But for the Antifa movement, the opposition is self-evident you are either Fa or Anti-fa. For this reason, at least a section of the youth Anti-fa groups can be considered a kind of collective resistance to the boneheads who are, according to many informants, just former local thugs (gopniki): 131

132 Groups and Environments 2 The majority of them [Nazi-skinheads] were local thugs; they had no great ideology, and what they had was enough for them. Their whole ideology was I hate those who are not like me starting with foreigners with a different skin colour and shape of eye, and ending with friends who just dressed differently, like punks. (A., 22-year old) Currently Anti-fa groups are in a state of transformation and this is reflected first and foremost in their attempts to think through their own understanding of anti-fascist ideas. In some cases, their reinterpretations lead to a broadening of the philosophy to mean opposition to all kinds of discriminatory practices including racism, Nazism, anti-semitism, capitalism and all forms of discrimination (and not only against people but also against animals). And, in these groups, no initial subcultural solidarity is necessary; one can be an anti-fascist and nothing else. Nevertheless, the further development of a youth Anti-fa movement closely connects to the development of fascistic youth groups; it will continue to develop in parallel with them. Conclusions The Anti-fa scene is an unusual subcultural grouping in that its formation was largely a response a cultural opposition to the cultural activity of fascist groups. Perhaps, for this reason, it is an extremely heterogeneous scene which includes individuals with often completely opposed political, subcultural, stylistic and other preferences and interests ranging from aggressive Anti-fa crews to intellectual anarchists, from anti-military activists to aggressive hooligans. The preference for different kinds of action is a particular source of tension within the scene. Thus Anti-fascism is best understood as a set of ideas around which young people, often with relatively different views, unite at least temporarily, and whose future development will run very much in parallel to the development of the extreme right-wing (fascist) youth movement. References Hesmondhalgh, D. (2005). Subcultures, scenes or tribes? None of the above. Journal of Youth Studies 8 (1), Moscow Bureau for Human Rights (n.d.). Kratkii obzor proivlenii agressivnoi ksenofobii na territorii Rossiiskoi Federatsii v Retrieved November 4, 2008, from publ.php 132

133 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Hilary Pilkington, University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. Yulia Andreeva Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Hilary Pilkington Elena OmelČenko Yulia Andreeva Anti-fa jaunimo grupės Sankt Peterburge (Rusijoje) Santrauka Tyrimas pateikia subkultūrinės Anti-fa (subkultūrinė sąvoka, reiškianti antifašistus) veiklos apibūdinimą, analizuoja, kaip dalyviai į ją įsijungia ir įgyja subkultūrinės patirties. Tyrėjai analizuoja svarbius tarpasmeninių ir grupinių santykių aspektus. Tyrimas taip pat atskleidžia naujas Anti-fa dalyvių solidarumo formas ir paaiškina radikalių šio judėjimo veiksmų reikšmes, jų logiką. Tyrėjai išsako nuomonę, jog tolimesnė jaunimo Anti-fa judėjimo plėtra yra glaudžiai susijusi su fašistinių jaunimo grupių vystymusi; teigiama, kad šios dvi kryptys ir toliau plėtosis paraleliai. Tyrimas vyko 2008 m. Sankt Peterburge, tęsėsi 6 savaites. Analizė atlikta remiantis stebėjimų, 14 giluminių interviu, tyrėjo dienoraščio ir interneto svetainių duomenimis. Tyrėjai pateikia rekomendacijas institucijoms, dirbančioms su jaunimu, apibūdina šios grupės pagrindinius elgesio bruožus, jai būdingas vertybes, veiklas ir jų reikšmes. Taip pat jie nurodo, jog Anti-fa (kaip ir kitų Rusijoje veikiančių antifašistinio judėjimo grupių, pvz., Judėjimas už jaunimo teises, Judėjimas prieš rasizmą ir netoleranciją ir kt.) filosofija susieta su opozicija visoms diskriminacinės praktikos rūšims, tokioms kaip rasizmas, nacizmas, antisemitizmas, kapitalizmas. Raktažodžiai: Anti-fa, ksenofobija, jaunimas, subkultūra. 133

134

135 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Elena Omel chenko Irina Kosterina Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: DIY Youth Groups in Saint Petersburg Russia Abstract This research considers the key actors and principles constituting the DIY scene in St. Petersburg. It traces the importance of independent music production, anti-commercialisation, anticonsumerism and creative self-realisation to the scene. It pays particular attention to the exploration of the diversity of young people involved in DIY scenes in the city and the evidence of differing narratives of DIY culture between musicians and activists within it. Keywords: DIY, xenophobia, youth, subculture Introduction In a series of publications, Ol ga Aksiutina (2005b) considers, DIY-culture projects and DIY-cultures themselves as free zones for everyday alternative life. She argues that DIY punk culture is not a mass culture; it does not use means of mass information to disseminate itself and does not seek to win a mass audience but directly relates to punks and hard-core kids in small venues (not stadia). Punk resists the massive transnational companies preferring small independent labels, avoids buying in expensive supermarkets by accessing products via post or at concerts (via direct contact between bands and the audience), replaces glossy music magazines with self-produced fanzines and replaces music as a commodity with music as protest and self-expression, ignoring the media with its system of hits and charts (Aksiutina, 2004). In a similar vein, Zaitseva (2004) argues that every DIY enterprise is vulnerable but the lack of interest in profit continues to be reproduced as a result of the whole system of collective action which has a central position in the musical world in which DIY labels often become laboratories of style and movements as well as starting points for groups onto a path to wider recognition. And despite frequent claims that any music can become commercial, 135

136 Groups and Environments 2 it is precisely the productive illusion of a pure and non-profit-oriented musical process that ensures both artistic innovation and an alternative to the capitalist mode of production and consumption. Without wishing to deny the roots of DIY culture in resistance, nonetheless, the material from St. Petersburg gathered under the auspices of the SAL project allows a more balanced insight into such scenes than hitherto captured in published literature. In particular the research allowed an exploration of the diversity of young people involved in DIY scenes in the city and thus also the discovery of differing narratives of DIY culture between musicians and activists within it. Methods One six-week period of fieldwork was conducted in Spring Access to the group was gained through existing contacts in St. Petersburg and contacts provided by scene members in other cities. Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, a survey of the media coverage and self-presentation of the groups (especially via Internet) was conducted. This also facilitated initial contacts for example, in the case of the neo-pagan case study through chat forums. In all cases, snowballing was used to generate new respondents from contacts provided by key informants. The main methodological techniques employed for gathering data for these case studies were: web-site analysis ethnographic observation recorded interviews with respondents researcher diaries visual mappings of urban space used by the groups using still and video photography. A total of 9 interviews and 1 fieldwork diary were analysed for this case study. Results Within the punk community, there is an image of authentic and inauthentic punks. Inauthentic punks include those associated with the 1980s and 1990s who are often referred to as dirty punks and seen as adopting only the external attributes of punk and realising the idea of protest through anti-social demonstrative behaviour, alcoholism etc. From around 2000, there appeared a new generation of punks who can be seen as more politicised and for whom external appearance is of relatively minor importance. They consider views and behaviour the real protest against social injustice and capitalist values to be the most important thing. This leads to conflict between punks of the old and new type: 136

137 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Interviewer: Are there no conflicts between punks like you and those [who were around] before? Respondent: Well there are. They make out that I, my friends are not punks, but rather they are the real punks because they are dirty, drunk etc. And that we are like some showoff rich kids, as they see it. They are known as decorative punks. But even so, they are not punk. They don t do anything. They buy all kinds of things, go to shops where they sell Nazi paraphernalia and so on, all kinds of cheap T-shirts and so on and think they are punks, get drunk, and that s it. (Punk musician, 22-year old) At the same time, people sharing the same values and views and communicating on one wavelength can quickly find a common language. The practice of signing in, i.e., getting in to concerts free (by being on a list of invitees) or staying overnight at somebody s, helps them travel and attend concerts. These principles of mutual support and assistance are a kind of social and economic resource ensuring the stability and viability of the punk community. Important also is the use of informational resources about which only people incorporated into punk practice know. This is information about closed Internet portals, forums, specialised shops and trading points where it is possible to buy music and subcultural products and obtain information about actions (events, meetings, protests) and future concerts. Access to such resources saves time and money. Group-society relations The ideas of equality and non-discrimination in the sphere of culture, music and information are extrapolated by informants into an ideology of anti-discrimination action and views such as the protest against racism, xenophobia and homophobia and the protection of animals: If you extend the idea of equality, then naturally, equality means opposition to all kinds of discrimination, oppression and so on. It is against prejudices related to race or nationality, against racism, homophobia and everything connected to it. The support of animal rights also, naturally, the equality of rights between people and animal, and the support of all liberationary discourses. (Punk, fanzine producer, 29-year old) In some cases, this expresses itself in veganism, straight-edge culture, the organisation of participation in various actions such as the defence of human rights, environmental protection and anti-fascist and anti-globalisation (Food Not Bombs) actions when vegetarian food is distributed free of charge to the needy. In the case study undertaken in this research, the ideas of the DIY-punk movement and the anti-fascist movement were closely interwoven since non-discrimination assumes an anti-fascist position. For this reason, some informants identified as antifascists participated in related protest and violent actions. 137

138 Groups and Environments 2 Attending DIY and hard core concerts and the use of DIY symbols places a certain responsibility on young people, since these signs can be interpreted by hostile Nazi-skinheads as a sign of anti-fascist views: If they see some badge being worn by someone, they go, Aha, so you re Anti-fa. And that s it, they jump on you. They can kill you without blinking. They don t bother to find out what or who you are. The most dangerous thing is all these [cloth] DIY badges I mean you might not be an anti-fascist at all but simply somebody who has bought a badge and worn it. I mean you just liked this group and you went to a hardcore concert. But you could get yourself killed just for that. They won t bother to find out. (Punk musician, 23-year old) Views, beliefs and ideology DIY stands for Do It Yourself and it is part of the ideology and practice of many youth cultures. It is one of the main principles within punk culture since it is linked to the idea of social protest against globalisation and mass culture. For example, there is a widespread practice of creating independent music labels and distribution companies and producing newspapers and specialised journals (fanzines). Of all the manifestations of punk DIY, the production of fanzines has become the most widespread in the post-soviet space (especially at the end of the 1990s, beginning of the 21 st century). To create a fanzine, one does not need a huge sum of money; instead of publishing a huge run, one original can be printed and then photocopied as orders come in. Usually fanzines are produced at the creator s own expense and sold for cost-price. The average price of a fanzine is 50 roubles. There are also individuals who make and sell music-related and subcultural paraphernalia: T-shirts, cloth and metal badges and banners. But such DIY-products are produced not in millions but in tens or hundreds, which indicates the non-mass nature of this phenomenon. The DIY ethic assumes that the income from the sale of punk or hardcore production is put towards the development of the local scene and not personal enrichment. Thus the money generated by cultural production, as a rule, goes towards production and distribution of labels; the money is used, for example, for the next releases. Punk production is distributed primarily through exchange. Exchanges take place between labels in different cities and countries. The main forms of distribution of punk artefacts are mail order or purchase at concerts. In both cases, this assumes not only consumption but also communication and moves relations between buyer and seller onto a personal level. At the same time, the notion that you can t buy punk recordings at the nearest rock shop creates an important sense of exclusivity about this production. Apart from its consumption function, these practices also carry the meanings of protest within punk; representatives of the punk-diy culture believe that the ability to do everything yourself, and thus bypass consumer society, has a subversive function. 138

139 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Thus DIY-culture embodies the following qualities: independent production, independence, anti-commercialisation and anti-consumerism, creativity, selfrealisation, the creation of one s own culture, communication, enthusiasm, mutual support, joy of creativity, honesty and interest/engagement. The main political ideas of the group are equality and non-discrimination, the recognition of freedom of expression and the rejection of hierarchy and control: To my mind, punk is a youth and now not even that youthful culture based on ideas of equality. The idea is that, in relation to music for example, the boundary between the listener and those on stage is blurred. If three people are playing on the stage, then [when they finish] they come down into the room and listen to the next group. It s the same with fanzines there again the boundary between those who make [fanzines] and those who read them is erased; yeah, so that today you read a zine, tomorrow you make your own one. You see. And that, in my opinion, is the punk idea. And when there are concerts, not in clubs, not in some but in places like clubs or bars but independent, then often they organise them in sports halls or cafeterias in places where there are no stages. And so the listeners and the musicians are all on the same level. That s like, the punk idea, that s an important part of what it s all about. (Punk fanzine producer, 29-year old) Many punks also share anarchist ideas and are members of political communities. A separate practice is squatting, that is the occupation of empty buildings in the city where life is constructed according to the principle of a commune. Intra-group relations Within the punk community, there is an image of authentic and inauthentic punks. Inauthentic punks include those associated with the 1980s and 1990s who are often referred to as dirty punks and seen as adopting only the external attributes of punk and realising the idea of protest through anti-social demonstrative behaviour, alcoholism etc. From around 2000, there appeared a new generation of punks who can be seen as more politicised and for whom external appearance is of relatively minor importance. They consider views and behaviour the real protest against social injustice and capitalist values to be the most important thing. This leads to conflict between punks of the old and new type: Interviewer: Are there no conflicts between punks like you and those who [were around] before? Respondent: Well there are. They make out that I, my friends are not punks, but rather they are the real punks because they are dirty, drunk etc. And that we are like some showoff rich kids, as they see it. They are known as decorative punks. But even so, they are not punk. They don t do anything. They buy all kinds of things, go to shops where they sell Nazi paraphernalia and so on, all kinds of cheap T-shirts and so on and think they are punks, get drunk, and that s it. (Punk musician, 22-year old) 139

140 Groups and Environments 2 At the same time, people sharing the same values and views and communicating on one wavelength can quickly find a common language. The practice of signing in, i.e., getting in to concerts free (by being on a list of invitees) or staying overnight at somebody s, helps them travel and attend concerts. These principles of mutual support and assistance are a kind of social and economic resource ensuring the stability and viability of the punk community. Important also is the use of informational resources about which only people incorporated into punk practice know. This is information about closed Internet portals, forums, specialised shops and trading points where it is possible to buy music and subcultural products and obtain information about actions (events, meetings, protests) and future concerts. Access to such resources saves time and money. Conclusions DIY-culture in Russia has been studied to date primarily through insider accounts of the movement. This material provides an interesting insight into the self-presentation of the movement as a form of resistance to the institutions of commercial music and culture. The research conducted here, in contrast, explores the engagement with the DIY scene by a broader range of individuals and groups and thus allows a more balanced insight into the solidarities and ruptures that govern the scene. References Aksiutina, O. (2004). DIY-protest protiv kommercheskoi kul tury v postsovetskom prostranstve: massovaia muzyka i andergraund. In A. P. Logunov, L. G. Berezova, N. V. Illeritskaia, & E. V. Baryshnikova (Eds.), Massovoe soznanie i massovaia kul tura v Rossii: istoriia i sovremennost (pp ). Moscow: RGGU. Aksiutina, O. (2005a). DIY pank-kul tura kak fenomen molodezhnoi kontrkul tury v postsovetskom postranstve. In I. V. Kondakov (Ed.), Sovremennie transformatsii rossiiskoi kul tury (pp ). Moscow: Nauka. Aksiutina, O. (2005b). Kul tura povsednevnosti sovremennikh protestnikh dvizhenii v Evrope. In G. Iu. Sterin, N. O. Osipova, & N. I. Pospelova (Eds.), Povsednevnost kak tekst kul tury. Materialy mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi konferentsii (pp ). Kirov: ViatGGU. Aksiutina, O. (2006). Politika povsednevnoi zhizni DIY-kul tur. In E. Omel chenko, & N. Goncharova (Eds.), Meniaiushchaisia molodezh v meniaiushchemsia mire: nevidimaiai povsedenevnost (pp ). Ul ianovsk: Ido UGU. Zaitseva, A. (2004). (Anti)ekonomika rok-andergraunda: dobrodeteli sdelai sam i mekhanika vytesneniia deneg. Neprikosnovennii zapas, 1(33),

141 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. Irina Kosterina Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Hilary Pilkington Elena OmelČenko Irina Kosterina DIY jaunimo grupės Sankt Peterburge (Rusijoje) Santrauka Šio tyrimo autorės analizuoja pagrindinius Sankt Peterburgo DIY (angl. Do It Yourself) kultūros dalyvius ir jos veikimo principus. Akcentuojama jų veiklos sritims būdinga nepriklausomos muzikos gamybos svarba, antikomerciškumas, vartotojų teisių gynimas ir kūrybingas savęs realizavimas gyvenamoje vietoje. Atskleidžiama jaunimo, įsitraukusio į miesto DIY kultūrą, veiklų įvairovė ir skirtingi šios kultūros naratyvai, kuriuos pateikia jos aktyvistai ir muzikantai. Judėjimo saviraiška mokslinėje literatūroje įprastai interpretuojama kaip rezistencijos prieš komercinės muzikos ir kultūros institucijas forma. Šis tyrimas atskleidžia plataus jaunimo rato dalyvavimą DIY veiklose, todėl leidžia geriau suprasti jiems būdingą solidarumą ir iššūkius. Tyrimas atliktas 2008 m., tęsėsi 6 savaites, naudoti stebėjimų, 9 giluminių interviu, tyrimų dienoraščio, taip pat interneto svetainių duomenys. Tyrėjos pateikia rekomendacijas institucijoms, atskleidžiančias tarpgrupinius miesto jaunimo ryšius, bendravimo su visuomene ypatumus, požiūrius, tikėjimus ir ideologiją. Raktažodžiai: DIY, ksenofobija, jaunimas, subkultūra. 141

142

143 Airi-Alina Allaste Maarja Kobin Tallinn University IISS ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Hip-Hop Culture in Rakvere Estonia Abstract Hip-hop culture, which started in poor, segregated black communities in the 1970s, has become an international phenomenon. In 1991 Estonia had just restored its independence, becoming free from Soviet power. Alternative values and lifestyles from the West started to arrive and, in the early 1990s, hip-hop culture reached a small provincial town named Rakvere, in Estonia. This research focuses on the glocalization of hip-hop culture in Rakvere. Hip-hop, which originally was the story-telling medium of (mostly black) ghetto youth about personal experiences can be characterised as a neighbourhood-centred, masculine subculture with a great emphasis on authenticity and social criticism. In the analysis, we have concentrated on the following aspects of hip-hop in Rakvere: how neighbourhood-centeredness is manifested in Rakvere s hip-hop, how it connects with the local mentality, how the gender order in a patriarchal society impacts making masculinity and the attitude towards females, what the meaning of authenticity is in the context of Estonian hip-hop, how hip-hop is constructed and maintained and what kind of reactions regarding success-oriented values are created by Estonian hip-hop in a transition society. The research draws on empirical research conducted under the auspices of the SAL project in Estonia the analyses of hip-hop songs, a series of participant observations and 16 open-ended interviews conducted between November 2007 and Summer Keywords: hip-hop culture, subculture, globalization, locality, subcultural capital, Rakvere Estonia Introduction The aim of the subproject was to investigate a global youth culture hip-hop and its development, cultural norms and values in a small provincial town named Rakvere, in Estonia and to find out the impact of locality (local norms, attitudes, needs etc.) on the global subculture. Based on our research, we wrote an article, Hip-hop in Rakvere: The Importance of the Local in Global Subculture in Theoretical background As a theoretical background, we used the post-subcultural theory according to the definition of a subculture as a rather distinctive form of consumption which provides an individual with a more extensive freedom of choice. Young people belong to networks based on similar tastes and values and navigate between them (Muggleton, 2000). 143

144 Groups and Environments 2 For analysing and explaining subcultural norms and values, it is useful to consider the concept of subcultural capital (Thornton, 1995). Subcultural capital confers status to its owner in the eyes of the relevant beholder (Thornton, 1995, p. 11). Holders of subcultural capital are also known by those they do not know, have the greatest impact on the creation of subcultural knowledge and have a role as trend-setters. The logic of subcultural capital works more in terms of what values its holders do not like and what subcultural members are not. Additionally the concept of glocalization has been used. According to Robertson, glocalization means that the global and the local mutually constitute each other and mesh to form the glocal. It is not about living in a world of local assertions against globalising trends. Rather glocalization is defined as the consumption of global products by locally contextualised audiences, who create their own meanings and process them to serve their own social and cultural needs (cited in Lemish et al., 1998, pp. 1-2; see also Robertson, 1995, pp ). Youth subcultures are globalised today. The diffusion theory is useful for analysing how they spread or why some of them take roots in a new society and others do not. Most diffusion studies have focused primarily on the structural aspects of diffusion, while others tend to emphasise a more culturally minded approach. According to the latter, diffusing practices are most likely to be adopted when they are first made congruent with local frames and understandings (Rogers, 1995; Kaufman & Patterson, 2005). However, the original cultural profile of that practice is often transformed in the process (e.g., Appadurai, 1996; Watson, 2002; cited in Kaufman & Patterson, 2005). It is also important to pay attention to the special features of the innovation being adopted such as its potential for replication and change, which also play a crucial role on whether the diffusion process is successful or not (Wejnert, 2002 cited in ibid.). Methods The research is based mostly on open-ended interviews (16 altogether of which 15 were recorded and transcribed) and participant observations. The aim of the latter was to get a broader context for the interpretation of the data. In addition a diary was kept about the observations, and additional data such as photographs and videos of hip-hop songs and other events were collected. The data was gathered between Autumn 2007 and Summer Interviews are analysed from the perspective of constructive grounded theory by using Nvivo qualitative analysis software. In addition the part of the interviews were analysed according to the system theory coding model developed within the framework of SAL. 144

145 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Results In general it can be said that the diffusion of a global cultural practise the hip-hop culture into a small town, Rakvere, in the beginning of 1990s, gave a way for young people to make a difference in their lives and to celebrate the freedom of speech and individualistic values which had been restricted in the times of the Soviet legacy. It also provided a means for young people to create their own identities and distance from the culture of their parents. The subculture provides an example of glocalization how the style from a global subculture is contextualised by a local audience. Although rappers in Rakvere have adopted the style of hip-hop, the analysis shows that the context in Rakvere, Estonia is crucial for the development of local hip-hop music as well as of subcultural norms and attitudes. The culture of black ghetto youth has been adopted by white middle-class youth in a small provincial town where gangsta rap is turned into hoodlum rap. Understanding hoodlum rap would be difficult without knowing the local conditions more precisely. Hoodlum rap is described in interviews as strong, aggressive and powerful with the focus on parties, women, fights and toughness. A local MC from Rakvere started to use the term hoodlum rap, since there are no ghetto and no gangsters in Estonia but there are hoodlums hanging around, that is, young teenage boys looking for fights and doing monkey business. Young rappers also tried to create some sort of their own ghetto as a way to escape the daily monotony and boring life of Rakvere. Central values and norms are represented and produced by the inner circle that possesses high subcultural capital. Collective identity is constructed on an abstract level against tasteless others, the mainstream, and it is not entirely clear who belongs to the hip-hop subculture and who does not. Since the place is small (Rakvere has about 17,000 inhabitants), group members are strongly interconnected with one another. The powerfulness of the group is explained by insiders in terms of the spirit of the town Rakvere is a crazy city full of power. The centrality of Rakvere in music and in lifestyle is a local example of a global feature of hip-hop the importance of origins. Rakvere is stressed in songs, in the name of the coterie (RLV Massive) and in the lifestyle of rappers who have moved away from Rakvere and come back on weekends to perform or organise a party. A rather important feature for inclusion in this community is the place of residence. The criticism of society in songs tends more to be an irony of success-oriented mentality in a transition society rather than the social criticism of injustices that American hip-hop stresses (see, e.g., Rose, 2006; Bennett, 2001). Attitudes are exemplified with terms used by hip-hoppers such as succiety and bling. The latter 145

146 Groups and Environments 2 originates from American hip-hop but it has a slightly changed meaning in Estonia it refers to self-decoration but carries an ironic attitude towards the show-off mentality (Allaste, 2006), meaning that, in a success-oriented society, people present themselves materially better off than they really are. Similarly gender roles are influenced both by the hip-hop culture as well as by the prevailing gender roles in Rakvere and in Estonia. Among men the tough guy attitude prevails which is supported by the local context, the behavioural norms in Rakvere, as well as by the international hip-hop subcultural norms. Females mostly have the roles of the babes and girlfriends of rappers, roles which are accepted by both sexes. However, there are double standards for women. They are expected to be feminine and sexy which not only gives them a lower status in the subculture but, at the same time, associates with the show-off mentality that rappers ridicule. Looking at the cultural aspects of the diffusion of a global cultural practice the hip-hop culture into Rakvere, it can be said that the town (Rakvere) fits both in the sense of an innovator and a receiver. Hip-hop is a masculine culture and emphasises being tough and strong in the face of life and the challenges life provides. Rakvere, which has a masculine cultural elite, has been good for the development of rap music, which also shares the tough guy attitude. On the other hand, structural opportunities have been restrictive for the development of graffiti and the break dance scene, both of which are not that strong. Break dancers and graffiti drawers need others as models to learn and practice. Graffiti, as illegal art and as city culture, has been perhaps less adoptable to the local circumstances of Rakvere. Rakvere has offered too few venues (e.g., places to practice or to draw) for the development of both of these scenes. Furthermore, since the central figures in the developing hip-hop scene of Rakvere in the 1990s became musicians, graffiti and the dance scene have developed relatively little to this day. Policy recommendations In contrast to stereotypical thinking regarding subcultural youth, the SAL research results show that young people involved in hip-hop and general leisure/party cultures are not marginalised nor opposed to society but active and interested in a successful life in the established society. The latter should be interpreted in a context of socialisation for young people instead of as a moral panic against subcultures. Knowledge about subcultures (such as the SAL research results) could be useful for utilisation in developing organised work and activities for young people with regard to their values and meanings. In general policies on youth should integrate subcultural people and knowledge instead of superficial condemnations of such. 146

147 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures More detailed information about subcultures should be published and disseminated to improve the awareness of the general population. When people have a distorted and unilateral knowledge about subcultures, their hostile attitudes may cause the marginalisation of subcultural youth resulting in their opposition to the society. Intensive education (courses and such) regarding the topic should be provided to people working with youth teachers, youth workers, social workers etc. New trends in subcultures should be actively employed in working with youth to create conditions where subcultural youth could be active, introduce subcultures to a wider range of young people and involve the idols and stars of subcultures as leaders in youth work. To some extent, youth work could be organised in a way whereby facilities and means are provided, but the young people themselves have the opportunity of using them freely (creating their own space and culture) under the supervision of open-minded adults with specialised education. Famous musicians and idols (artists) could be used in different campaigns (e.g., anti-drug) in making these more easily understandable and attractive to young people. References Allaste, A. A. (2006). Essee: Show-off olla edukas, rikas ja tugev. Retrieved February 16, 2008, from Bennett, A. (2001). Cultures of Popular Music (pp ). Philadelphia: Open University Press. Kaufman, J., & Patterson, O. (2005). Cross-National Cultural Diffusion: The Global Spread of Cricket. American Sociological Review, 70(1), Lemish, D., Drotner, K., Liebes, T., Maigret, E., & Stald, G. (1998). Global Culture in Practice. Retrieved July 14, 2007, from Muggleton, D. (2000). Inside Subculture. The Postmodern Meaning of Style. Oxford: Berg. Robertson, R. (1995). Glocalization: Time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity. In M. Featherstone, S. Lash, & R. Robertson (Eds.), Global Modernities (pp ). London: Sage. Rose, T. (2006). Voices from the margins. Rap music and contemporary cultural production. In A. Bennett, B. Shank, & J. Toynbee (Eds.), The Popular Music Studies Reader (pp ). London, New York: Routledge. Thornton, S. (1995). Club-cultures. Music, media and subcultural capital. Cambridge: Polity Press. Airi-Alina Allaste Centre for Lifestyle Studies, Tallinn University IISS, Uus-Sadama 5, Tallinn, Estonia. alina@iiss.ee Maarja Kobin Centre for Lifestyle Studies, Tallinn University IISS, Uus-Sadama 5, Tallinn, Estonia. maarja.kobin@gmail.com Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

148 Groups and Environments 2 Airi-Alina Allaste Maarja Kobin Hiphopo kultūra Rakverėje (Estijoje) Santrauka Hiphopo kultūra, atsiradusi neturtingose atskirtose juodaodžių bendruomenėse 1970 m., tapo pasauliniu reiškiniu m., kai Estija buvo ką tik atgavusi nepriklausomybę ir išsilaisvinusi nuo sovietų valdžios, iš Vakarų pradėjo sklisti alternatyvios vertybės bei gyvenimo būdai. Dešimtojo dešimtmečio pradžioje hiphopo kultūra pasiekė mažą Estijos provincijos miestelį Rakverę. Šis tyrimas analizuoja hiphopo kultūros globalizacijos procesus Rakverėje. Hiphopas siejasi su vargingų juodaodžių kvartalų jaunimo pasakojimais apie asmeninius išgyvenimus, tačiau jis gali būti apibūdinamas ir kaip mikrorajonuose koncentruota vyrų subkultūra, kuriai būdingas pabrėžtinas autentiškumas ir socialinė kritika. Tyrėjos analizavo tokius hiphopo aspektus Rakverėje: kaip orientacija į mikrorajonus išreiškiama Rakverės hiphope; kaip jis siejasi su vietiniu mentalitetu; kaip lyčių santykiai, suformuoti patriarchalinėje visuomenėje, veikia vyriškumo sampratą ir požiūrį į moteris; kokia yra autentiškumo reikšmė estiško hiphopo kontekste; kaip hiphopas yra kuriamas ir išsaugomas; kokio tipo reakcijas, susijusias su vertybėmis, nukreiptomis į sėkmę, kuria estiškas hiphopas pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėje. Tyrimas remiasi empiriniais duomenimis, surinktais dalyvaujant SAL projekte hiphopo dainų analize, dalyvių stebėjimais ir 16 giluminių interviu, atliktų nuo 2007 m. lapkričio iki 2008 m. vasaros. Tyrėjos rekomenduoja plačiai publikuoti tyrimų duomenis apie šią subkultūrą, kad pasikeistų visuomenės požiūris ir subkultūrinės grupės nebūtų marginalizuojamos. Siūloma supažindinti su subkultūros narių vertybėmis, idėjomis ir saviraiška mokytojus, kultūros darbuotojus, darbdavius, siekiant sumažinti subkultūros dalyvių socialinę atskirtį. Raktažodžiai: hiphopo kultūra, subkultūra, globalizacija, lokalumas, subkultūrinis kapitalas, Rakverė (Estija). 148

149 Michaela Praisler Daniela Şorcaru Isabela Merilă Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Hip-Hop in Romania ( ) Abstract The presented report includes an overview of the political and social situation of post-communist Romania from the viewpoint of establishing the emergence and development of hip-hop as a taste subculture. As there were very few detectable traces of the specific literature we needed in Romanian, our pioneering work started with adapting foreign literature in the field to the Romanian realities we faced. The results of our research are quantified, discussed and concluded complete with references and the state-of-the-art. Keywords: hip-hop, subculture, post-communist Romania Introduction After 1989, in the post-communist era, the academic research in Eastern Europe, Romania included, opened up to the new problems posed by the mechanisms of cultural change. Public recognition of decentring margins and of oppositional forces to mainstream culture gradually brought about an increased interest in subcultures (originated in terms of region, ethnicity, class, religion or taste ). An analysis of such, it was felt, would contribute to a better understanding of the inner workings of the local and global state of affairs, despite the neuralgic points being tackled. Taste subcultures were the last to gain visibility and to form a subject for scholarly investigation. This explains the scarcity of resources in the field and the necessity of giving more attention to this otherwise prominent phenomenon. The particular case of Romanian hip-hop and its novel discourse was made the object of our research within the Sixth Framework Project, Society and Lifestyles. Towards Enhancing Social Harmonization through Knowledge of Subcultural Communities. The data collected and processed resumes its setting (the social, political and historical contexts), players (citizens questioning citizenship), plot (from the expository, through the climactic, to the open-endedness of its resolution), objective time (contemporary age), style (specificity of its language and structure) and narrative technique (involving artists as narrators, the average Romanian as narrator and hip-hop fans as active narrators). 149

150 Groups and Environments 2 The research was carried out by Daniela Şorcaru and Isabela Merilă (main researchers) and Michaela Praisler and Floriana Popescu (members of the research group and representatives in the SAL Steering Committee). The focus groups under investigation were formed by hip-hoppers in Galati*, Romania (several groups and independent members of the community were contacted). There are approximately 150 group members. * Galati is Romania s seventh largest city, with a population of approx. 300,000 people. Of these, at least 15% seem to be hip-hop fans (judging by participation in various hip-hop events). Methods Quantitative and qualitative methods were used: ethnographic fieldwork, 30 structured interviews, 40 questionnaires and content analyses of lyrics and media coverage. The interdisciplinary approaches of cultural studies, discourse analysis and postmodernist theory provided the theoretical framework. 1 The main authors/ concepts employed were I. Hassan postmodernism as an organised system or poetics; J. F. Lyotard rejection of the hegemony of the canon or of the grand or master narratives; M. Featherstone the beginning of a shift in the global balance of power away from the West; C. P. Kottak postmodernist narratives show different degrees of destruction, domination, resistance, survival, adaptation and modification of cultures; A. Bennett new conceptual models for youth culture: neo-tribe and scene ; D. Muggleton post-subculture has moved away from group identity to a more fragmented identity, from stylistic homogeneity to plural styles, from clear delineation to blurred boundaries, from a high to a low degree of commitment, from permanence to transience, from a static entity to one governed by intense mobility, from emphasising belief and values to expressing fascination with style and image, from political involvement to apolitical distance, from anti-media positions to active engagement with the media, from authenticity to celebrating the inauthentic and B. Longhurst one possible position: retaining aspects of the subculture concept but considering the way in which subcultures have in some sense been postmodernised. Under focus are the following: the impact of American hip-hop on Romanian artists and public, the distinction between contaminated and 1 At the current state of the art in the field of hip-hop research in Romania, the UGAL contribution to the SAL project comes as a ground-setting endeavour. Scholarly literature on the subject is virtually nonexistent in our country, while the written self-expression of the hip-hop community proves, even today, to be perpetually in a planning stage rather than taking actual shape. Lyrics remain the only written testimony of Romanian hip-hop. Consequently our starting point meant translating and confronting the international literature on the subject with the reality of the Romanian context. Only then were we able to shift our attention towards field research and interpreting research results. 150

151 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures authentic Romanian hip-hoppers, the history of the manifestations of hiphop elements in the Romanian culture, the attitudes of Romanians towards the hip-hop phenomenon, the emergence and crystallisation of the hiphop subcultural community, features of the native hip-hop subculture, the icons of the Romanian hip-hop subcultural community and the present-day reception of hip-hop messages as a subculture. Aspects tackled include: gender, violence (linguistic and physical), glocalization or how the global meets the local and what comes out of this clash as a result (Eastern European, Romanian), resistance to established society (confronting the mainstream popular culture, confronting society and the political/economic system) and the perception of media coverage. Specificities researched are: community events, places of entertainment, Internet as a part of the subcultural scene and the means of expressing identity. Results American hip-hop was initially the norm within the Romanian context. Gradually, however, the mechanisms and marketing strategies of its importation became visible and undesirable. Consequently Romanian hip-hop emerged as a reaction against the cultural, economic and political mainstream. Historically four stages may be identified in the evolution of Romanian hip-hop: early 1990s, mid-1990, late 1990s and the present day. Our research of community members and events, on the one hand, uncovered the gender issues (the obvious discrimination patterns) recurrent in hip-hop modes and manners and the linguistic and physical violence specific to the manifestations of the Romanian hip-hop subcultural identity. Our analysis of the hip-hop media coverage, on the other hand, revealed the exaggerated censorship imposed on hip-hop image and lyrics. Following our investigations, a number of social problems have been identified. The hip-hop subculture in Galati, and in Romania in general, faces serious social criticism from authorities and the society-at-large. Those who oppose hip-hop and impose censorship are governmental bodies (The National Council for the Audiovisual), school boards, employers and parents alike. As a result, hip-hop communities have become quite exclusivist because, on one hand, they are very much aware of the fact that they are being discriminated and, on the other, they have become prejudiced in turn as well. We are therefore making the following policy recommendations. 151

152 Groups and Environments 2 Policy recommendations granting community members the right to express their subcultural identity openly granting them proper visibility in terms of both society and authorities by displaying a just tolerance towards people who are differently-minded and who choose a type of identity that does not correspond to unwritten social patterns exerting the same degree or type of censorship as with other sections and layers of society and putting an end to discriminative policies that are enforced by national authorities in the field and society-at-large making sure that community members are no longer discriminated in institutions (e.g., schools, universities, mayor s office, police and the like) when applying for a job and in other situations due to their appearance (clothing, jewellery, accessories) and behaviour (excepting violent acts, of course) allotting them an equal amount of broadcast time and newspaper space in all mass media environments, so they may finally exert their human and constitutional rights to embrace openly their social identity as a subcultural community distinct from the mainstream and to communicate directly via public channels to members of their own communities. Discussion and conclusions Hip-hop, which is a music genre and a cultural movement, has evolved from the strategically coherent modernist phase to a blurred, postmodernist one where frontiers are trespassed and identity is constantly in-the-making. Romanian hip-hop has emerged post its American model (recycling and easternising western patterns and attitudes). It took hip-hop, however, about two decades to reach Romania, after 1989, the year of the country s entering its post-communist era. During the1990s, in the political, economic and cultural uncertainty and experimentation that followed the revolution, western models were readily adopted due to the growing need to efface a past in which international and intercultural dialogue had been reduced to a minimum. In the case of hip-hop, its outspoken message, its rhythms and the unconventionality of its artists were especially attractive to a still young generation which had been forbidden to express itself openly. As the context gradually changed, so did the imports from the west, which were slowly easternised. The cultural convergence meant that the initial accessing and imitation of American hip-hop lost ground in favour of adaptations to the Romanian situation at the turn of the century. The constant rewriting of Romanian hip-hop in keeping with the broader contextual changes involves artists and audiences, places and spaces, subjects, 152

153 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures lifestyles, fandom, production and consumption. All these are pointing in the direction of appropriation, glocalization, contamination and fluidisation (symptoms of contemporary global culture under the sign of postmodernist deconstruction and reconstruction). Hip-hop in Romania, a subculture which, both in its opposition to the mainstream and in its self-generated or stereotypical public image, is as diverse as it may be. It does not exist in strict separation from other global or local subcultural modes of expression. Coming from across the Atlantic, this subculture has adopted and adapted all the main characteristic elements of hip-hop (DJing, MCing or rapping, breakdancing, beatboxing, fashion, slang, graffiti, street knowledge and entrepreneurship), with some players doing so more than others. Their mediaborne images or texts have dispersed across all social strata and have been received differently (though not indifferently!) with the help of radio, television, magazines, films and, of course, the Internet. At home, this subculture shares a number of political strategies of rebellion and/or promotion of otherness with punk rockers, hippies and others all of whom have gained visibility and become part of the Romanian scene following Our research has shown that one such common strategy is hip-hop s countercultural resistance to specific centres that Romanian history has allowed and that have produced fissures in the society-at-large. It vehemently replaces the wooden language with a virulent argot that signals its rejection of the country s Orwellian newspeak, big brother and communist past. Meanwhile, it mocks the manele subculture infesting the Romanian territory (mirroring the opposition to eastern/oriental influences) and, exacerbated, justifies racist and misogynist positions that were associated with hip-hop anyway. Its dynamism is also obvious at the level of discourse where it is supported by irony, parody and pastiche. Within this fabric, the structure and conventional nature of auto and hetero images of Romanian hip-hop may be found at the crossroads between the linguistic (aesthetic/rhetorical) and historical (ideological/sociocultural) aspects of discourse. The language of the hip-hop text was English at first, while minimal modifications of original lyrics were being made. When Romanian texts were produced, they retained a great deal of unprocessed western ingredients, with translators mainly producing word-for-word equivalent versions. In time, although the western other still breathes through, the wording seems to have been preserved intentionally for parodies with a critique of its own to be formulated. This all points to the qualitative development of hip-hop in Romania from an almost plagiaristic enterprise to a self-reflexive, analytical community with pertinent judgements of the self and the other. Such texts, typical for the Romanian situation, are made possible by the fact that their readers are mostly upper middle class, educated youth who now see an opportunity for making their voices heard in ways 153

154 Groups and Environments 2 and by means which are apparently popular and entertaining but which are serious and thought-provoking in reality. Romanian hip-hop fans, as our investigations have pointed out, form exclusivist, prejudiced groups not only because they reject newcomers as potential contamination agents, but especially because of their social status and in response to the blind discrimination against them by society. Their resistance takes the form of imposed otherness in music, fashion, behaviour and language, and their narrations of the self marginalise authoritarian centres. Conceived, it has been implied, at the expense of killing its American ancestor but born dead (in the sense attributed to the word by cultural theorists like W. Benjamin, R. Barthes and others), Romanian hip-hop has nonetheless travelled across space and developed in time to become an autonomous but flexible construct with a discernible inner dynamics that has propelled it away from the margin towards a cultural centre where, if it is not tolerated as such, it is contested, criticised, even feared as a serious threat and therefore acknowledged. Its text, middle ground in the communication between writer and reader, discloses viewpoints and represents group identity (its subject is generally Romanian, male, collective, upper middleclass, apolitical). It playfully rewrites other texts in an attempt at discouraging preconception and publicly denouncing the complacent acceptance of the ways of the world (its textuality reflects the new Romanian glocal disorder offered as food for thought). It adopts a language of its own for the narrative pattern that supports it (its discourse breaks with tradition and challenges the inert reader) and it explores the social aspects that usually go unnoticed or remain unsolved (Romanian society at its worst is placed under a lens with its unemployment, poverty, poor living conditions and lack of education still waiting to be eradicated). To sum up, what defines the approximately 16 year-old Romanian hip-hop is the fragmented nature of its inscriptions of identity, the plurality of its narrative styles, its elasticity and detachment, its constant state of becoming, its image-making and image-breaking endeavours, its celebration of media generated simulacra all identifiable in its history, in its narrating the referent, in its outer and inner mobility and in the playfulness of its language. In short, it might be looked upon as a case of post-subculturalism. References Bennett, A., Shank, B., & Toynbee, J. (Eds.) (2006). The Popular Music Studies Reader. London, New York: Routledge. Currie, M. (1998). Postmodern Narrative Theory. London: Macmillan Press. Featherstone, M. (1993). Global and Local Cultures. In J. Bird, et al. (Eds.), Mapping the Futures: Local Culture, Global Change. London, New York: Routledge. 154

155 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Giroux, H. A., Lankshear, C., McLaren, P., & Peters, M. (1996). Counternarratives. Cultural Studies and Pedagogies in Postmodern Spaces. London, New York: Routledge. Gurevitch, Z. D. (1988, March). The Other Side of Dialogue: On Making the Other Strange and the Experience of Otherness. The American Journal of Sociology, 93(5), Hassan, I. (1985). Paracriticisms: Seven Speculations of the Times. USA: University of Illinois Press. Iacob, A. (2002). Imaginarul violent al muzicii hip-hop din Romania. Caietele Echinox, 2, Kottak, C. P. (1996). Mirror for Humanity. Boston: McGraw Hill. Longhurst, B. (2007). Popular Music and Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Lyotard, J. F. (1984). The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge (G. Bennington, & B. Massumi, Trans.). Manchester: Manchester University Press. Merilă, I., & Praisler, M. (2009). Textually constructing identity and otherness: Mediating the hiphop message. In G. McKay, C. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaite (Eds.), Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe (pp ). Cultural Identity Series, Oxford: Peter Lang. Mio, J. S. (2006). Multicultural Psychology: Understanding Our Diverse Communities. Boston: McGraw Hill. Muggleton, D. (2000). Inside Culture: The Postmodern Meaning of Style. Oxford: Berg. Praisler, M., & Colipcă, G. (Eds.) (2008). Culture, Subculture, Counterculture. Galaţi: Europlus. Praisler, M. (2008). Romanian hip-hop: A post-subculture? Analele Universităţii Galaţi (pp ). Galaţi. Said, E. W. (2001). Orientalism. Timisoara: Amarcord. Santaolalla, I. (Ed.). New Exoticisms. Changing Patterns in the Construction of Otherness. Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi. Şorcaru, D., & Popescu, F. (2009). On linguistic politics: The stylistic testimonies of Romanian hip-hop. In G. McKay, C. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaite (Eds), Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe (pp ). Cultural Identity Series, Oxford: Peter Lang. Storey, J. (Ed.) (2006). Cultural Theory and Popular Culture. A Reader. London: Pearson. Todorov, T. (1994). Cucerirea Americii. Problema Celuilalt. Iasi: Institutul European. Werbner, P. (2001, March) The limits of cultural hybridity: On ritual monsters, poetic licence and contested postcolonial purifications. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 7(1), Michaela Praisler Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi, Romania (UGAL), 47 Domneasca Street, Galati, Romania. mipraisler@yahoo.co.uk Daniela Şorcaru Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi, Romania (UGAL), 47 Domneasca Street, Galati, Romania. cidulet@yahoo.com Isabela Merilă Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi, Romania (UGAL), 47 Domneasca Street, Galati, Romania. isabela_merila@yahoo.com Received 28 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

156 Groups and Environments 2 Michaela Praisler Daniela Şorcaru Isabela Merilă Hiphopo kultūra Rumunijoje ( m.) Santrauka Tyrime atlikta politinės ir socialinės situacijos pokomunistinėje Rumunijoje analizė, siejant ją su hiphopo, kaip kultūrinio judėjimo ir muzikos žanro, iškilimu ir vystymusi. Analizuojamos istoriškai susiformavusios bei iš Vakarų perimtos kultūrinės ideologinės strategijos ir muzikinė žanro patirtis. Tyrime taikyti kokybiniai ir kiekybiniai metodai: užrašyta 30 struktūruotų interviu, užpildyta 40 klausimynų, atlikta dainų tekstų analizė, taikytas filmavimo metodas. Tyrime atskleidžiami galios santykiai, su kuriais susiduria subkultūros kūrėjai. Jų tekstams būdinga socialinė ironija, susieta su politiniu ir kultūriniu meinstrymu (angl. mainstream), socialinėmis ir ekonominėmis šalies problemomis: nedarbu ir skurdu, žemu išsilavinimo lygiu. Tokia saviraiška sąlygoja valdančiojo visuomenės sluoksnio bei plačiosios visuomenės kritiką hiphopo atžvilgiu. Hiphopo kūrėjai sulaukia cenzūros iš valstybinių institucijų, mokyklos, darbdavių, tėvų. Taigi Rumunijos hiphopo bendruomenės patiria gilią socialinę atskirtį. Raktažodžiai: hiphopas, subkultūra, pokomunistinė Rumunija. 156

157 Airi-Alina Allaste Vaike Võõbus Peeter Vihma Maarja Kobin Tallinn University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Irina Kosterina Scientific Research Centre Region Recreational Cannabis Users in Estonia and Russia Abstract The aim of the research has been to pay attention to two aspects concerning recreational cannabis use in Estonia firstly, how young recreational drug users diminish and deal with the risks of cannabis use and, secondly, how the gender order and recreational drug use are related to each other. Cannabis has spread from the capital of Estonia and become part of the mainstream youth culture. Informal social networks are used for selling the drug. Smoking and dealing in cannabis is common for young people, and even non-smokers accept it. Cannabis use is considered to be everyone s free choice and seen as a natural drug which is not as harmful as synthetic drugs are. The aim of the research has been to investigate what kinds of social sanctions and other control mechanisms (extrinsic and intrinsic) regulate cannabis use, and the risks of diminished health both short-term and long term which the young recreational cannabis users have experienced. In analysing the gender order of drug use, we performed a comparative study analysing the differences between gender order and drug use in two different countries Estonia and Russia. Different roles, responsibilities, activities and contributions of women and men are expected, allowed and encouraged in relation to different drug use contexts and countries. In this comparative study, we paid attention to many aspects concerning gender order and drug use such as the initiation to and context of drug use, hierarchy, norms and frequency and the amounts and types of drugs used in these two countries. The analysis is based on 30 open-ended interviews with cannabis users aged conducted in Autumn 2006 under the auspices of the SAL project in Estonia. Informants were reached employing the snowball method. For the analysis of the comparative study with Russia, we used 11 interviews and field notes on Russian drug users carried out by Russian researcher, Irina Kosterina, in the framework of the SAL project in Russia. Keywords: recreational drug use, normalisation, gender, risks, cannabis use, young people 157

158 Groups and Environments 2 Introduction The aim of the subproject has been to investigate and analyse different issues in relation to the recreational cannabis users in Estonia. The study focused on different topics such as drug use and material relations; trust, friendship and drugs; gender and drug use and communication with society. Theoretical background The term recreational drug use means that drug use does not disturb daily activities like working or learning and does not cause evident physical harm. Furthermore a drug user has no compulsory need to consume drugs, and it is limited only to leisure time. The spread of illegal drugs in Estonia took place at the time when society had to face social problems previously unknown during Soviet times. Since there were no widely-accepted explanations for the spread of illegal drugs, representations constructed by the media became greatly influential (Parker et al., 1998). The result was a generational gap between the attitudes towards illegal drugs (Allaste, 2006). The concept of normalisation means that drug use, which used to be deviant and subcultural in negative sense, is adopted by the mainstream culture. It does not mean that all young people take drugs but that drugs are easily available, people have tolerant attitudes towards drugs and a rather large proportion of people experiment with drugs (Parker et al., 1998). The approach of social-constructivism (Berger & Luckmann, 1966) was employed for discussing risks and cannabis use according to which social problems (illegal drugs) and risks are dynamical social constructs. In a risk society, awareness of risks and risk calculations have become a natural part of daily life (Giddens, 1991). The term gender order was used in the comparison of two case studies. This, according to Carolyn Hannan (2006), is defined as the way society is organised around the roles, responsibilities, activities and contributions of women and men; in other words, it relates what is expected, allowed and encouraged in relation to what women and men do in different contexts. An important starting point is the fact that gender order is not set in stone it is possible to challenge and change it. Methods The analysis is based on 30 open-ended interviews with cannabis users aged Of these 15 are from Tallinn (interviewed by Peeter Vihma) and 15 from Rakvere (interviewed by Maarja Kobin); the interviewees were 14 young women and 158

159 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures 16 young men. The data was collected in Autumn Informants were reached via the snowball method. Interviews are analysed from the perspective of the constructive grounded theory by using Nvivo qualitative analysis software. Commonly accepted proximate codes were used relative to the comparative case studies (Estonia and Russia). To compare drug use in Estonia with that in Russia, Russian data were also used. The latter consisted of empirical data based on ethnographic research conducted among two youth groups in Sochi. The data drawn for this study consisted of 11 interviews with drug users and extensive field notes by Irina Kosterina. Results Meaning of drug use and its risks from the perspective of cannabis users (Airi-Alina Allaste and Vaike Võõbus) Cannabis use is becoming more normalised (Parker et al., 1998) in certain youth cultures in Estonia. Nonetheless, the perception of recreational use (especially cannabis) is more critical than it is in Western Europe. Recreational users are often invisible ; publicly these users are still linked with drug addicts. According to the analysis, it can be said that the generational gap between teenagers and their parents is decreasing. Cannabis has spread out of the capital and become part of the mainstream youth culture in Estonia. Informal social networks are used for selling the drug; smoking and dealing cannabis is common for young people, and even non-smokers accept it. Cannabis use is considered to be everyone s free choice and seen as a natural drug which is not as harmful as synthetic drugs are. According to Berger and Luckmann (1966), social sanctions and other control mechanisms protect the institutional order. It is possible to distinguish extrinsic control mechanisms (control by police, parents, teachers, other non-users, norms and values in cannabis users groups) and intrinsic control mechanisms (internalised norms and values). Health risks can be subdivided as short-term (worsening of short-term memory, incapability to concentrate and process difficult information, anxiety or panic) and long-term (chromosome impairment, might predispose cancer, addiction) as per the perspectives of young recreational drug users themselves. The main strategy to diminish risks is to limit drug-use to leisure time only (party, company of friends). Next it is to limit the quantity of the drug and the frequency of drug use (making a pause); constant self-reflection is necessary. Recreational cannabis users are worried about the impact of their illegal leisure and they attempt to regulate their behaviour to cause as little harm as possible. Still, awareness about possible health risks is low. 159

160 Groups and Environments 2 Gender order and drug use: Cases in Estonia and Russia (Airi-Alina Allaste and Irina Kosterina) Initiation to drug use In both countries, mostly the young women first get involved in companies where drugs are used; they get used to the surroundings where drugs are part of going out and having a party and then, some day, they start using drugs themselves. There were also young women who were in such companies but had not experimented with drugs. Especially in the case of Russia, the young men found the situation where drugs were offered to be more demanding than the young women did. Experimenting with drugs was often considered part of masculinity, and this made it much more difficult for the young men to refuse using drugs. Context of drug use Most frequently drugs were used at parties in someone s home or an alternative club. In Estonian cases, young people tend to go out more to clubs and use cannabis prior to going. Motives for using drugs differentiate especially in Russia. There it is mostly considered as fun for young women and associated with more spiritual motives such as open doors for young men. Frequency, amounts and types of drugs used The young men tend to take drugs more often and in greater quantities in both countries, the same as with alcohol. The types of drugs were different in Estonia and Russia. In both countries, the most common drug was cannabis. Some of the informants in Estonia had had experiences with club drugs and hallucinogens. Young people in Russia had experiences with mushrooms and legal drugs from pharmacies. Especially in Russia, there is a clear division of drugs which are suitable for young women and which are for young men. Norms When discussing norms, it is important to keep in mind that drugs (including soft drugs) are not tolerated, neither in Estonia nor in Russia the older generation only knows the exaggerated disastrous side of it and is strictly against it. However, in patriarchal societies, it is more readily accepted that males are wild and break the law; whereas, females should be always act nice. Drug use in youth cultures reflects traditional gender roles women do not have same rights as men; they tend to consume less and are more critical on questions related to drugs. From previous studies, it was known that males often control female drug use and, even if they take drugs themselves, they prefer women not to do so. 160

161 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Hierarchy Males hold the stronger position relevant to their drug expertise and have better access to drugs. Females are almost never in the position of a dealer. Especially in the Russian drug culture, males have the authority because of their ability to take risks and put up with dangerous situations. When referencing access to drugs, there is also lot of information about legal drugs (from pharmacies) in Russian web pages. This is not common in Estonia (and in other countries). An open drug market does not exist in Estonia; thus a person must be involved in the drug culture to get drugs. As mentioned, mostly young men buy drugs in many cases, circle of friends have a small scale dealer or at least contact to a dealer. References Allaste, A. A. (2006). Drug Cultures in Estonia Contexts, Meanings and Patterns of Illicit Drug Use. Tallinn: Tallinn University Press. Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1966). The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity. Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Cambridge: Polity. Hannan, C. (2006) Empowering Women. Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 7: 173ю Parker, H., Alridge, J., & Measham, F. (1998). Illegal Leisure: The Normalization of Adolescent Recreational Drug Use. London, New York: Routledge. Airi-Alina Allaste Centre for Lifestyles Studies, Tallinn University IISS, Uus-Sadama 5, Tallinn 10130, Estonia. alina@iiss.ee Vaike Võõbus Centre for Lifestyles Studies, Tallinn University IISS, Turu-Uuringute AS, Tatari 6, Tallinn 10116, Estonia. vaike@turu-uuringute.ee Peeter Vihma Centre for Lifestyles Studies, Tallinn University IISS, Tallinn University, IISS, Uus-Sadama 5, Tallinn, Estonia. peeter.vihma@tlu.ee Maarja Kobin Centre for Lifestyles Studies, Tallinn University IISS, Uus-Sadama 5, Tallinn, Estonia. maarjakobin@hot.ee Irina Kosterina Scientific Research Centre Region, Ul`ianovsk, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. kosterina@yandex.ru Received 12 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

162 Groups and Environments 2 Airi-Alina Allaste Vaike Võõbus Peeter Vihma Maarja Kobin Irina Kosterina Rekreaciniai kanapių vartotojai Estijoje ir Rusijoje Santrauka Šio tyrimo tikslas buvo atkreipti dėmesį į du aspektus, susijusius su kanapių vartojimu Estijoje: a) sveikatos ir kiti pavojai, su kuriais susiduria jauni narkotikų vartotojai; b) lyties ir narkotikų vartojimo sąsajos. Kanapės Estijoje pasklido iš sostinės ir tapo jaunimo populiariosios kultūros dalimi. Narkotikų prekybai kuriami neformalūs socialiniai tinklai. Kanapių rūkymas ir platinimas yra įprastas jauniems žmonėms ir netgi priimtinas nerūkantiems. Kanapių vartojimas yra traktuojamas kaip laisvas kiekvieno žmogaus pasirinkimas. Kanapės laikomos natūraliu narkotiku, kuris nėra toks kenksmingas kaip sintetiniai. Tyrimo tikslas buvo ištirti, kokie egzistuoja socialiniai draudimai ir kiti kontrolės mechanizmai (išoriniai ir vidiniai), reguliuojantys kanapių vartojimą, taip pat išsiaiškinti susilpnėjusios kanapes vartojančio jaunimo sveikatos požymius tiek ilgalaikius, tiek trumpalaikius. Nagrinėdami abiejų lyčių atstovų narkotikų vartojimą, tyrėjai pritaikė lyginamąją analizę, kuria atskleidė abiejų lyčių narkotikų vartojimo skirtumus dviejose šalyse Estijoje ir Rusijoje. Pastebėti skirtingi vyrų ir moterų vaidmenys, jų įsipareigojimai, aktyvumas ir indėliai, kurie yra leidžiami ir skatinami skirtingose šalyse. Tyrėjai analizavo daugelį aspektų, susijusių su abiejų lyčių atstovų narkotikų vartojimu, pvz., narkotikų vartotojų iniciacijos, hierarchija, normos, vartojimo dažnumas bei narkotikų kiekiai ir tipai. Analizė yra pagrįsta 30-čia giluminių interviu su kanapių vartotojais nuo 16 iki 20 metų amžiaus, atliktų 2006 m. rudenį, dalyvaujant SAL projekte. Informantai buvo surinkti naudojant sniego kamuolio metodą. Lyginamojo tyrimo su Rusijos narkotikų vartotojais analizei buvo panaudoti 11 interviu ir Rusijos tyrėjos Irinos Kosterinos pastabos apie Rusijos narkotikų vartotojus, pateiktos dalyvaujant SAL projekte. Raktažodžiai: rekreacinis narkotikų vartojimas, normavimas, lytis, rizika, kanapių vartojimas, jaunimas. 162

163 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Irina Kosterina Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Drug Using Youth Groups in Sochi Russia Abstract In Russian academic literature, drug use is generally approached as a social problem that can be resolved through the curbing of the supply of drugs and the punishment of drug users and traders. This approach is rooted in understandings drug use as an escape from harsh social reality (often linked to economic transformation and moral confusion following the collapse of the Soviet Union). The research from this case study in Sochi a city in which young people have relatively good economic and cultural opportunities undermines a key argument underpinning this problematising discourse. The material suggests, on the contrary, that drugs especially recreational drugs are becoming an increasingly routine ( normal ) part of the youth cultural environment. Keywords: xenophobia, drug use, youth, subculture Introduction In Russian academic literature, drug use is generally approached as a social problem. Thus Zvonovskii and Romanovich (2004) explain the use of narcotic substances by reference to, among other things, a tough daily life. Bykov (2000) puts drug addiction down to dissatisfaction with life in relation to a wide variety of circumstances including: personal difficulties; inadequate socio-cultural provision providing no opportunities for spending free time, which is particularly important to young people; social injustice; disorganisation of everyday life; disappointment in people and the lack of opportunity in these conditions to fulfil oneself (lack of success in work, study, the creative sphere or personal life). Zhuravleva (2000) concludes that, at a general level, sociological research shows deviant behaviour to be compensatory. The material gathered in the course of research for the SAL project in Sochi, however, has allowed the development of a critique of the key argument underpinning this problematising discourse. This is, firstly, because of the specific status of the city of Sochi in the Russian Federation. Not only is the city the most popular resort 163

164 Groups and Environments 2 in the country, attracting thousands of tourists from Russia and abroad annually, but the decision to award the city the 2014 Winter Olympic Games has provided a huge additional impulse for economic, social and cultural development and inward investment. For young people in the city, the tourists from Moscow and abroad are points of reference and imitation; they are perceived as a kind of symbol of style, innovation and progressiveness. Local young people actively assimilate this important cultural channel and devour information about new and fashionable brands, trends, books and music, modes of moving and dressing, slang and new ideas. Secondly the research offers the opportunity to rethink existing approaches because it was conducted among young people with relatively good levels of material and social capital and thus access to a wide spectrum of socio-cultural practices. Thus the new empirical research conducted for this case study suggests that approaching the issue of the rise of drug use among young people as, first and foremost, a social problem of disadapted or asocial youth is far from a sufficient approach to the issues involved. Methods Two six-week periods of fieldwork were conducted in 2006 and Access to the groups was gained through existing contacts from earlier research conducted by the research team and snowballing. The following methods of research were employed: Ethnographic observation Interviews with respondents [recorded] Diary-keeping Photos including giving cameras to respondents to take photos of the group themselves Video recordings Researcher reflections on fieldwork Walking tours of the city with respondents A total of 26 interviews and two fieldwork diaries were transcribed and analysed using Nvivo7 software. Results From this case study, the following tendencies were discerned: There has been a decline in public discourse about the problem of drug use in Russia. This problem is considered to be one related primarily to the past. The strengthening of legislation on the sale and possession of drugs, treatment of drug abuse and anti-drugs information has produced the intended results. 164

165 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures At the same time, however, the research indicated that, within the youth sphere, there has been no eradication but, on the contrary, a normalisation of drugs. Cannabis has been completely removed from the space of myth and fear in young people s minds. Intravenous drug use continues to be viewed negatively primarily for fear of HIV infection and because of the generally negative image of these substances which are associated with marginalised representatives of the underclass. However, alongside this negativity about hard drugs, other drug practices have become widespread. In particular, thanks to the subtropical climate in Sochi, the cultivation of cannabis has become large-scale; there are whole villages that specialise in the cultivation and sale of cannabis. Young people consider some forms of narcotic substances not to constitute drugs. For example, cannabis is widely referred to as grass (travka), making it appear a natural and harmless substance. Moreover the use of cannabis by others is generally tolerated even by those who do not use it themselves. In this case study, various groups practised the use of drugs such as cannabis, nutmeg (around 5 at a time), magic mushrooms and socalled pharmaceuticals substances containing codeine and other narcotic substances. These medicinal products (mainly cough syrups and tablets) can be bought without a prescription and thus their affordability and accessibility make them extremely popular among local youth. Drug use practices are almost always connected with group solidarity and group practices. If some members of a group begin to experiment with drugs then, with time, almost all in the group assimilate this practice. In one of the groups studied, for example, there were regular drug-days when almost the whole group bought and used drugs together. However, abstention from drugs also worked in this way. If a number of people (or a particular group authority) stopped using then, with time, this practice also disappeared from the group as a whole. This mechanism is useful to note in the context of implementing effective anti-drugs campaigns. In subcultural and street youth groups, the use of drugs is more widespread than it is in student groups. Space free from the control of adults provides a good deal of freedom for experimentation, and the informational flow about drugs is itself much more intensive. Moreover, in some groups, drug use is legitimated for the purposes of experiencing new sensations, considered necessary for creative people including musicians, artists, graffiti artists and others. In particular, in one of the groups studied consisting primarily of rappers, skateboarders and roller-skaters, almost all the members use drugs. This appears almost as a kind of subcultural prerequisite: 165

166 Groups and Environments 2 It was the hippies that drew all this before. There were little flowers everywhere, these little hearts, all that kind of stuff. Everything was kind of floating like when you are smoking [dope], to put it crudely. This was the Old School style of the 60s-70s. (Musician and graffiti artist, 16-year old) The use of drugs and the use of alcohol are often considered inextricably intertwined. In all the groups researched, there had been a gradual progression from alcohol to cannabis use and then to other drugs. Some informants even talked about the advantages of cannabis over alcohol since the latter was considered to have greater physical and psychological effects: Those who like to smoke [cannabis], there are loads of such people now; probably everybody likes to smoke, to be frank. [Then there are] those who down barbiturates and go off to the clubs. They go to the chemist, down some like, and then go [to the club] and they are in this kind of state. [Well] alcohol makes you feel sick, but this doesn t make you feel sick and so you just have your own highs. You re on your own wave; you don t heave. (Musician and graffiti artist, 16-year old) Drugs, their use and the practices linked to their commercial sale are one reason for cultural and even ethnic conflicts. For example, the members of one group were negatively disposed towards Abkhaz and Armenians living in some villages in the far south of Krasnodar Territory, near to Abkhazia, because, in their opinion, these people were producing cannabis and other natural narcotic substances on an industrial scale. Often ethnic labels are attached in this way to drug dealers. At the same time, nationalisticallyoriented youth groups attribute what they consider to a negative predisposition towards the use of cannabis among skaters and rappers to the influence of African cultures such as Rasta and Afro-American rap. Another example of cultural conflict is the image among some groups who used natural drugs such as cannabis, mushrooms and nutmeg that it was unacceptable to use synthetic or chemically produced drugs, including pharmaceuticals : Mainly everyone is downing pills. A really big problem in the city is the use of Terpenkod. I have never touched it though. I might have a smoke, have some mushrooms. But I don t mess about with I am in favour of natural products. But all these barbs, especially the pharmaceuticals it s just, it s a problem at the Fun- Box [name of place where hang out], because even if you walk around the area, you find these packets [lying around]. There are a lot of them. Many people do up to 10 packets of Terpenkod and then end up on black [heroin]. (Rapper, 22-year old) One of the channels encouraging a high level of tolerance towards the distribution and use of drugs is the Internet and the mass media as a whole. 166

167 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures In particular books, films and Internet sites that have gained cult status and that contain drugs-tolerant discourse facilitate the manifestation of interest and even sympathy towards some drug use practices. Conclusions This research suggests that starting from a study of the youth cultural scene including the drug using aspects of it provides a very different understanding of drug use among young people than mainstream approaches which envisage drug use as always problematic. It suggests that drug use is related to specific forms of youth cultural solidarities but may be built into a rich and varied cultural repertoire rather than providing an escape for troubled young people and always leading to isolated, problem drug use. The understanding of drug use in its wider youth cultural context is vital to developing effective drugs education materials that provide young people with the information they need to minimise the harm that drugs can do. References Bykov, S. (2000). Narkomaniia sredi molodezhi kak pokazatel dezaptirovannosti. Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, 4, Zvonovskii, V. B., & Romanovich, N. A. (2004). Obshchestvennoe mnenie o narkotizme: opyt regional nikh issledovanii. Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, 6, Zhuravleva, L. A. (2000). Faktori i usloviia narkotizatsii molodezhi. Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, 6, Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. omelchenkoe@mail.ru Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. H.Pilkington@warwick.ac.uk Irina Kosterina Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. kosterina@yandex.ru Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

168 Groups and Environments 2 Elena Omelčenko Hilary Pilkington Irina Kosterina Narkotikus vartojančios jaunimo grupės Sočyje (Rusijoje) Santrauka Rusijos mokslinėje literatūroje narkotikų vartojimas paprastai traktuojamas kaip socialinė problema, kuri gali būti išspręsta, pažabojus narkotikų pasiūlą ir taikant bausmes narkotikų vartotojams bei prekiautojams. Šis požiūris grindžiamas narkotikų vartojimo, kaip pabėgimo nuo atšiaurios socialinės tikrovės, aiškinimu (dažnai susijęs su ekonomine pertvarka ir moraline sumaištimi, kilusia po Sovietų Sąjungos žlugimo). Šio atvejo tyrimas Sočyje mieste, kuriame jaunimas turi palyginti geras ekonomines ir kultūrines galimybes sugriauna pagrindinį argumentą, grindžiantį minėtus aiškinimus. Tyrimas pateikia priešingus argumentus: narkotikai ypač pramoginiai tampa vis įprastesne ( normalia ) jaunimo kultūros dalimi. Tyrime naudoti 26 giluminiai interviu su narkotikų vartotojais ir du lauko tyrimų dienoraščiai, taip pat tiesiogiai bendrauta laisvalaikiu. Raktažodžiai: ksenofobija, narkotikų vartojimas, jaunimas, subkultūra. 168

169 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Elvira Sharifullina Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Drug Using Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia Abstract Drug use within the youth cultural environment is widespread and unremarkable; this means that drug users can rarely be considered to constitute distinct subcultures. In the context of processes of de-industrialisation and marketisation, drugs are a key commodity for sale and exchange. In the tough economic climate of the Russian far north where geographical location means that hemp and opium based drugs cannot be locally grown, and supply routes are truncated by poor transportation links they may become a key component of the informal economy. A key finding of this research was that the sale of drugs was one of a range of hustling practices including trade in acquired goods and drugs, money-lending and sorting disputes that were widespread among young people, whether or not they used drugs themselves. Keywords: xenophobia, drug use, youth, subculture Introduction Although drug use is often portrayed as located in a secluded, semi-criminal, separate world, in practice drug users cannot be considered a subculture as such. Drug use at least at the recreational level is almost never the sole purpose for gathering, and people using drugs together do not define themselves, or their groups of friends, by their drug use. The consequences of this are that research that hopes to reveal something about the cultural practices, norms, values and attitudes of young people to drug use cannot start out by identifying drug users as a specific group; those who are accessed via, for example, medical or police institutions are usually a narrow group of problem users or dealers who provide an unrepresentative picture of drug use across the youth population. However, as was found in this study, accessing young people who are drug users but not drug-dependent and who use drugs as part of a wider repertoire of cultural practices can be time-consuming and frustrating. Since young people rarely think their drug use is interesting in and of itself, they are unlikely to want to talk extensively about it (Bourdois, 2003, p. 2). 169

170 Groups and Environments 2 Further evidence of the non-subcultural nature of drug use is the fact that, during this research, it became apparent that drug use and drug dealing were practices that crossed over the two originally distinct case studies in Vorkuta. Thus, over the course of the research, while a number of respondents originally involved in the drug-use case study actually gave up or decreased their drug use (for health and other reasons), a number of respondents from the skinhead case study started using and/or selling drugs (cannabis and amphetamines) extensively. Indeed the two respondents who were samples in these case studies that were actually prosecuted for drug dealing during the course of the research were both from the skinhead case study. Methods Two six-week periods of fieldwork were conducted in 2006 and Access to the groups was gained through existing contacts from earlier research conducted by the research team and snowballing. The following methods of research were employed: Ethnographic observation Interviews with respondents [recorded] Diary-keeping Photos including giving cameras to respondents to take photos of the group themselves Video recordings Researcher reflections on fieldwork Walking tours of the city with respondents A total of 16 interviews and four fieldwork diaries were transcribed and analysed using Nvivo7 software. Results Earlier research carried out in the region by the same team of researchers, had shown that, despite the remoteness of Komi Republic, the rate of life-time reported illicit substance use among young people was higher in Komi Republic (29.2%) than it was in the comparative regions, Samara oblast (16.5%) and Krasnodar krai (15.9%) where, in both areas, cannabis was grown domestically and other drugs were well supplied through established drug trafficking routes (Pilkington, 2007). Since that research ( ), the range of drugs available in Vorkuta has significantly expanded; particularly noticeable was the extension of recreational drug use from cannabis ( grass and resin) to amphetamines including a wide range of Ecstasy-style tablets collectively referred to as tabli 170

171 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures or individually by more specific brand-names (e.g., Swallows, Mitsubishi, Love ) or, when in powdered form, spidy. The use of vint (a methamphetamine that is injected) also appeared as more routine. Polydrug use is common with cannabis, amphetamines and alcohol being used as a cocktail especially on weekends or holidays. This is captured in the following quotation from a male respondent (2007): Interviewer: And what s been the most interesting thing you ve tried? Respondent: I liked the mushrooms. Interviewer: And when was the first time you tried speed or tablets [amphetamines]? Respondent: At New Year, three years ago. Interviewer: Did somebody just have some or did you decide to go and buy them? Respondent: No, I just went to somebody s I knew and bought them from him. Interviewer: Were you thinking that you d like to do something new at New Year or something? Respondent: Well, maybe, I wanted something new, to celebrate it completely differently. Interviewer: And how did it turn out? Respondent: It was brilliant. Interviewer: Yeah? Go on, go on.... Respondent: I was celebrating New Year for three whole days. I just kept moving from one state to another. Interviewer: You mean from amphetamines to dope, from dope to amphetamines, then back to dope? Like that? Respondent: You forgot the alcohol. Interviewer: Alcohol? Respondent: Yeah, basically, everything at once. Many examples of polydrug use were evident from ethnographic observation and from conversations during which, for example, respondents complained that a pill they had taken at the club had not had the desired effect because they had already drunk too much. Another key finding was a greater propensity for informants to be involved in the sale and supply of drugs. While this cannot be measured accurately from purely ethnographic research, observation strongly suggested the embedding of drugs within wider informal practices of money-making or hustling (dvizhukha). This is described by a male respondent thus: Respondent: Well, yeah. First, you have a smoke with someone who has some, then you get some via someone else, then you do it directly yourself or sometimes you are phoned. when it s a sound lad like my classmate for example, phoned me himself and asked if I knew anyone who wanted something or whether I wanted something. I took some myself. Interviewer: Oh, I see. Had he bought more than he could use or something? Respondent: Who, my classmate? Yeah, he works it as well. Interviewer: You mean he sells on? 171

172 Groups and Environments 2 Respondent: Well, yeah. Interviewer: And those who sell on, do they make good money? Respondent: Pretty good. Well, if you buy wholesale for 350 [pauses, sighs], then you are likely to come out with 400 [roubles] profit. Interviewer: That s if you sell on the whole box, yeah? I see, and where do they get the boxes? Respondent: Well they work directly with the gangsters. Interviewer: And does everything to do with grass have to go through the gangsters? Respondent: Who else? If I import [some cannabis], who the hell else am I going to sell the bulk of it to? It s easier and simpler to go to the gangsters. Otherwise you might get cheated or something. Social relations of drug use: asocial capital? A key finding of the research was that the sale of drugs was one component of a much wider range of hustling practices the key ones being trade in acquired goods and drugs, money-lending and sorting disputes that were widespread among young people. These practices require extensive networks of friends and acquaintances to enable the circulation of resources and the extraction of profit from them, as the following male respondent (2007) describes: 172 Respondent: It s like if you have some capital say 500 roubles you buy [something] from some idiot whose robbed something. He simply nicks a phone let s say from a girl. And you buy the phone from him for 500 roubles. It s clearly worth a lot more, naturally. You know how to value it, so you know your target profit. You want to get let s say, I don t know about 20%. And you sell it to somebody who needs a phone like that right now. A telephone s just an example, it could be Interviewer: And how do you know where to find such a person? Respondent: A good way is through the local network, the Internet. I dunno, you can always think of something. Friends of friends those kinds of networks. You develop your own small network. This is an interesting finding, because it is frequently argued in sociological drug research that high levels of social capital (through social connectivity) is a protective factor against drug use as well as the harm accruing from it (see, for example, Lovell, 2002; Latkin, Forman, Knowlton & Sherman, 2003). Moreover, sociological studies of transition societies portray post-socialist societies especially those in heavily de-industrialising cities like Vorkuta as severely lacking in social capital (Rose, 1995; Halpern, 2005; Kertman, 2006). In contrast to both these bodies of work, this research study found young people in Vorkuta to be socially connected to a high degree. However, their networks do not generate protective social capital but, on the contrary, they are used for the mutual extraction of profit. One male respondent (2007) outlines how an acquaintance generates knowledge of an individual s weaknesses, and how the recognition of someone else s need for a resource (money, contacts, protection) can be exploited for one s own profit:

173 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Respondent: Serpent, for instance, has a lot of things which Danil [left] because, for example, he needed some cash or something quickly. And Serpent is a right crafty bugger. He gives Danil money, a loan basically, on that basis. He [Danil ] leaves something a television or something with him. Of course Danil then goes and blows all the money in the slot machines and gives him nothing back. Serpent has plenty of things that Danil has given him. Interviewer: But Danil s completely skint isn t he? Respondent: That s why he s skint, because he plays the slot machines. If you only knew how much he loses. The findings of the research have been written up in an article that challenges existing understandings of the role of social capital in drug using circles and published in a leading international drug policy journal (see Pilkington & Sharifullina, 2009). Conclusions The sale and use of drugs is not limited to a small section of the youth community with drug addiction problems. On the contrary, illicit substances especially cannabis and amphetamines are bought, sold and used by large sections of the youth population, even in remote geographical areas where supply routes do not normally reach. In order to capture the extent and significance of these practices it is important that ethnographic research starts out with the normal population rather than focusing on problem drug users. References Bourgois, P. (2003). In search of respect: Selling crack in El Barrio (2nd ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. Halpern, D. (2005). Social capital. Cambridge: Polity Press. Kertman, G. (2006). Mezhlichnostnoe doverie v Rossii. Sotsial naia Real nost, 4, Latkin, C., Forman, V., Knowlton, A., & Sherman, S. (2003). Norms, social networks, and HIVrelated risk behaviours among urban disadvantaged drug users. Social Science & Medicine, 56, Lovell, A. (2002, September). Risking risk: The influence of types of capital and social networks. Social Science and Medicine, 55(5), (19). McKee, M. (2002). Substance use and social and economic transition: The need for evidence. International Journal of Drug Policy, 13, Pilkington, H. (2007). Beyond peer pressure : Rethinking drug use and youth culture. International Journal of Drug Policy 18, Pilkington, H., & Sharifullina, E. (2009). The mutual extraction industry: Drug use and the normative structure of social capital in the Russian far north. International Journal of Drug Policy, 20, Rose, R. (1995, Summer). Russia as an hour-glass society: A constitution without citizens. East European Constitutional Review,

174 Groups and Environments 2 Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. omelchenkoe@mail.ru Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. H.Pilkington@warwick.ac.uk Elvira Sharifullina Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. ellain@yandex.ru Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Elena Omelčenko Hilary Pilkington Elvira šarifulina Narkotikus vartojančios jaunimo grupės Vorkutoje (Rusijoje) Santrauka Narkotikų vartojimas tarp jaunimo yra labai paplitęs, tačiau retai kada pastebima, kad jaunuoliai laikosi kitokios nei įprasta gyvensenos. Šiaurės Rusijoje dėl sunkios ekonominės situacijos narkotikai gali tapti pagrindine šešėlinės ekonomikos dalimi. Tai lemia Šiaurės Rusijos geografinė padėtis, netinkama auginti kanapes ir kitus narkotikus. Prekės pirkėjų tiesiogiai nepasiekia dėl sunkių pervežimo sąlygų, dėl to klesti perpardavinėtojai. Pagrindinė šio tyrimo išvada tokia: narkotikų prekyba yra viena iš sukčiavimo veiklų, įskaitant prekybą neteisėtai įgytais daiktais ir vaistais, pinigų skolinimą ir kitas veiklas, kurios plačiai paplitusios tarp jaunų žmonių, nepriklausomai nuo to, ar jie patys vartoja narkotikus. Tyrimas vyko 6 savaites 2006 ir 2007 m. Taikytas stebėjimo metodas, naudoti 16 giluminių interviu, 4 tyrėjų dienoraščiai, vaizdo įrašai. Raktažodžiai: ksenofobija, narkotikų vartojimas, jaunimas, subkultūra. 174

175 Alexander L. Salagaev Alexander S. Makarov Rustem R. Safin Center for Analytic Studies & Development, Kazan ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Violent Youth Groups in the Tatarstan Republic of Russia Abstract The article presents the main findings of research on violent youth groups conducted in the Tatarstan Republic of Russia as part of the international EU FP6 project, Society and Lifestyles ( ). It is argued that youth criminal gangs are gradually losing their place in the arena of non-institutional activities and they are being replaced by skinhead groups which have become more and more active during past years. Keywords: criminal gangs, nationalist groups, skinheads Introduction Violent youth groups have long been the subject of social research in the western world, unlike in the former USSR, where issues related to youth violence, especially violent and criminal youth groups, were tabooed. It had been proclaimed that such activities can only be witnessed in Western Capitalist societies but not in Socialist ones; thus organised youth groups were not mentioned in Russian literature on juvenile delinquency before 1980 or were considered informal groups. Few studies on gangs that appeared in the late 1980s-early 1990s were mainly focused on legal and criminological aspects of gangs (see, for instance, Prozumentov, 1993; Bulatov & Shesler, 1994 and others). The first ethnographic study was started in 1989 by Alexander Salagaev and a group of sociologists working in the Laboratory of Sociology at Kazan State University. This research is still on-going, and a great amount of ethnographic material on Russian gangs operating in the Volga area was collected during its 15 year-duration (see Salagaev, 2001; Salagaev & Shashkin, 2001 and 2002; Shashkin & Salagaev, 2002 and 2003). Several ethnographies were done later in Lyubertsy, a Moscow region (Ovchinskiy, 1990), Ulyanovsk (Omel chenko, 1996; Pilkington & Omel chenko, 2002), Ulan-Ude (see Badmaev, 2002) and some other cities. Recent studies that include ethnographic data are mostly focused on topics adjacent to gangs, for example, prison culture in Russia (Oleynik, 2001) or organised crime and violent entrepreneurship (Volkov, 2002). 175

176 Groups and Environments 2 In contemporary Russia, youth violence has become an irregularity, not only that of the so-called Kazan type gangs but also of other informal groups, mainly skinheads. Russian skinheads appeared in the early 1990s and, by the mid-1990s, they became more organised and powerful (Tarasov, 2006). In recent years, the number of violent acts and crimes committed by skinhead groups has increased enormously (Verkhovsky et al., 2008). One of the Russian regions, where study of youth criminal gangs and violent nationalist movements bears special attraction, is the Tatarstan Republic. This is due to the fact that Tatarstan is the place where the Kazan phenomenon of youthorganised delinquency originated. Moreover ethnically the population of Tatarstan is composed of almost equal groups of Russians and Tatars, the latter being Sunni Muslims. And finally, the Tatarstan Republic is widely known as engaged in a longgoing struggle for greater autonomy within Russia and as a formerly strong Tatar nationalistic movement. Thus this article presents the main results of the research on youth criminal gangs and skinheads conducted in Tatarstan within the framework of the Society and Lifestyles project. Methodology The research plan developed within the framework of the SAL project involved the following questions: What is the current state of youth criminal gangs in Tatarstan? How does it differ from criminal gangs of early 1990s? What is happening to youth criminal gangs in terms of organisation/ activities? What are the peculiarities of nationalist violent groups in Tatarstan? Is there any connection between youth criminal groups and youth nationalist groups? The research employed the synthesis of subculture theory with different contemporary theoretical approaches to the study of youth deviance, involving use of the following: Labelling theories (Lemert, 1951; Becker, 1963 and others), which explain the way certain people and groups are labelled as folk devils and troublesome youth Social problem construction theories (Spector & Kitsuse, 1977; Ibarra et al., 2003), which explain how the social problem of youth deviance (criminal activities/nationalistic activities) is constructed in the mass media and then is passed to political discourse Representation theories (Hall, 1992; Spivak et al., 1988) which explain 176

177 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures the way image is a reflection of social reality that starts to affect the social groups portrayed via such an image (e.g., young criminals are portrayed as vandalising property and thus they start to do it) Otherness (Simmel, 1950; Aho, 1994; Keen, 1986; Foucault, 2003) and Dangerization theories (Lianos & Douglas, 2000; Garland, 1996; Melossi, 2000) which introduce the concept of alien other connected to various social panics and problems (e.g., young nationalists as modern others ). A total of 20 interviews with members of youth gangs and 30 interviews with members of youth nationalist groups were conducted. Research methods also included an analysis of the mass media which was used to understand how Russian newspapers construct the image of a skinhead/russian nationalist. Results The main result of the research on gang members shows that currently the idea of being a gang member is not as popular as it used to be. Current economic growth and end of the chaos era of the early 1990s, when it was easy to privatise property by means of violence, as well as the active combat against gangs by law enforcement bodies, largely reduced the scale of the gang movement in Russia. Gang members state in the interviews that they experience difficulties in earning a living due to gang membership and many would like to quit. Nevertheless, for many of them, a gang is a kind of recreational opportunity which helps them to feel as part of a group. Gang members nowadays became more tolerant toward the other, especially toward the neformaly ( informal youth, a term which is generally used to refer to non-violent youth subcultures) movements including punks, hippies and others. They state that they are against racist ideology. Being a gang member means using violence which they often boast about regarding different cases of heroism in street fights and wars among gangs. Nonetheless, street fights which were once quite widespread have nowadays substantially reduced in their numbers and scope (Safin, 2007). We believe that Kazan-type youth criminal gangs became largely known and widespread in other cities of the former USSR not only due to social and economic factors but also as a result of moral panics formed by the local media which published articles about youth violence in One of the results of the research on the mass media related to youth criminal gangs shows that newspaper messages of the late 1980s tended to demonise not only criminal youth groups but youngsters in general (Makarov, 2007). A main finding of the research on skinheads shows that their identity is very ambivalent and mixed with other youth subcultural trends, especially football 177

178 Groups and Environments 2 fans and punks. RNU is nowadays under pressure by law enforcement bodies, and several movement leaders are in custody. There are fascist and anti-fascist skinheads in Kazan, who normally oppose one another, though they may unite to take part in organised fights between football fans of different cities. All skinhead movements that exist in Kazan seem to be a kind of fan club for teenagers who nowadays do not want to participate in the more extreme and violent subculture of gangsters ( gopniki ) though they still find it necessary to somehow take part in some kind of violent acts. Being a skinhead is perceived largely as some fun game, since only a few members of the movement are aware and in favour of skinhead ideology. The skinhead subculture of Kazan very much depends on the inheritance of Kazantype gangs which makes these groups criminal rather than ideological. Results suggest that the criminality of skinheads is less obvious, and the ideology which generally is considered a main feature of skinhead movements is far more backward in comparison with that of the traditional, Kazan-type criminal gangs (Salagaev, Makarov & Safin, 2007; Salagaev, Makarov, Shashkin & Safin, 2009). The media analysis which was done to understand the portrayal of nationalism and skinheads in newspapers suggests that issues related to Russian nationalism generally have negative connotations ( Russian fascism, racism, chauvinism ). There is also a positive discourse on nationalistic issues ( love of Motherland, protection of Russian interests ) though it does not oppose the negative one. Hence two discourses mix and reinforce one another thereby resulting in a false perception that the love of Mother Russia means hatred of the Other and anti-migration attitudes. The negative discourse by the mass media, we think, is accepted as a model for action by skinheads and nationalists in Tatarstan, and their self-presentation is a result of the local reinterpretation of the main images attributed to Russian nationalists by the mass media (Dushin & Salagaev, 2008; Dushin, 2008). Recommendations for policy makers The recommendations listed below are based on the research results and dedicated to different governmental agencies as well as NGOs connected to youth issues. 1. It is necessary to separate youngsters engaged in delinquent activities into two categories: active and stubborn members who are determined to continue their delinquent careers and those members who are interested in such activities due to ideological and other reasons. First category members normally unite delinquent groups and shape their delinquent activities (they can be called ideologists ), whereas second category members just follow the first category ( followers ). As far as law enforcement agencies are concerned, first category members must be isolated from society, whereas the rest of the members must be given possibilities 178

179 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures for institutional activities. Practically this means labour possibilities for youth (lest they should try to gain money by means of criminal activities) and forming a Government-controlled nationalist or conservative youth party that would politically protest against migration and such without reverting to violent means. 2. The mass media typically constructs a negative image of certain youth groups. For instance, newspapers may describe criminal gangs in such a way that will make them seem attractive to young people. A wrong description of skinhead activities may provoke copy-cat hate crimes. It is therefore necessary to establish good information and to exchange views between journalists, government officials and law-enforcement agencies to avoid provoking moral panics and stigmatising youth groups as well as to measure carefully the extent of information that should be disclosed on such sensitive topics. 3. Policy makers should learn how to deal with nationalism-related topics. Most often such topics in political discourse are banned as politically incorrect, and the problems existing in interethnic relations are left unnoticed. There must be open arenas which allow all concerned individuals to discuss such issues freely with the participation of policy makers, that is, to allow radically-minded groups to become part of institutionalised activities, not illegal ones. This recommendation applies to societies where nationalistic parties and movements are prohibited. In our opinion, nationalistic groups must be allowed access to communication points where they can share their views with government representatives and heads of ethnic diasporas. This will allow easing tension between migrants and the host society since, quite often, nationalism and ethnicism arise as a result of foreigners behaving wrongly. On the other hand, propaganda on tolerant behaviour must take place among members of the host society. References Aho, J. (1994). This Thing of Darkness: A Sociology of the Enemy. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Badmaev, A. (2002). Neformalniye molodezhniye associacii v Ulan-Ude. Vestnik Yevraziyi, 1 (16), Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance. NY: Free Press. Bulatov, L. M., & Shesler, A. V. (1994). Kriminogennye gorodskie territorialnie podrostkovomolodezhnie gruppirovki (ugolovno-pravovye i kriminologicheskie aspekty). Kazan: Knigoizdat. Dushin, A. V. (2008). Constructing the image of Russian nationalism in federal and regional mass media [accepted for publication]. Vestnik Nizhegorodskogo universiteta, 4. Dushin, A. V., & Salagaev, A. L. (2008). I am proud that I am Russian... : The images of Russian nationalism in the rhetoric of members of nationalist groups. Vestnik Nizhegorodskogo universiteta, 3,

180 Groups and Environments 2 Foucault, M. (2003). Abnormal: Lectures at the College de France, NY: Picador. Garland, D. (1996). The limits of the sovereign state: Strategies of crime control in contemporary society. The British Journal of Criminology, 36, Hall, S. (1992). The West and the rest: Discourse and power. In S. Hall, & B. Gieben (Eds.), Formations of Modernity (pp ). Cambridge: Polity Press. Ibarra, P. (2003). Claims-making discourse and vernacular resources. In G. Miller, & J. A. Holstein (Eds.), Challenges and choices: constructionist perspectives on social problems (pp ). Hawthorne, NY: Aldine de Gruyter. Keen, S. (1986). Faces of the Enemy: Reflections on the Hostile Imagination. San Francisco: Harper and Row. Lemert, E. (1951). Social Pathology. NY: McGraw-Hill. Lianos, M., & Douglas, M. (2000). Dangerization and the end of deviance: The institutional environment. In D. Garland, & R. Sparks (Eds.), Criminology and Social Theory (pp ). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Makarov, A. (2007). Constructing the social problem of youth delinquency in mass media of Tatarstan Republic (Doctoral dissertation in Sociological Sciences, NNGU, Nizhni Novgorod, 2007). Melossi, D. (2000). Changing Representations of the Criminal. British Journal of Criminology. 40, Oleynik, A. N. (2001). Tyuremnaya subkultura v Rossii: Ot povsednevnoy zhizni do gosudarstvennoy vlasti. Moscow: INFRA-M. Omel chenko, E. L. (1996). Young women in provincial gang culture. Case study of Ul anovsk. In H. Pilkington (Ed.), Gender, Generation and Identity in Contemporary Russia (pp ). London, New York: Routledge. Pilkington, H., & Omel chenko, E. L. (2002). Looking West Cultural Globalization and Russian Youth Cultures. University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press. Prozumentov, L. M. (1993). Gruppovaya prestupnost nessovershennoletnikh I ee preduprezhdenie. Tomsk: Tomsk State University Publishing House. Safin, R. (2007, February 23-24). Criminal gangs: research findings. Presentation at the SAL Workshop. Pécs, Hungary. Salagaev, A., & Shashkin, A. (2001). Peace or war: Scenarios of behaviour before a fight. In Puuronen V. Joensuu (Ed.), Youth on the Threshold of 3rd Millennium (pp ). Joensuu: University of Joensuu, Karelian Institute. Salagaev, A., & Shashkin, A. (2002). Gang violence and masculinity construction. Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology, V (1), Salagaev, A., Makarov, A., & Safin, R. (2007). Local in global and vice versa: Evolution of deviant communities in Tatarstan Republic. Deviations and Control: Results of empirical research on deviant behaviour in contemporary Russia (pp ). Moscow: Institute of Sociology (Russian Academy of Sciences). Salagaev, A., Shashkin, A., Makarov, A., & Safin, R. (2009). From Local to Glocal: The Transformation of Delinquent and Radical Communities in the Tatarstan Republic of Russia. In G. McKay, Ch. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaitė (Eds.), Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe (pp.15-32). Oxford: Peter Lang. Salagaev, A. (2001). Evolution of delinquent gangs in Russia. In M. Klein, W. Malcolm, H. J. Kerner, C. L. Maxson, & G. M. Elmar Weitekamp (Eds.), The Eurogang Paradox: Street Gangs and Youth Groups in the U.S. and Europe (pp ). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. 180

181 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Shashkin, A., & Salagaev, A. (2002). Russian delinquent gangs: Gender regime and masculinities construction. Kön och våld i Norden (Gender and Violence in the Nordic Countries) 2001, November Conference Report (pp ). Køge, København, Denmark: Nordisk Ministerråd or access Shashkin, A., & Salagaev, A. (2003). Violence and victimisation on the street: Power struggle and masculine hierarchies in Russia. In T. Hoikkala, & L. Suurpaa (Eds.), Masculinities and Violence in Youth Microcultures. Helsinki: Finnish Youth Research Network, 2005, Simmel, G. (1950). Stranger. The Sociology of Georg Simmel K. Wolf. NY: Free Press, Spector, М. (1977). Constructing Social Problems. Menlo Park: Cummings. Spivak, G. (1988). In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics. New York: Routledge. Tarasov, A. (2006). Menyayushiesya skinhedy: opyt nablyudeniya za subkulturoi. Svobodnaya mysl ХХI, 5, Volkov, V. (2002). Violent Entrepreneurs: The Use of Force in the Making of Russian Capitalism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Verkhovsky, A., et al. (2008). Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-Extremism in Russia in Moscow: SOVA Centre. Alexander L. Salagaev Center for Analytic Studies & Development, ul. Gvardeyskaya, d.16b #301, Kazan, Russian Federation. salagaev@mail.ru Alexander S. Makarov Center for Analytic Studies & Development, ul. Gvardeyskaya, d.16b #301, Kazan, Russian Federation. makarov@tsair.ru Rustem R. Safin Center for Analytic Studies & Development, ul. Gvardeyskaya, d.16b #301, Kazan, Russian Federation. safrus@mail.ru Received 15 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Alexander L. Salagaev Alexander S. Makarov Rustem R. Safin Smurtinės jaunimo grupės Tatarstano Respublikoje (Rusijoje) Santrauka Straipsnyje pateikiami pagrindiniai smurtinių jaunimo grupių tyrimo rezultatai. Tyrimas atliktas Rusijos Tatarstano Respublikoje dalyvaujant tarptautiniame ES 6BP projekte Visuomenė ir gyvenimo stiliai ( ). Parodoma, kad jaunimo nusikalstamos grupuotės laipsniškai praranda savo vietą neinstitucinių veiklų arenoje ir yra pakeičiamos skinhedų (angl. skinheads) grupių, kurios pastaraisiais metais tampa vis aktyvesnės. Straipsnyje pristatomi jaunimo 181

182 Groups and Environments 2 nusikalstamų grupuočių ir skinhedų grupių elgesio bruožai, analizuojami šių grupių panašumai ir skirtumai, taip pat jų atspindžiai žiniasklaidoje. Straipsnio autoriai pateikia rekomendacijas valstybinėms institucijoms, susijusioms su jaunimo problemų sprendimu. Rekomendacijose aptariamos įvairios jaunimo, įsitraukusio į nusikalstamas veiklas, charakteristikos; atkreipiamas dėmesys į nacionalistinius jaunimo iššūkius; kritiškai apibūdinama žiniasklaidos veikla, susijusi su jos teikiama informacija apie grupes. Tyrimas atliktas remiantis 20-čia interviu su jaunimo nusikalstamų grupuočių nariais ir 30-čia interviu su jaunimo nacionalistinių grupių nariais; taip pat naudota žiniasklaidos tekstų analizė. Raktažodžiai: nusikalstamos grupuotės, nacionalistinės grupės, skinhedai. 182

183 Tadas Kavolis Vytautas Magnus University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Skinhead Subculture in Lithuania Abstract The object of my study is the analysis of Lithuanian skinheads identity, this group s formation and its most characteristic features. Over the research period, 39 different respondents were questioned (investigated) using a semi-structured interview method and the SAL project questionnaire (see Appendix, p. 276). The nationalist skinhead subculture serves as the youth response to such global phenomena as immigration and multi-culturalism or historical multiethnicity. The subcultural style of nationalistic skinheads in Lithuania is elaborated due to their specific lifestyle, strong (tough) community solidarity and combativeness, the characteristics developed as solutions to the problems of global change. Keywords: skinheads, nationalism, racism, subculture, identity, lifestyle Introduction Researchers have linked the formation of the skinhead subculture with an objective to re-create a traditional work class community by highlighting and emphasising particular details and values of its image J. Clarke names this aim, the magic recovery of community (Clarke, 1975). The category of social class has lost its importance in later studies. D. Moore notes that ethnicity is becoming a more important idea for the image of Australian skinheads (Moore, 1994). In the context of French skinheads, Y. Petrova maintains that they do not represent a working class any more the creation of a working class is becoming mythologized and symbolical, and the identity of skinheads is formed from local ideas such as nation, ethnicity, region, city or area (Petrova, 2006). Lithuanian skinhead subculture has taken its shape only circa 1994; therefore, there are no comprehensive studies of this subculture. Has it reached Lithuania in the shape developed in the West? Why has it become a form of self-expression though not a very popular one? To answer these questions, we need to analyse the identity of Lithuanian skinheads, the ways such an identity has developed and its most important features. Thus the object of this study is the analysis of Lithuanian skinheads identity, the formation of such a group and its most characteristic features. 183

184 Groups and Environments 2 Methods This research includes 24 semi-structured interviews that focus on the respondents subcultural identity. One (the first) interview involved a skinhead music band (mainly its leader) on the development of the musical features. I also collected 20 SAL questionnaires of which five were filled in by the respondents who had already been interviewed previously. In total, 39 different respondents were interviewed. The selection of the respondents was carried out using the snowball technique. Results During the implementation of the SAL Project, I determined that the aspects of style and masculinity that are ascribed to the skinhead subculture by Western researchers are also relevant when talking about Lithuanian skinheads. In Lithuania the ethnic aspect is becoming more prominent than is the working class identity. The analysis of skinheads ideology is especially interesting since it revealed that this subculture is not characterised by pure racist or Nazi ideologies differently from the predominant stereotypes used by the mass media. Further data analysis has identified which factors of the environment stimulate the formation of this subculture in Lithuania, and how the identity of the subculture is maintained. Discussion and conclusions The ideas of nationalistic skinheads highlight the main ideology and aims of nationalism: civic autonomy, territorial entity and historical identity. Meanwhile Nazi or fascist ideologies are not typical to this subculture. Nationalistic skinhead racism has some characteristic features of nationalism and it has many commonalities with what A. D. Smith describes as the ideology of racial nationalism (Smith, 1994) but it is different from pure racism. The nationalistic skinhead style first expresses the ideological position of this subculture through the use of nationalistic symbols: the Tricolour (national flag), the Pillars of Gediminas, the Vytis Cross and such. The use of these symbols distinguishes nationalistic skinheads from other branches of skinheads. Moreover, the features of hegemonic masculinity, such as courage, aggressiveness and strength of mind and body, are predominant in the nationalistic skinhead subculture. Strong solidarity, which is usually upheld by physical activity in-common, is also specific to this group. The identity of a nationalistic skinhead group member is maintained through participation in common group activities: physical activity in-common, organised actions, hikes, concerts, virtual communication or just group member gettogethers and interactions in the bars or elsewhere. 184

185 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures The subculture of nationalistic skinheads can be treated as a response to such global phenomena as immigration and multi-culturalism or historical multiethnicity. What consolidates skinheads is the need to defend national dignity, retain ethnic/racial and cultural entity and also to defend one s political position against counter subcultures. The subcultural style of nationalistic skinheads in Lithuania is re-created in terms of their specific lifestyle, strong community solidarity and combativeness that are selected as solutions to the problems of global changes. Recommendations for policy makers Various problems that group members face In Lithuania skinheads usually mention the problems connected with police officers. Skinheads notice that police officers often judge them on preconceived notions. Police officers arrest skinheads in the streets and ask them to leave public events, even though police officers have no legal right to do so, because skinheads have not broken any laws. Another problem is that police officers are partial and subjective towards skinheads. Skinheads are arrested because of conflicts that happen on the streets, whether these are verbal attacks and/or physical violence. Regarding educational institutions, school is mentioned most frequently. Group members experience psychological pressure from teachers and administrations because of their subcultural identity. According to skinheads, teachers spread misleading information and various myths about skinheads in schools. Another problem that skinheads mention is negative attitudes of employers towards them. Employers try to make a group member abandon his/her subcultural identity or at least subcultural outfit/image. All the above mentioned cases of discrimination are connected with mass media and its moulded opinion about the subculture. Group members claim that the mass media presents distorted, unrealistic facts about the group. The mass media also moulds a negative attitude towards the group in society or it simply tries to make entertainment without paying a lot of attention to facts and objectivity. * The aforementioned tensions could be reduced by disseminating information about the research on the group to educational and legal (judicial) institutions and the like. There is great activity nowadays regarding the Lithuanian skinhead subculture. Various institutions show great interest in this subculture. They invite scholars to give lectures and make presentations about the skinhead subculture and identify the characteristics as well as the origins of the group. This author held lectures and presentations on the topic for schoolchildren and teachers at the Šakiai municipality and at Atžalynas High School in Kėdainiai, Lithuania (2007), lectures-discussions in Kaunas at a Santaros 185

186 Groups and Environments 2 Šviesa 1 meeting and presentations for the Parliament of the Lithuanian Republic and for the Lithuanian Young Conservatives League (2008). Interviews were provided for three Lithuanian newspaper articles on the skinhead subculture during the project that dealt with racism and anti-semitism. There was participation in a live broadcast radio talk show, The Phenomenon of Racism, and over other radio stations of Lithuania. Ethnographic examples Quotations from a letter of a skinhead: I was on my way home from a camping trip with Kovarniai (historical-reconstructive club) at night when I was stopped by the police. They told me to take all the things out (even the tiny ones) from the car (so that they could inspect them), although my wife and children were waiting for me in the car. I really didn t look like a dangerous person with all those fur blankets. I looked like an idiot with all my things all over the place in the street, and they weren t even interested in what I had. They just waited until I took everything out and then they left me standing in a pile of stuff. Because of the situation in which I am now, I have to talk to VSD (Security Department) members no matter if I want to or not, although I haven t done anything. They just want to consult me. I was convicted of fighting, because I am a skinhead as well. No one was even going to check my version. No one cared that I was beaten up more than the victims and that I no longer have a mobile phone. In my previous job, I had to explain myself for my appearance and free time but, as far as I know, the laws allow me to look the way I want to. Quotations from the interview: {U~In.8.~ Well, any time there s a fight, cops come suddenly and bust mostly our guys. Then it all starts like, you re a skinhead, then I ll bring here a negro; he s going to beat you up, etc.} {U~In.9.~ Teachers Well, teachers For instance, my tutor told my mother that I belong to an underground organisation led by Murza and that I am continuously brainwashed. The situation is very simple. The school headmaster read some articles about Russian skinheads and told my classmate (they are relatives) to be careful with me. Her argument was do you know how they treat girls? But she never explained how they treat girls}. Quotation from a questionnaire: k61, please evaluate how the mass media presents your group: {Q8 the mass media usually gives distorted facts; Q10 the mass media usually gives bullshit, tells things never happened and they never even bother to find out everything for sure; Q13 the group is usually presented on the basis of rumour and gossip}. 1 Santara Šviesa is an intellectual movement of Lithuanians from different countries. 186

187 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures References Clarke, J. (1975). Style. In S. Hall, & T. Jefferson (Eds.), Resistance through Rituals. Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain (pp ). London: Routledge. Moore, D. (1994). Lads in Action. Great Britain: Athenaeum Press Ltd. Petrova, Y. (2006). Global? Local? Multi-level identifications among contemporary skinheads in France. In P. Nilan, & C. Feixa (Eds.), Global Youth? Hybrid Identities, Plural Worlds (pp ). New York: Routledge. Smith, D. A. (1994). Nacionalizmas XX amžiuje. Vilnius: Pradai. Tadas Kavolis Department of Ethnology and Folklore, Vytautas Magnus University, K. Donelaicio St. 58, LT Kaunas, Lithuania. Received 26 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Tadas Kavolis Skinhedų subkultūra Lietuvoje Santrauka Pagrindinis pristatomo tyrimo klausimas Lietuvos skinhedų (angl. skinheads) tapatumo formavimas, jam būdingi bruožai. Tyrimo metu buvo intensyviai bendrauta su Kauno, Vilniaus ir kitų Lietuvos miestų skinhedais: apklausti 39 respondentai, taikant giluminio interviu metodą ir ES 6 BP SAL projekto klausimyną (žr. priedą, p. 276). Dalyvaujant skinhedų renginiuose ir akcijose buvo taikytas filmavimo metodas, atlikta žiniasklaidos tekstų analizė. Prieita prie išvadų, jog nacionalistų skinhedų subkultūra gali būti suprantama kaip jaunimo atsakas į globalaus pasaulio reiškinius: imigraciją ir daugiakultūriškumą, istorinį daugiatautiškumą. Nacionalistinių skinhedų gyvensenos stilius Lietuvoje susietas su jų specifiniu elgesiu, kuriam būdingas bendruomeniškumas, solidarumas ir karingumas. Šie grupės narių bruožai jiems reikalingi globalinių pokyčių sukeltoms problemoms spręsti. Autorius lygina Lietuvos skinhedų tyrimo duomenis su Vakarų tyrinėtojų duomenimis ir pažymi, kad Lietuvos ir Vakarų šalyse gyvuojančioms skinhedų grupėms būdinga stiliaus ir maskulinizmo raiška, tačiau Lietuvos skinhedai, skirtingai nei Vakarų, labiau pasižymi nacionalistine pasaulėžiūra, jie nesisieja su darbininkų klasės problemomis, nes atstovauja įvairiems socialiniams sluoksniams. Tyrime akcentuojami skinhedų grupėms reikšmingi ideologijos klausimai, aptariami žiniasklaidos perteikiami klaidingi stereotipai. Taip pat atskleidžiamas skinhedų grupių bendravimas su socialine aplinka, išskiriami ryškesni atvejai. Autorius pateikia rekomendacijas socialinėms institucijoms, ypač darbdaviams, policijos darbuotojams, žiniasklaidai, kurie, vadovaudamiesi stereotipais ir stokodami žinių apie skinhedų subkultūros narių vertybes ir jų ideologiją, dažnai sukelia nereikalingą įtampą. Raktažodžiai: skinhedai, nacionalizmas, rasizmas, subkultūra, tapatumas, gyvenimo būdas. 187

188

189 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick Elena Omel chenko Al bina Garifzianova Scientific Research Centre Region ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Xenophobic Youth Groups in Vorkuta Russia: Skinheads Abstract Skinhead groups are not ascetic formations withdrawn from the real, mainstream world but groups of young people who are profoundly conscious of the world in which they live and are motivated by the need to change it. This desire to interact with and change the world leads to violent street action (in particular attacks on members of ethnic minorities and others who they feel disgrace Russia, e.g., homeless people). However, it also means that such groups are responsive to changes in the external environment, and this case study suggested clearly that the increased threat of arrest and imprisonment for both race-related crimes and incitement to racial and ethnic hatred has had a major impact on the performance of skinheads. Keywords: xenophobia, skinhead, youth, subculture Introduction Although there are an estimated 70,000 skinheads active in Russia currently and more than 70 deaths were attributed to xenophobic attacks in 2007 alone (Moscow Bureau of Human Rights), there is to date no sociological study of the skinhead subculture in Russia. Academic discussion of the issue is thus constrained by approaches that posit the movement as the lumpen end of the extreme nationalist ideological spectrum (Likhachev, 2002; Umland, 2005) and understand its subcultural form as copied straight from the Western skinhead movement (Shenfield, 2001, p. 82; see also Tarasov, 2004, p. 12). Thus this research fills a significant empirical gap by providing the first empirical study of skinheads in Russia. It is based on unique research conducted by an international collaborative team over an extended period of time. Theoretically the research makes an important contribution to debates on the topic, what comes after subculture? Sociological critique on theories of youth subculture (see, for example, Bennett, 1999) has been making an important intervention in youth cultural studies at a particular moment in time. However, it is currently in danger 189

190 Groups and Environments 2 of slipping into a ritualistic critique of the Marxist over-determination of theories emanating from the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) in the 1970s and early 1980s (see contributions to this and around this debate by Bennett, Hesmondhalgh, Blackman, Shildrick & MacDonald in Journal of Youth Studies, , Vol. 8 (1, 2) and Vol. 9 (2)). Serious intervention into this debate still needs to be sustained by extensive empirical evidence; the research conducted for this project allows this since it offers unique insight into one of the classic subcultures upon which the CCCS theory of youth subculture was constructed and, more importantly, allows the exploration of the changing role that skinhead style and values have in young people s lives as they navigate through the great historical processes playing out around them. On the basis of the research, an approach to the study of youth subcultures has been developed which neither imputes meaning from style practices in the absence of evidence for this (as, it is suggested, did the CCCS accounts of subculture) nor reduces youth cultural practices to expressions of consumer choice (as some post-subcultural theorising is in danger of doing). Rather it takes style practices as external markers of group solidarity and affiliation and explores, in the context of whole lives, what the substance of that affiliation is (see, for example, Pilkington, 2009). Finally the research contributes to the growing discussion on the importance of reflexive engagement with the research process and raises a number of important questions (epistemological, ethical, emotional) about the design and conducting of research with marginal youth cultural groups (see Garifzianova, 2008; Omel chenko, 2008; Pilkington, 2008). A book proposal based on this case study was submitted to Cambridge University Press in January Methods Two periods of six-weeks of fieldwork were conducted in 2006 and Access to the groups was gained through existing contacts from earlier research conducted by the research team and snowballing. The following methods of research were employed: Ethnographic observation Interviews with respondents [recorded] Diary-keeping Photos including cameras given to respondents to photograph the group themselves Video recordings Researcher reflections on fieldwork Walking tours of the city with respondents A total of 24 interviews and four fieldwork diaries were transcribed and analysed using Nvivo7 software. 190

191 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Results In contradistinction to many stereotypes about skinheads associations with military and fascist organisations skinhead groups often like the idea of order and subordination but struggle to maintain such a group structure since they are, by nature, anti-authoritarian. This is particularly true of those who come into the movement via other subcultural routes (often punk or heavy metal scenes). Moreover there is often a struggle for authority and control between those of this persuasion and those who enter the scene for more pre-conceived political reasons. These internal struggles can be key moments in the trajectories of particular skinhead groups and, in the case study developed during this project, the struggle over authority within the group finally led to its disintegration (see Omel chenko & Garifzianova, 2009). Skinheads are often strongly associated with a particular style of dress. This is certainly an attractive element of the subculture for many participants. However, as skinheads grow older, they become more aware and afraid of the sanctions meted out for the public display of skinhead affiliation thus they are increasingly likely to downplay the stylistic element of their activity. The absence of visible signs of skinheads on urban streets, therefore, does not mean that skinheads have gone away (Pilkington, 2009). This is illustrated by the following female skinhead during our research (2006): Now it s not essential to dress in a way that shows clearly that you re a skinhead. Skinhead, you see again, it s what you feel here [points to heart]. If you want to dress like that fine, it s appreciated. If you don t want to? It s no big deal. In any case, there are holidays and things when you just want to dress up. You dress up and Wow! Brilliant! But, if you don t want to, then Skinhead groups are portrayed in existing literature as exclusively male, violent subcultural formations. While these groups tend to be male dominated, it should be noted that women exist both within the core group (in the group studied here, there were at least two young women who had strong claims to be core members of the group) and certainly as part of the wider social grouping (as friends, girlfriends and wives). Indeed the gender codes governing these groupings are more complex than often portrayed, and the male solidarity central to the groups is rooted as much (if not more) in practices of homosociality as hierarchy, aggression and subordination. Group-society relations Skinhead groups are not ascetic formations withdrawn from the real, mainstream world but groups who are profoundly conscious of the world in 191

192 Groups and Environments 2 which they live and the need to change it. This desire to interact with and change the world leads to violent street actions (in particular, attacks on members of ethnic minorities and others they feel disgrace Russia, e.g., homeless people). At the same time, it means that their behaviour is open to manipulation by the external environment. This citation from an interview with a female skinhead (2006) from the research expresses the way in which skinheads think about tailoring their actions to what is expected by mainstream society: How can I put it? They are watching. The main thing is not to act like a thug. That is, they [the police] know we are here. But what s the point, to put it crudely, if we are just hanging out. They are somehow more humane. By law you are allowed to have your point of view, your own ideology, as long as you don t break any law. So that s the correct position. They don t beat you up for the sake of it. Everything s fine in that regard. At least that s what I think, how I see it. [But] if you get caught, then sometimes pretty bad things can happen. There was an incident when they beat evidence out of a lad. I remember that he was in hospital for some time afterwards. Another strong influence on the group is a growing awareness of negative public attitudes to skinheadism. One male respondent, for example, stated, the generally accepted opinion is that skinheads are drunken alcoholics who beat up people, while another summed up media representations as being, Skinheads are drunken PTUshniki [vocational college kids]. One male respondent acknowledged that this changed environment had impacted even on his willingness to acknowledge his affiliation verbally. Meanwhile another pointed out that it might even represent a direct threat to personal safety: I called in on a friend and he goes, So you ve decided to become a skinhead have you? I said, Yeah. And he goes, Clever thinking when the whole city here is against the skinheads. You might get away with it in the daytime but, at night, you can guarantee that you ll get one in the head somewhere. This can lead to a sense of persecution. One female respondent complained that the police would move her on or stop her and ask for her passport, then demand money for its return. Another female respondent complained that people with skinhead views were not given the same human rights as others (in particular minorities ). As evidence of this view, she cited a case she had read about when special forces (OMON) had shot dead a skinhead: He was just sitting there with his girlfriend in the yard. A Special Forces (OMON) unit, without explaining anything, just took him and shot him. That was it. Even though it is even set down in the constitution that every individual has the right to his/her opinion, own opinion as it were. It s your opinion. You have the right to express it. 192

193 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures [But] if we do, then it is understood immediately as incitement to ethnic conflict. But, when we are killed in Russia, it doesn t matter; that s not incitement of ethnic conflict. But when we [do/say something] that s it it s all over. A male respondent also complained that, while skinhead pogroms were bemoaned widely in the national press, nothing was said about what he called the genocide against Russians in a number of former Soviet republics and that no Muslim has ever been prosecuted under that article [Article 282 of the Russian Criminal Code on Incitement of religious or ethnic conflict ], only Russians, even though Russians are discriminated against in very many regions of Russia. This strong engagement with the outside world means that legislation and, more importantly, the implementation of legislation does impact on behaviour. This case study suggested clearly that the increased threat of arrest and imprisonment for both race-related crimes and incitement to racial and ethnic hatred has had a major impact on the performance of skinheads. Over the period of the research with the group, the abstract possibility of imprisonment had become an increasingly tangible experience. Three male members of the group were all on record with the police; one was being actively investigated in relation to a racist attack, while another reported being regularly called in to the police and pumped for information about others. One of the member s friends had been imprisoned for two years for incitement (having taken the blame for a group act). In 2002 a number of friends of two other group members had been imprisoned for three years. Another core member had served 18 months of a three-year sentence and had been released just a couple of weeks prior to our visit in Although this member had been prosecuted for drug dealing rather than skinhead-related activities, nonetheless, his experiences in jail were very painful and served as a serious disincentive to maintain an open, public display of skinheadism. Views, beliefs, ideology Two contrasting schools of thought represent skinheads either as ideologically committed and militarily highly trained fascist forces threatening to sweep the country or, alternatively, as Tarasov puts it, virtually uneducated. wretched, highly primitive and therefore dangerously brutal (Dolgopolova, 2004). Our research suggests that at least in small provincial cities in fact skinhead groups are extremely diverse in terms of their political and ideological commitment. They were bound together by a core set of beliefs that shouted rather than whispered everyday xenophobias and racisms that are commonly encountered in contemporary Russia (anti-semitism, anti-caucasian and anti- immigrant 193

194 Groups and Environments 2 sentiments) accompanied by motifs drawn from global (especially UK and American) skinhead movements such as white supremacism. There was an almost universal dislike of formal political organisation and disinclination to get involved in party politics, even of the extreme fringe. This group of young people largely ignored party politics, although a number of the group had joined the Rodina Party one member had become a youth representative for the party. This was explained by the group as being done for purely utilitarian reasons, i.e., to try to gain access to people in power so that they could extract favours in return (specifically they wanted to gain access to a gym for training). Interestingly, and in sharp contrast to the strong connections often made between ultra-right politics and the Orthodox Church, the group showed a strong dislike of organised religion and of Christianity in particular. This was driven largely by a strong anti-authoritarianism and is summed up well by this male respondent (2007): Respondent: I hate the Orthodox Church. Interviewer: Why? Respondent: Because it stupefies the people. It drives it into slavery. It turns us into morons who troop off to pray. Two respondents expressed sympathies for (neo)paganism (one had been de-baptised at a Pagan ceremony). However, this was itself attractive, at least partially, because of the lack of organisation and ritual commitment required of followers and it was not a driving force in their lives (see Pilkington & Popov, 2009). Deciphering a coherent ideological line even within one person s discourse, let alone across the whole group, is difficult. The Russian government, for example, is dubbed Zionist occupied, yet it was, at that time, led by Vladimir Putin whom the rest of the world considered a strong Russian authoritarian out to reassert Russia s power. Another deep ambiguity lies in the respondents attitudes to Nazi Germany; Adolf Hitler who was responsible for the death of over 20 million Soviet citizens is idolised, for example, yet Iosif Stalin is vilified for killing his own people. If an overarching ideological strand in the very diverse levels of commitment and articulation of views about society and politics was to be delineated among informants, it is probably the classic palingenetic fascist myth that sees current society as being degraded or in fatal decline and the desire to pursue revolutionary change that will overthrow this regime and allow the rebirth of a purer nation. However, in contrast to many iterations of fascist ideology, there is a strong sense of the new, revived Russia as being part of the modern world as opposed to retreating to a conservative, pre-modern era. 194

195 Youth Lifestyle Subcultures Conclusions Ethnographic research with xenophobic youth groups turn existing academic literature inside out. It allows the surface manifestation of skinhead style and racist narratives upon which research focuses to date to be displaced temporarily by deeper questions about why skinheads remain an attractive cultural strategy for young people. Such research is vital to understanding the motives for joining and for leaving such groups. It reveals that young Russians adopt skinheads today as a means of generating meaningful solidarities which help them navigate their lives on the margins of Russian society literally in the case of Vorkuta. The research also revealed that skinhead cultural strategies are not inward looking. Skinhead respondents were, on the contrary, profoundly conscious of the world around them and motivated by a desire to change the world which they articulate verbally through ideological statements and physically through street violence. This engagement with the environment also means, however, that they are responsive to changes in it; in particular the increased threat of arrest and imprisonment (due to legislative changes) and growing hostility to their actions on the part of the public were shown to have had a major impact on the performance of skinheads. References Bennett, A. (1999). Subcultures or neo-tribes? Rethinking the relationship between youth, style and musical taste. Sociology, 33(3), Bennett, A. (2005). In defence of neo-tribes: A response to Blackman and Hesmondhalgh. Journal of Youth Studies, 8(2), Blackman, S. (2005). Youth subcultural theory: A critical engagement with the concept, its origins and politics, from the Chicago School to postmodernism. Journal of Youth Studies, 8 (1), Garifzianova, A. (2008). Pozitsiia antropologa pri issledovanii problem ksenofobii. Antropologicheskii Forum, 8, Likhachev, V. (2002). Natsizm v Rossii. Moscow: Panorama Centre. Omel chenko, E. (2008). Pozitsiia antropologa pri issledovanii problem ksenofobii. Antropologicheskii Forum, 8, Pilkington, H. (2008). Pozitsiia antropologa pri issledovanii problem ksenofobii. Antropologicheskii Forum, 8, Pilkington, H. (2009). No longer on parade : Style and the performance of skinhead in the Russian far north [article submitted to peer-reviewed journal]. Russian Review. Shenfield, S. (2001). Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, Movements. New York, London: M.E. Sharpe. Tarasov, A. (2004, June 18). Britogolovie idut. Russkii Kur er, 1 (124), Umland, A. (2005). Concepts of Fascism in Contemporary Russia and the West. Political Studies Review, 3 (1),

196 Groups and Environments 2 Hilary Pilkington University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom. H.Pilkington@warwick.ac.uk Elena Omel chenko Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. omelchenkoe@mail.ru Al bina Garifzianova Scientific Research Centre Region, Pushkinskaya 4a, 118, Ul`ianovsk, Russia. aistenok@bk.ru Received 19 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Hilary Pilkington Elena Omelčenko Albina Garifzianova Ksenofobinės jaunimo grupės Vorkutoje (Rusijoje): skinhedai Santrauka Straipsnis grindžiamas Vorkutoje (Rusijoje) atlikto tyrimo duomenų analize. Lauko tyrimas buvo atliktas 2006 ir 2007 m., dalyvaujant SAL projekte. Naudoti 24 interviu ir 4 lauko tyrimų dienoraščių duomenys. Autorės pažymi, kad skinhedų (angl. skinheads) grupės nėra izoliuotos grupuotės, atskilusios nuo tikro dominuojančio pasaulio, o atvirkščiai šios jaunų žmonių grupės nepaprastai gerai suvokia pasaulį, kuriame gyvena, ir yra motyvuojamos poreikio jį pakeisti. Šis troškimas paveikti ir pakeisti pasaulį sąlygoja smurtinius gatvės veiksmus (ypač etninių mažumų atstovų bei tų, kurie, jų manymu, yra Rusijos gėda, pvz., benamiai, užpuolimus). Tokios grupės reaguoja į išorinės aplinkos pokyčius, ir šio atvejo tyrimas įrodė, kad padidėjusi arešto ir įkalinimo grėsmė tiek už rasistinius nusikaltimus, tiek už rasistinės ir etninės neapykantos kurstymą turėjo didelį poveikį skinhedų veiklai. Analizėje akcentuoti SAL projekto probleminiai klausimai (žr. priedą, p. 276), tokie kaip grupės ir visuomenės sąveika, grupės narių poveikio visuomenei poreikis, narių prisijungimo prie grupės motyvai ir kt. Raktažodžiai: ksenofobija, skinhedai, jaunimas, subkultūra. 196

197 Ethnic Minorities Photo by G. Jaronis

198

199 Silvia Letavajová University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Muslims in Slovakia Abstract The centre of attention in my research regards one of the minorities, the Muslim group. The main aim for this work was to provide explanations on the causes and consequences of the ethno-cultural processes that arise from the mutual contact of two culturally different groups the Muslim community with the local citizens of a particular country. The centre of attention in my research is on the Muslim subculture in Slovakia, namely a minority group of Afghans. The theoretical starting points are based on the following studies: 1. History and presence of Muslim subcultures in Slovakia (historical perspective after the fall of the communist regime and after establishment of the Slovak Republic) 2. Theory of culture contacts and ethno-cultural processes 3. Culture of Muslim traditions and manifestations or changes of their traditional culture under Slovak conditions Keywords: Muslims, Islam, mass-media, Afghans in Slovakia, Muslim woman, ethnic and religious attitudes Introduction A mass inflow of foreigners, especially Muslims, is quite a new phenomenon in Slovakia. Within our (Slovak and Czech) cultural context, the topic of foreigners has been dealt with from the viewpoint of ethno-cultural processes, i.e., the theories and methods of academic disciplines were only minimally used in the research (see Sherzad, Letavajová, Baranovičová, Divinský, Lukšíková, Karhanová, Šišková, Kaderka, Křížková). We employed the experiences of Western countries, mainly France, Britain or the USA, and their studies on Muslim subgroups (see Abou, Cesari, Morsy, Zazbeck Haddad, Moore, Mason, Lewis and others). Principal points of interest: creation of subcultural identity Factors providing stability of values as well as cultural and lifestyle manifestations (in spheres of religion, family relations, language, cuisine, clothing and such) and disinclination towards changes Factors forming activities and lifestyles a) official organisation representing a subculture (structure and activities) 199

200 Groups and Environments 2 b) institutions of interested to this and other subcultures and their influence on activities and lifestyle c) attitudes towards Muslims, especially Afghans, from the major society Topics of research: Fieldwork 1 a) Muslims curriculum vitaes b) origin and reason for immigration c) family relations education and socialisation of traditional, cultural and religious values d) contacts with fellow nationals in the country of origin and of residence e) religious and other cultural practices of original traditions f) Muslim organisations g) official Slovak organisations Fieldwork 2 a) beliefs, worldviews (on religion and functions of family and societal life) b) conflicts with members of other religions, ethnic subgroups c) problems with the major society in general and with official policies d) mass media presentations Methods Respondents: involved group Muslims in Slovakia Number of respondents: interviews with Muslims from a Muslim country of origin 17 interviews with Slovak converts to Islam 15 interviews with leaders 4 informal discussions and observations submitted by Muslims about 15 interviews with leaders of Slovak organisations 4 numbers of Slovak respondents (interviewed by inquiry) 30 Mass media analyses: 5 Slovak periodicals (3 daily and 2 weekly newspapers) Methodology used: quantitative mapping of the subgroup member numbers, location, formal or informal associations and activities work with community members a) observations taking part in their activities (family life, friendly and informal associations and formal activities) b) interviews using the oral history method 200

201 Ethnic Minorities research of relation between the subculture and the major society a) inquiries among major society members (on values, beliefs, cognizance and information about foreigners, Muslims, Afghans, attitudes, prejudices, stereotypes, principle of relations between ourselves and others ) b) qualitative and quantitative data analyses from the mass media (subculture information) c) mapping of official organisations (governmental or nongovernmental, foundations, associations) with help, regulation or restraint interests in the subculture Results and conclusions I confirm that the resistance of this subculture for retaining their lifestyle in connection with their own original cultural patterns and the level of preferring the original, in some cases, traditional lifestyle depends, apart from other things, on the following personal and social factors. Case of Muslims with no Slovak origin: individual or family arrival and life in Slovakia (especially older family members who are the bearers and keepers of cultural traditions in a foreign environment) means of arrival (as a student, refugee, family member or other) length of stay in the new country contacts with the home country and relatives in other countries and contacts with the natives or relatives in the new country individual psychic bond to the cultural traditions of the originating country (rural or city origin, education, political and religious feelings and such) individual dispositions and the ability to adapt to a foreign culture perceptions among the Slovak population regarding the phenomenon of Muslim foreigners (values; beliefs; cognizance and information about foreigners, Muslims and Afghans; attitudes, prejudices, stereotypes, principles of the relation between ourselves and others ) Case of Islam converts: social data sex, age, education, original religion circumstance of conversion age, reason for conversion family conditions marriage and friendship with Muslim or non-muslim partners, original culture of a partner One of results involves the role of converts which is particularly interesting in the development of Islam. This can be clearly seen by looking at the positions they have achieved and their associations in Muslim brotherhoods and in the Islamic 201

202 Groups and Environments 2 culture as a whole. The presence of converts in the Islamic network accelerates and reinforces the process by which Islam establishes itself in the Slovak environment. Converts thus play a role of cultural mediation in various ways. In case of the Muslim minority in Slovakia, we identified many kinds of tension. As individuals or as a group, they experienced ignorance, pressure and diverse types of open or latent intolerance from members of the majority population. They feel this in daily life (contacts in the street, working place and the like). Principal points of tension are based on the cultural differences between the European (Christian) and Muslim ways of life. The attitudes of the majority result from negative stereotypes. We found the following principal problems in communications: Registration of the Islam religion as a Registered Church a) Muslim representatives try to satisfy conditions b) governmental efforts to tighten these norms c) politicians disagree with registration d) polarisation of this problem Building a mosque in Bratislava as a cultural centre a) Slovakia is one of few European countries without an official mosque b) Islamic neighbourhood has a location and the finances to build a mosque c) resistance and petitions from municipal offices and majority inhabitants in Bratislava Contribution and value of the research Pilot study of Muslim ethno-cultural proceedings in Slovakia (mapping of Muslims in Slovakia and performing a department interview [case study]) Analysis of mass media presentations and formation of the principal problems in communications Enlargement of research on Muslim communities in Europe to Slovakia Application of methods and approaches used in Western countries Formulation of recommendations for policy makers Policy recommendations Our results permit us to formulate the following recommendations to policy makers. To governmental institutions: simplify processes for a permanent address and refugee status clarify, equalise and simplify conditions for a registered church support employers who employ members of minority groups 202

203 Ethnic Minorities To the Bratislava municipality: permit the building of a mosque To the Ministry of Education (school system): apply multicultural education in primary and secondary schools (education about minorities, churches and foreigners in Slovakia and Europe), educate tolerance, educate within the frame of existing matters or creation of new ones To employers: employ members of minority groups, negotiate on negative stereotypes To the media: present real and thorough information without any useless accents of an ethnic and religious context To Muslim community representatives: heighten activities directed at the public, present information about Islam and Muslims in Slovakia and explicate problematic points References Abou, S. (1981). L identité culturelle, rélations interethnique et problèmes d acculturation. Paris: Antropos. Baranovičová, M. (2002). Afganci na Slovensku. Diplomová práca (Diploma dissertation). Katedra etnológie a mimoeurópskych štúdií FF UCM (2002) (p. 138). Trnava: UCM. Bitrich, T., & Klvačová, P. (2002). Jak se (ne)píše o uprchlících: Analýza článků o uprchlících v českém tisku. Výzkumná zpráva Praha: Multikulturní centrum. Divinský, B. (2005). Zahraničná migrácia v Slovenskej republike. Stav, trendy. Spoločenské súvislosti (p. 216). Bratislava. Hlaváčová, S. (2008). Islám ve Spojených státech amerických. Brno: Masarykova univerzita. Karhanová, K., & Kaderka, P. (2001). Obraz cizincú v mediích. Zpráva o projektu za rok Praha: Ústav pro jazyk český, AV ČR. Knapová, I. (2007). Konverzia na islam. Na príklade slovenských žien. Diplomová práca. Trnava: FF UCM (Diploma thesis, Katedra etnológie a mimoeurópskych štúdií). Krížková, M. (2006). Neviditeľná menšina analýza mediálního obrazu českých muslimů. Retrieved from Lapeyronnie, D. (1993). La France et la Grande Bretagne face à leurs immigrés. Paris: PUF. Letavajová, S. (2001). Predstavy a skutočnosť o utečencoch na Slovensku., Etnologické rozpravy, 2, Letavajová, S. (2006). Náboženská konverzia ako dôsledok globalizačných procesov (Prípadová štúdia o islamských konvertitoch na Slovensku). In S. Letavajová (Ed.), Reflexia globalizácie v lokálnom spoločenstve (pp ). Trnava: FF UCM. Lukšíková, P. (1999). Moslimská rodina v slovenskom prostredí (prípadová štúdia). Diplomová práca (Diploma thesis). Bratislava: Katedra etnológie, FiFUK. Manco, U. (2000). Turks in Europe: From a garbled image to the complexity of migrants. Social Reality. Retrieved from 203

204 Groups and Environments 2 Moore, K., Mason, P., & Lewis, J. (2008). Images of Islam in the UK: The Representation of British Muslims in the National Print News Media Cardiff: Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies. Retrieved from pdfs/cardiff%20final%20report.pdf Šišková, T. (2002). Menšiny a migranti v České republice. My a oni v multikulturní společnosti 21. století. Praha: Portál Yazbeck, H. Y. (2002). Muslims in the West. From Sojourners To Citizens. Oxford University Press. Silvia Letavajová Department of Ethnology and World Studies, University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Nám. J. Herdu 2, Trnava, Slovakia. silvia.letavajova@post.sk Received 18 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Silvia Letavajová Musulmonai Slovakijoje Santrauka Straipsnyje pateikiami musulmonų grupių Slovakijoje tyrimo rezultatai: analizuoti etnokultūriniai procesai, kurie iškyla bendraujant dviem kultūriškai skirtingoms musulmonų ir vietinių gyventojų bendruomenėms, aptartos šių procesų priežastys ir pasekmės. Išskirtos dvi musulmoniško identiteto formavimo kryptys: pirmoji susieta su musulmonų grupėmis, kurios neturi slovakiškų šaknų (imigrantai), tyrimo dėmesio centre afganų mažumos grupė; antroji kryptis siejama su Slovakijos gyventojais, kurie perima islamo kultūrą. Autorė pateikia afganų kultūrinės rezistencijos Slovakijoje priežastis, kurias sieja su šeimos padėtimi, imigracijos trukme ir tikslais, kontaktais su giminėmis, kultūrinių tradicijų skirtumais, gebėjimu adaptuotis svetimoje kultūroje, taip pat vietinių gyventojų požiūriu į imigrantus. Islamo kultūrą perėmusių slovakų atveju analizuojamos jų perėjimo į islamą priežastys, sąlygotos mišrių šeimų kūrimo, draugystės su kitataučiais ir kt. Pažymima, jog perėję į islamą slovakai neretai tarpininkauja afganams ir vietiniams gyventojams. Autorė teikia rekomendacijas valstybinėms institucijoms, išskirdama Bratislavos savivaldybę, kuriai siūloma išspręsti mečetės statybos problemą. Švietimo ministerijai rekomenduojama atkreipti dėmesį į žinių apie tarpetninius santykius stoką mokyklose. Kitos rekomendacijos skirtos darbdaviams, kurie vadovaujasi negatyviais stereotipais, spręsdami žmonių įdarbinimo klausimus, ir žiniasklaidai, kuri padeda šiuos stereotipus plėtoti. Raktažodžiai: musulmonai, islamas, žiniasklaida, afganai Slovakijoje, musulmonų moterys, etninės ir religinės nuostatos. 204

205 Katalin R. Forray Mónika Balázsovics Zoltán Beck Szabolcs Fekete University of Pécs ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Romani Communities in Hungary Abstract Romani communities form a very structured subculture in Hungarian society. There are groups along the ethnic, economic, local and traditional dimensions. These groups are characterised by different lifestyles, but there exists a kind of common ethnic identity. It revives in connection with economic crisis, the growing radicalism of the political Romani organisation and the evolving anti-gypsy stance in the society-at-large. Keywords: Gypsy/Roma/Sinti, identity, culture, communication, languages, education, music, self-esteem, conflicts, discrimination, interculturalism, inclusion, racism Introduction The size of the Gypsy/Roma population in Hungary is about 500, ,000. The Roma population is divided into different ethnic and/or socio-economic subgroups. The initial questions of our researches were: Are there different lifestyles within the Gypsy/Roma population in Hungary? Do those lifestyles contribute to their social integration? Do various lifestyles depend on the different socio-economic backgrounds of the various subgroups (i.e., connections between career patterns and schooling levels)? Do fringers, as they lose their ethnic traditions and receive new identities, belong to the underclass or do they create parts of the over-class (dominant groups)? Methods After collecting the data and literature about the Gypsy/Roma communities, 1 we took deep-interviews (15 interviews, 10 audio, 10 transcribed and 15 interviews on paper) with different representatives of the Gypsy-Roma community about their life, identity, 1 Materials uploaded into the Society and Lifestyles project electronic archive 205

206 Groups and Environments 2 connection with their own group and other questions. Then 400 questionnaires were administered to the Gypsy/Roma young people (the common questionnaire for the project was used). The fieldwork results (with photos and video recordings) were also included in the discussion of the results. The analysis of four newspapers shows the attitudes of the dominant society around Gypsy/Roma communities. Research findings 1. The Romungro call themselves Raj-Gypsies or Gentleman Gypsies. They are better educated than the other Gypsy groups and often send their children for higher education. They are proud of their Gypsy origin. They despise the other Gypsy groups. They have lost their language. Their culture connects them with the majority society s middle class. The most successful families live in Budapest and other city centres in Hungary. The Boyash live in the southern Transdanubian region of Hungary. Originally living in small villages, today they are moving to larger centres and integrating quickly. Music, dances, costumes, dishes and language are the elements remaining of their traditional culture. They view themselves as peaceful, hard-working people contrary to other Gypsy groups. They are despised by the other Gypsy/Roma groups because of their assimilation. There are discrimination and prejudices from the majority because of their dark skin. The poor Boyash communities still live in small villages with high unemployment and alcoholism rates. The Olah Gypsies (Roma) live scattered throughout Hungary; however, they have remained in close contact with each other. The subgroup which saved its cultural tradition consists of those who speak Romani. Traditional dresses are only worn by the elderly, but their music and dances are popular everywhere in Hungary. They proudly consider themselves the real Gypsies. The most successful members are mostly entrepreneurs (e.g., in the construction business) and traders. The three main ethnic groups think very differently about the conflicts with the dominant society; however, all of them feel their situation is full of problems (see Table 1). 2. The elite of the Roma/Gypsy community can be divided into three groups: Traditional leaders of the communities (the Voivodas Chiefs and their families) who are unknown by the dominant society Artists and other educated people holding the dominant society s respect Politicians who live away from the own ethnicity further research is necessary on this subgroup 3. In Budapest (the capital of Hungary), the Roma/Gypsy people are partly living in ghettos and partly scattered. However, the Gypsy/Roma population resides 206

207 Ethnic Minorities Table 1: Conflicts between the dominant society and Roma by ethnic group* Boyash Lovari Romungro Other Gypsy groups Sum total Prejudice Ps % 25.0% 10.7% 25.0% 28.6% 22.1% Discrimination Ps % 19.7% 35.7% 7.1% 21.3% Culture/language Ps % 10.5% 10.7% 50.0% 21.4% 13.1% Unemployment Ps % 42.1% 29.3% 25.0% 42.8% 41.0% Education Ps % 2.6% 3.6% 2.5% Sum total Ps % 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% * Only valid answers mainly in the poorest rural areas of the country. Their lifestyles as a ghetto population may cause critical social situations. The underclass of the ghettos forms a niche for criminality. According to Gypsy/Roma places of residence, there is a difference between the larger towns and smaller settlements especially regarding the importance of unemployment and discrimination (see Table 2). Table 2: Conflicts between the dominant society and Roma by place of residence* Capital City Small town Village Sum total Prejudice Ps % 11.6% 31.4% 35.9% 30.1% 29.8% Discrimination Ps % 41.9% 32.9% 10.7% 15.0% 20.6% Culture/language Ps % 18.6% 10.0% 22.3% 15.8% 16.9% Unemployment Ps % 20.9% 25.7% 31.4% 31.6% 26.1% Politics Ps % 2.3% 8.7% 3.8% 4.3% Education Ps % 4.7% 1.0% 3.8% 2.3% Sum total Ps % 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% * Only valid answers 207

208 Groups and Environments 2 4. There are strong prejudices against Gypsies generally when considering the Gypsy population as a homogeneous community. In the event of economic and moral crises, prejudices may create social and ethnical tensions. 5. The analysis of mainstream newspapers showed that one theme dominated the public discourse in It was the crimes committed by Roma gangs as well as the petty larcenies committed by Gypsies from the rural areas. The government is helpless in this respect. Thus it may be expected that the Gypsy/Roma people will be the scapegoats of the present economic and political crisis. Their self-concept is totally opposite to the concept of the dominant society. This is one of the reasons of the great social distance between the Roma and Gajdo (non-roma) (see Table 3). Table 3: People s self concept Emotional/cohesive 59.8% Diligent/intelligent 13.5% Honest 7.0% Open 4.9% Vivacious 4.7% Traditional 1.6% Multi-coloured 1.4% Malevolent 1.4% Tzigane 1.2% Lazy/not working 0.9% Religious 0.7% Conclusions and policy recommendations Multiculturalism and cultural alternatives are not familiar to the societies of countries in transition. Such societies are intolerant of visible subculture groups. In Hungary the Roma community represents a visible minority, so they must recognise signs of prejudices. The economic regression leads to scapegoat-naming. The Roma community or other subcultural groups are the most adequate for this role. A necessary policy would be a continuous fight against racism and xenophobia from early childhood to old age and from schools to the media. The Gypsy community has to understand and learn how to take on and express its own identity. A young intellectual has to develop and practice new models of behaviour. It is necessary to involve mediators between the minority and the dominant societies who could include young Roma intellectuals. Society must learn how to discuss those problems and how to deal with them. Interethnic tensions can only be eased in this way. Studies like our SAL Project 208

209 Ethnic Minorities may be useful and necessary to learn how to discuss issues like ethnic identities and subcultural communities. Projects similar to our SAL may contribute to social freedom. References Balázsovics, M. (2008). Research and international cooperation via Internet: The case of the SAL Project. In R. K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities (pp ). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Cserti Csapó, T. (2008). A Territorial and Sociological Survey of the Gypsy Population in Hungary. In R. K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities (pp ). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Cserti Csapó, T. (Ed.) (2008). The Tenth Anniversary of Romology (p. 250). Pécs: The University of Pécs (in Hungarian). Forray, R. K. (2007). To be a Musician (p. 80). Pécs: The University of Pécs (in Hungarian). Forray, R. K. (2008). In R. K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/ Roma Communities (pp. 7-12). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Forray, R. K. (2008). Society and lifestyles: Questions of methodology. In R. K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities (pp ). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Forray, R. K., & Zoltán, B. (Eds.) (2008). Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities. Pécs: The University of Pécs. Lakatos, S. (2008). Romani language in Baranya County, Hungary. In K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities (pp ). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Orsós, A. (2008). Boyash language teaching and language-planning in Hungary. In R. K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities (pp ). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Sánta, A. (2008). In the Children s Eyes: Traditions and Superstitions in the Boyash Community. Pécs: The University of Pécs. Varga, A. (2008). The Education of Gypsy Children: Inclusive Schooling Based on Cooperation. In R. K. Forray, & Z. Beck (Eds.), Society and Lifestyles: Hungarian Gypsy/Roma Communities (pp ). Pécs: The University of Pécs. Katalin R. Forray University Pécs, Department of Gypsy Studies, Ifjusag u. 6, H-7624 Pecs, Hungary. forray@ella.hu Mónika Balázsovics University Pécs, Department of Gypsy Studies, Ifjusag u. 6, H-7624 Pecs, Hungary. grace@btk.pte.hu Zoltán Beck University Pécs, Department of Gypsy Studies, Ifjusag u. 6, H-7624 Pecs, Hungary. beckzoli@gmail.com 209

210 Groups and Environments 2 Szabolcs Fekete University Pécs, Department of Gypsy Studies, H-7624 Pecs, Ifjusag u szabolcs.fekete@aok.pte.hu Received 16 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Katalin R. Forray Mónika Balázsovics Zoltán Beck Szabolcs Fekete Romų bendruomenės Vengrijoje Santrauka Romų bendruomenės sudaro labai struktūruotą subkultūrą vengrų visuomenėje. Egzistuoja grupės, sukurtos etniniu, ekonominiu, lokaliniu ir tradiciniu pagrindu. Šios grupės pasižymi skirtingais gyvenimo būdais, tačiau kuria bendrą etninį tapatumą, kurio raišką veikia ekonominė krizė, augantis romų politinių organizacijų radikalizmas ir gilėjančios neigiamos visuomenės nuostatos prieš čigonus. Tyrimas grindžiamas esama gausia moksline literatūra, taip pat tyrėjų atliktais interviu, žiniasklaidos ir stebėjimų duomenimis. Autoriai išskiria ir apibūdina skirtingų socialinių sluoksnių ir išsilavinimo romų grupes, gyvenančias Vengrijos miestuose ir kaimuose, pateikia jų gyvenimo būdo, socialinės integracijos, požiūrių, vertybių, elgesio skirtumus. Iškeliamos konfliktų su vengrų visuomene priežastys, kurių pagrindas yra nuostatos, diskriminacija, kultūriniai skirtumai, nedarbas, politiniai faktoriai, išsilavinimas. Autorių pateiktose rekomendacijose atkreipiamas dėmesys į būtinybę ieškoti būdų, kaip keisti rasistines nuostatas ir mažinti ksenofobiją. Grupių tyrimai, atlikti SAL projekte, gali padėti skleisti žinias apie etnines tapatybes ir subkultūrines bendrijas. Tokio pobūdžio projektai gali prisidėti plėtojant socialinę draugystę. Raktažodžiai: čigonas / romas / sinti, tapatybė, kultūra, komunikacija, kalbos, švietimas, muzika, savigarba, konfliktai, diskriminacija, tarpkultūralizmas, priklausomybė, rasizmas. 210

211 Photo by T. Jurevičius New Religious Movements

212

213 Rasa Pranskevičiūtė Vytautas Magnus University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Vissarion and Anastasia Movements in Lithuania Abstract The report focuses on the twin phenomena of the Vissarion (other denominations include the Last Testament Church, the United Faith Community and the sect of Vissarion) and the Anastasia movements. Both New religious movements (NRMs) are examined in view of offering an alternative to the mainstream forms of religion in SAL ( ) research. Emphasis is placed on the importance of social and ideological contexts in the construction of alternative religious worldviews and identities as well as on the importance of group internal and external dynamics in two NRMs. Special attention is given to the role of such dynamics in the development of the post-soviet cultural heritage and in the communication of the Western cultural influence on the religiosity of Eastern Europe. Keywords: alternative socio-religious movements, spirituality, alternative worldviews, identities and construction of social models, Western culture, post-soviet cultural heritage Introduction Many NRMs can be examined in view of offering an alternative to the mainstream forms of religion. One part of the SAL research focused on the relative importance of social and ideological contexts in the construction of the alternative religious identities of members of two NRMs which emerged in Russia in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union and have since spread to Central and Eastern Europe and beyond. These are the Vissarion New religious movement and the spiritual Anastasia movement, which can be seen as a New Age ideology. This study also explores the meaning of religious identity and how it influences and is influenced by local and global cultures ultimately producing a religious subculture. Particular attention is given to the role of these dynamics in the development of the post-soviet cultural heritage and in the communication of the Western cultural influence on the religiosity of Eastern Europe. Emphasis was placed on their respective living environments as well as on their alternative worldviews, philosophical and social systems in comparison and contrast to those of Western culture. 1 Both movements, 1 Western culture here primarily refers to the modern manifestation of consumerist global capitalism as well as those cultural factors, influences and trends preceding it. 213

214 Groups and Environments 2 in their self-presentation and self-understanding, relied upon the perceived failure of the mainstream culture in Lithuania and Russia and upon the turn to the self as understood by P. Berger, B. Berger & Kellner (1974) and Tipton (1982), as critiques of the modern technocratic society, according to Vissarion and Anastasia members, who criticise civilisation and wish to establish alternative institutions. The findings of the research are based on the data obtained from fieldwork carried out over a three-year period ( ), including participant observation and interviews with respondents in Lithuania (groups in the Vissarion and Anastasia movements). Methods In the research, an interdisciplinary theoretical and methodological approach was applied in order to collect data about contemporary spiritualities in Eastern European communities, particularly the Vissarion religious movement and the Anastasia spiritual movement. The collection of data using fieldwork techniques, the analysis of the mass media, the transcription of data as well as the data analysis and systematisation were performed during Fieldwork 1. The preparation and verification of the questionnaire for Fieldwork 2 were completed during the workshop on verification of the results from Fieldwork 1. The collection of data was carried out in view of the approved questionnaire in the communities selected for Fieldwork 1, while other communities were investigated during Fieldwork 2 (August-December 2007). The questionnaire provided here was applied to 20 members of the Vissarion movement and 15 members of the Anastasia movement in the cities of Kaunas, Vilnius, Kaišiadorys and their districts (August-December 2007); the fieldwork extension was in January-December The analysis of the data, obtained with the help of the questionnaires, was completed later using an electronic archive system. The data from the case study of the groups of the Vissarion and Anastasia movements were marked for systems theory analysis. Results The empirical fieldwork was carried out in Lithuania. The objectives of the fieldwork were to study the Vissarion and Anastasia movements in Lithuania and to reveal the main trends in values and religious beliefs throughout Lithuania (and the region of Eastern Europe). To reach these objectives, the ways in which these movements interacted with their socio-cultural environments were examined in five areas: 1) the formation and maintenance of the movements, 2) the internal dynamics that turns them into social entities, 3) their social and worldview structures, 4) the type 214

215 New Religious Movements of leadership that provides divine legitimation for the groups beliefs and practices and 5) the levels and types of commitment demanded of their devotees. The largest community of Vissarion in Siberia, known as the United Family, has established what they call Heaven on Earth where idealised images and new roles for members, their rituals and daily lives abound. The aim of establishing such a community, as it follows from the research findings, involves a gradual seclusion from what Vissarion movement members call the Old World (the civilised society) by means of creative arts and crafts as well as intensive physical and spiritual work all of which have the approval of their Vissarion leadership. Similarly the Anastasian understanding and definition of space, both secular and religious, result in the creation of Love Spaces, namely family homesteads about one hectare in size (set up in various places around the cities of Lithuania) which are conceived as linking person, nature and cosmos. The Love Space provides a context for an alternative system of individual social structures. This is considered by Anastasians to be the ideal model for both society and the cosmos, which are understood to mirror one another in a harmonious, reflective relationship. These conceptions depend on an ecological view of the individual and collective spirituality by interacting in the process of creating the Love Space, which is fundamental to the self-understanding of Anastasia members. By choosing alternatives to the mainstream way of thinking and living, members of the Vissarion and Anastasia movements also attach alternative meanings to their decisions and actions. This consequently results in the feeling of belonging and the construction of the member identities. The movements offer an alternative to traditional religious value systems, beliefs and worldviews What they seek to do is either to look for or to construct alternative forms of spirituality having various eclectic sets of spiritual elements (usually of an exotic, magical and esoteric character) of alternative syncretic type teachings and practices. Such elements include a belief in the power of thought and its impact on people, the basing of energy for all existing beings, reincarnation, free interpretation of faith (original, usually unclear conceptions of God) and the like. These features can be found in various philosophies of New Age spirituality, and this kind of behaviour is common for New Age spirituality seekers (Heelas, 2005; Sutcliffe, 2003). Vissarion 2 and Anastasia 3 are important symbolic figures who influence members of these movements. However, the cult of the leader Vissarion remains in opposition 2 Vissarion (before: Sergey Anatolyevitch Torop [Russian: Сергей Анатольевич Тороп]), the leader of the Church of the Last Testament, is considered by the members to be a teacher and the reincarnated Jesus Christ, one who brings new spiritual teaching to the world. 3 Anastasia is the main hero in the anthology of books by Vladimir Megre, a forest-based hermit in Siberia, whose teachings are related with ideas of naturalism, ecology and spirituality. 215

216 Groups and Environments 2 to the freely and individually perceived philosophy of Anastasia. An apocalyptic mood is evident in the Vissarion movement, whereas a more optimistic attitude towards the future is characteristic of the Anastasia movement in Lithuania. Anastasian groups are relatively open to the outside social influence and evidence a significant growth, while the more conservative and insular Vissarion groups tend to fade away and die. Currently (2009) in Lithuania, the Vissarion movement has 30 adult members (50 with children). Over the period of the movement s existence in Lithuania, the number of members has decreased and is still slightly decreasing. Quite amorphous and with their members belonging to a number of different organisations, Anastasian groups (including official clubs in the biggest cities, nine family homesteads and independent individuals) could be seen as counting about 1, The philosophy of Anastasia is still attracting new people. This situation appears to contradict the standard expectation that conservative and closed congregations tend to grow, whilst liberal ones tend towards atrophy (Bibby, 1987). 5 All fieldwork results were presented in reports and oral presentations in SAL and other workshops and conferences in Lithuania and abroad. Discussion and conclusions (policy recommendations included) The rise of NRMs is a complex phenomenon which involves many different facets of Eastern European social, cultural and religious life. Some NRMs do experience tensions in their relations with mainstream society. For example, a negative attitude towards the research groups of the Vissarion and Anastasia movements (also new religiosity phenomena in general) is obvious in the mass media approach. However, any claims about NRMs being destructive to the society have not been proven. Some movements stress non-traditional values; others do not. Modern societies need to learn how to respond best to such movements and how to interpret their benefits and dangers. The movements which were studied reveal challenges to the changing contemporary Eastern European society. These movements are not satisfied with the contemporary civilisation and social realities. They create alternative and ideal societal projects and models having a utopian character. Both groups are formed in the same socio-cultural environment of a city. Although members of the Vissarion and Anastasia movements wish more or less to separate themselves from the contemporary materialistic society which is considered to be based on Western (also post-communist) values, there are many people living in cities. Thus members of the movements which were studied still 4 The claim is based on the data from the fieldwork in Lithuania ( ). 5 One of research aims was to explain the possible reasons for this and to determine whether they were largely constructed ideologically (in the frame of the philosophy of movements) or sociologically (influenced by political, economical and cultural changes in the broader society). 216

217 New Religious Movements remain as a part of society. Members of the Vissarion and Anastasia movements are examples of the search for individual subcultural values, worldviews and identities. The NRMs express, rather than cause, the changes that society has been going through in the first half of the 21 st century. We have to broaden the diversity of viewpoints and perspectives of NRMs and to encourage each other to make broader and more balanced reflections (mostly more tolerant) on NRMs in Eastern Europe. References Berger, P., Berger, B., & Kellner, H. (1974). The Homeless Mind. Modernization and Consciousness. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Bibby, R. (1987). Fragmented Gods. Toronto, Canada: Irwin. Heelas, P. (2005). The Spiritual Revolution: Why Religion is Giving Way to Spirituality. Oxford: Blackwell. Sutcliffe, St. (2003). Children of New Age: A History of Spiritual Practises. New York: Oxford University Press. Tipton, S. (1982). Getting Saved from the Sixties. Moral Meaning in Conversion and Cultural Change. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California. Rasa Pranskevičiūtė Department of Ethnology and Folklore, Vytautas Magnus University, K. Donelaičio St. 58, LT Kaunas, Lithuania. r.pranskeviciute@hmf.vdu.lt Received 28 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Rasa Pranskevičiūtė Visariono ir Anastasijos judėjimai Lietuvoje Santrauka Straipsnyje pristatomas Visariono (kiti pavadinimai: Paskutinio Testamento bažnyčia, Vieningo tikėjimo bendruomenė ir Visariono sekta) ir Anastasijos judėjimų tyrimas. Dalyvaujant SAL tyrimų projekte m., abu naujieji religiniai judėjimai (NRJ) buvo nagrinėjami kaip alternatyva vyraujančioms religijos formoms. Lauko tyrimų metu taikytas stebėjimo dalyvaujant grupės veiklose metodas, apklausta 20 Visariono ir 15 Anastasijos bendruomenių dalyvių, naudojant SAL projekto klausimyną (žr. priedą, p. 276). Autorė akcentuoja socialinio ir ideologinio kontekstų svarbą alternatyvių religinių pasaulėžiūrų ir tapatybių kūrimui, aptaria grupių vidinius pokyčius, kurie susiję ir su posovietinės visuomenės kaita. Pažymima Vakarų kultūros įtaka Rytų Europos gyventojų religingumui. Straipsnyje pateikiami tyrinėtų grupių pasaulėžiūrinių vertybinių sistemų bruožai, grupių narių integracijos į visuomenę lygmuo, kylančios problemos. 217

218 Groups and Environments 2 Rekomendacijose socialinėms institucijoms autorė pažymi įtampų, kurios kyla tarp grupių ir visuomenės, mažinimo būtinybę, masinių informacijos priemonių neigiamą poveikį, būtinumą pateikti teisingą informaciją apie grupių vertybes, jų gyvenimo būdą ir elgesį. Raktažodžiai: alternatyvūs socialiniai religiniai judėjimai, dvasingumas, alternatyvios pasaulėžiūros, tapatybės ir socialinių modelių kūrimas, Vakarų kultūra, posovietinės kultūros paveldas. 218

219 Anita Stasulane Daugavpils University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Subcultural Dynamics of Theosophical Groups in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania Abstract Daugavpils University researchers contributed to the comparative analysis of the subcultural groups in Eastern and Central Europe by first considering the social adaptation of the theosophical groups, which is a quality of their relationship with the larger society, and, second, by identifying the values which determine the different activities (culture, education and politics) carried out by the theosophical groups. Having modelled the subcultural dynamics resulting from the reconfiguration of values and beliefs in different theosophical groups, the researchers established a pattern of reconfiguration of values and beliefs. This model reveals the important mechanisms present in the processes of forming those subcultural groups which are based on a particular doctrine. Keywords: subcultural groups, theosophical groups, New religious movements, values and religious beliefs, social adaptation Introduction The appearance and expansion of New religious movements in our day is a worldwide phenomenon but, in Europe, it is nowhere as evident as in the countries that have undergone the process of emerging from Soviet ideology in the political, cultural and economic sphere (cf., Lucas et al., 2004). This creates many new problems in society, and it is difficult to overcome the bias which people and society have toward that which is other. As the experiences of other countries have shown, integration of New religious movements and their representatives into society without causing anyone to lose his or her identity depends on the understanding of society (cf., Barker, 2006). The shaping of this understanding relies to a great deal on scientific research. We contributed to the research by considering the theosophical groups in the post- Soviet countries. Latvian researchers, Prof. Anita Stasulane (Daugavpils University) and Dr. Janis Priede (Latvian University) performed the documentation and study. Methods We examined the process of social adaptation by Theosophy in the post-soviet countries. In doing so, we examined not only cases of the contemporary theosophical 219

220 Groups and Environments 2 movement but also the movement s historic development. We engaged religious history and the sociology of religion i.e., to complete the comparative analysis of the theosophical groups, we moved in the direction of a historically grounded sociology of religion. To reach a better understanding of the dynamics and contents of the phenomenon and of its implications and consequences in the lives of people, we first identified New religious movements in the Baltic countries by mapping, which was based on a vast amount of media information. The objective of the two fieldworks was to point out the main trends of values and religious beliefs in theosophical groups. To reach this objective, the researchers observed how groups interact with their socio-cultural environments and examined: (1) the way diverse groups are formed and maintained; (2) the internal dynamics that make them social entities; (3) their economic, social and political structures and (4) the type of leadership and the level of commitment demanded from devotees. Methods of the research were observations, participation, interviews (open-ended, semi-directed interviews functioned as a tool of this research method) and documentation. The research was carried out in all Baltic countries; it included 10 theosophical groups. Data were collected from 72 respondents (37 interviews and 35 questionnaires). Results Looking for the factors that shape the social adaptation of a theosophical movement within its social environment, we addressed (1) movement structural attributes, (2) religious doctrine and (3) set of values. Movement structural attributes. The total number of active theosophists in all three Baltic countries is about 3,000-3,750. The adherents are mostly middle-aged people excepting Aivars Garda s followers who are mainly youth. Theosophical groups are characterised by feminine domination (about 80%). Dislocation of the groups shows that Theosophy in the Baltic countries is an urban phenomenon. Religious doctrine. Since religious beliefs do not exist in isolation but are composed of symbols that have implications for social practices and relationships, we examined the symbols used by 35 contemporary theosophical groups in different post-soviet countries, including Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia and Bulgaria (Stasulane & Priede, 2008). The correlation between symbols used by various theosophical groups clearly demonstrates the main axis around which their identity is formed. From the total number of 35 groups included in our research, the symbol of mahatmas is used by 94% of the groups. It demonstrates to what extent the theosophical groups are formed around beliefs in Masters or Teachers. The shared communication through symbols makes possible a transmission of the ideas of the 220

221 New Religious Movements group which they form in-part themselves. The research on symbols contributed to understanding intra-groups relations. Theosophical groups can be characterised as highly consolidated. Values. The core values of each group are based on selected common beliefs that become central for the group s members and activities. Study of the beliefs and values offered an opportunity to understand the processes of reconfiguration within the same set of beliefs leading to a different field of activities (Stasulane & Priede, 2009). By comparing the values of different groups, it was possible to identify culture as the axis of the core values for members of the Latvian Roerich Society, Lithuanian Roerich Society, Vydūnas Society and Tartu group; education as a keyword for the members of the Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, Klaipėda group, Estonian Roerich Society, Kohtla-Jarve group and Johvi group and politics as the axis of values of the Aivars Garda group. The different orientation of the core values is evident, despite the fact that the beliefs of each of these groups have the same source the teaching of the Roerichs. Discussion As the following graphics show, the source includes various doctrinal elements (a, b, c, d, e). Through selection, and therefore through reconfiguration of these doctrinal elements, a group arrives at one or perhaps more particular elements which, in the system of beliefs, becomes central to all members of the group. In the case of Theosophy, the Latvian Roerich Society, Lithuanian Roerich Society, Vydūnas Society and Tartu group have selected the concept of culture. The Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerich, Klaipėda group, Estonian Roerich Society, Kohtla-Jarve group and Johvi group have opted for the Roerichs idea of education, but the Aivars Garda group for the political aspects of N. Roerich s doctrine. After selecting the doctrinal elements from their common source, each elaborates on them and, what is more important, uses them to structure the group s value system. Thus, on the basis of one central element in their system of beliefs (a, b, or c), the core value of a group is founded (A, B, C). Most of the other specific values confessed by the group are subordinated to the core value of the group (b 1, b 2, b 3 to B etc.). A particular set of values comes to life and it manifests itself in the activities of the group (spheres of activities, S B etc.). Since the theosophical groups in the Baltic countries have undergone a different reconfiguration of their beliefs and, therefore, have selected a different set of values, they are involved in different spheres of activities. 221

222 Groups and Environments 2 beliefs SOURCE a b c d e reconfiguration B A C core values with corresponding subordinate values b 1 b 2 b 3 b 4 b 5 b 6 a 1 a 2 a 3 a 4 a 5 a 6 c 1 c 2 c 3 c 4 c 5 c 6 spheres of activities S B S A S C Conclusions Having examined the factors which shape the social adaptation of a theosophical movement within its social environment, we identified different levels of the social adaptation between various theosophical groups. The Latvian Roerich Society, Lithuanian Roerich Society and Vydūnas Society maintain high accommodation. These groups are able to operate in a manner that avoids public controversy. They have not drawn any particular attention from the media, politicians, scholars or other agents capable of shaping public opinion regarding the nature of the movement. High accommodation does not mean that groups become so indistinguishable from their environment that they disappear as an entity but only that they are able to operate without generating much controversy or conflict. Accommodation is a characteristic level of the Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, Klaipėda group and Estonian Roerich Society. These groups are widely known to thegeneral society. Public criticism, if any, 222

223 New Religious Movements originates largely from representatives of established religious denominations. Most significant is the absence of opposition by powerful secular actors. In spite of their unorthodox characters, these groups are viewed as representing some admirable values and as functional for their adherents. In this situation, the theosophical groups neutralise potential opposition and shape public definition. The emergence of opposition by powerful secular interest groups is the most important foundation of problematisation. This level of social adaptation is characteristic to the Aivars Garda group. This group faces a powerful coalition of secular interest groups and media. Although the membership of this group is relatively small and there are no signs of a dramatic increase in the future, Aivars Garda is portrayed in the public media as a forceful leader, who has the goal of instituting a national regime that would change the very structure of democratic society. We did not identify any theosophical group as becoming controversial and a recognised social problem. A conflict between the state and the Aivars Garda group is not particularly noteworthy, but the combination of a powerful, popular opposition and systematic state hostility could produce a high level of problematisation. The nationalism of the Aivars Garda group and the public impression that they are overtly involved in political matters may appear to question the tendency in Central and Eastern Europe not to mix politics with religion. Our subproject was a step in the process of gaining insight into the integration of subcultural communities in the social life of post-soviet countries. All theosophical groups have shown an ability to move into some accommodative relation with their social environments. We argue that social relations are a more likely source of social opposition than the ideas themselves. Recommendations for policy makers During the fieldwork in different post-soviet countries, we noticed that, although they had belonged to the same political system for a period of half a century and, at present, often meet similar difficulties and problems, it is necessary to take into consideration that these countries are different not only economically and socially but they vary from each other in historical, cultural and especially religious backgrounds and traditions. Therefore any uniformity of methods and activities of the democratising Eastern and Central European countries is hardly applicable. The NRMs in Eastern and Central Europe often respond to the specific needs and aspirations of people undergoing the transitional period. Some NRMs have already demonstrated certain abilities to help with adaptation, to overcome identity crises and to provide maintenance for the social sphere. NRMs are acting as specific mediators 223

224 Groups and Environments 2 between public problems and the fragmented private ways in which members of society try to deal with them. Often NRMs provide free seminars with meals and books, free English instruction and funding for study abroad. Nevertheless, some NRMs tend to transgress the borders between their doctrinal values and principles of a secular society by interfering in the state educational system and even by taking over full control of state-founded schools and introducing their own doctrinal and methodological principles in the process of education. A clear division between the secular fundamentals of the state and NRMs should be clearly upheld in the sphere of education and social welfare. In the research, we have distinguished two aspects of religious liberty a formal, i.e., institutional, legal aspect and an informal aspect connected with social and personal attitudes towards NRMs. While the contemporary religious situation is described as pluralism, in reality, it does not always designate a peaceful coexistence and dialogue between mainstream society and NRMs, because both aspects the formal and informal are mutually interrelated and interpenetrating. Tolerance of religious diversity and true religious freedom cannot be introduced by means of legal standards alone. They need gradual development through a positive cultural background and certain practical manifestations of tolerance in the society. The investigation revealed a high level of negativity of NRMs towards each other and traditional churches. The state may not ignore these controversies. In this respect, issues that are also relevant regard the autonomy of religious organisations and the extent to which the state should be involved in resolving controversies between them and other institutions, religious and nonreligious. Laws and norms regulating the activities of various religious organisations should limit those activities which are incompatible with the rights of other people or society in general. While, in the Eastern and Central Europe, some NRMs do present a threat to political and social stability, the rejection of them as totalitarian sects and destructive cults by the mainstream society is in no way a solution to the controversy. In order to understand the specific tensions arising between a particular NRM and society-at-large, we need a balanced and informed assessment on the basis of a close study of the doctrine, organisation, activity and methods of recruitment by each particular NRM in its particular environment. Public debates on the NRMs are dominated by misunderstandings, exaggerations and, sometimes, pure disinformation by different parties. Contacts with group members pointed clearly to a need for serious knowledge about NRMs. The presence of NRMs in the societies of the Eastern and Central Europe raises a number of questions. We recommend establishing an international network of research centres on NRMs that could effectively examine the religious situation across countries and analyse data to make suggestions for local executives. The 224

225 New Religious Movements NRMs are not isolated phenomena; therefore they can be seen as a focus for a wide range of problems, currents and controversies of various backgrounds. The NRMs are indicators of social difficulties and tensions which already exist or are in the process of emerging but they are not the cause of them. Since new forms of religiosity are symptoms of social tension, a study of NRMs and the challenges they bring can help to trace changes and tensions in the whole society. As we have observed, the social tensions which emerge in connection with the activities of NRMs are not religiously based. The conflicts between NRMs and the rest of society and, likewise, the internal controversies between new religious groups must be understood as the result of clashes between different sets of values. In order to avoid this, researchers recommend governments to begin genuine and meaningful communication with members of NRMs and to come to a consensus about basic values. The communication is an important means of avoiding socially destructive tendencies that may develop within an NRM or in the attitude of the general society towards NRMs. It is the well-founded supposition that NRMs which have become a danger to the life and health of their members or to the society in general have developed in isolation after society had turned its back on them. The NRM which isolates itself from society may be particularly inclined to violence. A society which is experiencing economic difficulties and cultural and moral disorientation and which also lacks traditions of tolerance easily embraces intolerant attitudes and modes of behaviour. A government should take steps to introduce and finance educational, religious studies programmes to provide society with a background about NRMs. By taking steps to promote a broad understanding of all religious traditions, a government can prevent the social instability caused by intolerant behaviour. In order to create appropriate social policy, it is essential for a government to develop a precise method of determining which specific NRM poses a threat to its members or to society in general and which one merely advocates the peaceful exercise of a given set of beliefs. NRMs are, to a great extent, connected with the processes of globalisation and the internationalisation of culture; nevertheless, they are diverse in their teachings, orientation, organisation and operation. It is observed that there is a tendency to overlook the differences of each NRM. This gives rise to an attribution of one group s misleads to all movements, thus creating collective stereotypes concerning NRMs. Thus, in order to establish a policy that both respects the European Convention on Human Rights (1948) and the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981), a government must evaluate the means of preventing the development of extremist tendencies among certain NRMs. However, we do recommend avoiding using the term 225

226 Groups and Environments 2 religious extremism, because it does not indicate the reasons behind the extremist activity. Researchers have noted that, in fact, the basis for extremist activity does not necessarily rest on one foundational motivation but results from a combination of factors: political, economic, ethnic, psychological and religious motives. References Barker, E. (2006). We ve got to draw the line somewhere: an exploration of boundaries that define locations of religious identity. Social compass, 53(2), Lucas, Ph. Ch., & Robbins, Th. (Eds.). (2004). New Religious Movements in the Twenty-First Century: Legal, Political, and Social Challenges in Global Perspective. New York: Routledge. Stasulane, A., & Priede, J. (2008). Dynamics of Intra-Group Relations: Symbols Used by the Theosophical Groups in the Eastern Europe. Culture, Subculture, Counterculture. International Conference Galati November 2007 (pp ). Galati: Europlus. Stasulane, A., & Priede, J. (2009). Reconfiguration of Values and Beliefs: A Study of the Contemporary Theosophy in Latvia. Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe (pp ). Aldershot: Ashgate. Anita Stasulane Faculty of Humanities, Daugavpils University, Vienibas iela 13, LV-5401 Daugavpils, Latvia. anita.stasulane@du.lv Received 18 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Anita Stasulane Subkultūrinė teosofinių grupių dinamika Estijoje, Latvijoje ir Lietuvoje Santrauka Daugpilio universiteto tyrėjai prisidėjo prie lyginamosios subkultūrinių grupių analizės Centrinėje ir Rytų Europoje dviem būdais: analizuodami teosofinių grupių socialinę adaptaciją, kuri yra jų santykio su didesniąja visuomenės dalimi kokybės garantas, taip pat nustatydami teosofinių grupių kultūrines, švietimo, politines veiklas orientuojančias vertybes. Tyrinėtojai apibrėžė teosofinių grupių vertybinį modelį, kuris padeda suprasti, kaip šios subkultūrinės grupės kuria savo doktrinas ir jas pritaiko savo veiklose bei socialinės adaptacijos procesuose; taip pat atskleidė grupių formavimosi ekonominius, socialinius ir politinius faktorius. Tyrimas atliktas Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje. Buvo taikyti stebėjimo ir interviu metodai. Apklausta 72 respondentai, naudojant giluminius interviu ir SAL klausimyną (žr. priedą, p. 276). Autoriai pateikia išsamias rekomendacijas, kurios siejamos su žmogaus teisėmis grindžiamų įstatymų ir švietimo sistemos tobulinimu. Raktažodžiai: subkultūrinės grupės, teosofinės grupės, naujieji religiniai judėjimai, vertybės ir religiniai įsitikinimai, socialinė adaptacija. 226

227 Dušan Deák University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Conceptual Framework of India-Inspired New Religious Movements in Slovakia Abstract New religious movements (NRMs) challenge societies all over the world. Several NRMs have found their inspiration in Indian religious ideas and practices or, via Indian teachers, have been directly connected to them. This subproject examined the challenges posed by the Indian religious ideas and practices brought by NRMs to post-communist Slovakia. Employing the historical perspective to assess the degree of their spread in the country combined with the ethnographic approach to present-day followers of particularly chosen NRMs, the subproject aimed to extend knowledge about those people who claim that Indian religious ideas and practices considerably influence their lives. Keywords: communism, religion, Indian religions, New religious movements, Indian religious concepts Introduction During the wider project of Society and Lifestyles: Towards Enhancing Social Harmonisation through Knowledge of Subcultural Communities, I was engaged in the study of the spread of Indian religious concepts in Slovakia through NRMs that claim to teach Indian religious thought and practices (I-NRMs). Being a historian whose interest is more in Indian religions, religious communities and their textual traditions, I found the work on I-NRMs useful especially from the comparative perspective. I have drawn much of my information and theoretical approaches to NRMs from Barker (1998, 1999), Borowik (2007), Davie (2004) and Lužný (1997) that added to my knowledge of South-Asianism. My professional orientation and engagement with the textual study naturally led me to Indian concepts. Moreover, since these Indian concepts are not confined only within the I-NRMs, several of them (like yoga or meditation) are well known to the wider public. I was also interested in the ways these concepts are explained, what causes their popularity and to what extent their meanings, as they are explained by I-NRMs, differ from Indian interpretations. 227

228 Groups and Environments 2 Methods The methods followed during the fieldworks, therefore, combined the ethnographic research (16 interviews, participant observation, questionnaires) with the textual research of a historian. After preliminary mapping, I decided to study four I-NRM groups in Slovakia: ISKCON, Sahaja Yoga, Shree Chinmoy followers and Swami Maheshvarananda followers. During Fieldwork 1, I concentrated on contacting and interviewing members of these groups and gathering the necessary research data that would help me analyse the Indian religious concepts used by these I-NRMs. Fieldwork 2 extended Fieldwork 1 (mainly by the use of the common SAL questionnaire) and engaged me in a comparative study of these groups (again with the help of the questionnaire). No apparent problems appeared during the time of gathering data except my own shortcomings and that, after the death of Shree Chinmoy, the cooperation with Chinmoy s group ceased. Results The results of my research may be summarised as follows. The fall of Communism in Eastern Europe in the late 1980s brought significant social as well as political changes. Societies that had been largely deprived of public religious life, practices and access to religious education experienced a revival, not only of traditional religions but also of an interest in other traditions as represented by New religious movements. Through their very novelty, these NRMs offered an exotic alternative to the so-called traditional religious organisations. Several NRMs promoted Indian religious ideas and practices, and many of their representatives emphasised spirituality (argued as a typically Eastern virtue against the materialism of the West) as the common basis for real religious life. Moreover, by presenting these ideas and practices as ancient, which is a rather doubtful but highly competitive claim, I-NRMs won some of their present followers. On the whole, the research has shown that there exists a limited public concern about the meaning and role of concepts (as well as practices) brought by I-NRMs and generally NRMs. Though, from a certain point of view (usually that of Christian clergy and anti-cult organisations), they may be viewed as problematic. According to my data, their application in the Slovakian environment does not seem to pose a great challenge or threat to the so-called traditional religiosity and social relations. Quite to the contrary, in my opinion, there is a need for a more tolerant approach in the conservative environment of Slovakia to followers of different religions (e.g., treat NRMs on equal terms with the so-called traditional churches). My efforts resulted in the research essay, Spirituality in the religious marketplace: Indian-inspired New religious movements in Slovakia and their conceptual framework (Deák, 2009) that discusses the most popular concepts (yoga, 228

229 New Religious Movements meditation, bhakti, guru, Vedas, Kundalini, chakras) used by the representatives of NRMs in Slovakia, which claim to be based on Indian religious wisdom. It does so in the context of the history of the spread of Indian thought in the country and of Neo-Hindu missionary activities in the world. It also presents a summary of the general data currently available on Indian-inspired NRMs in Slovakia as well as on the tension created by the new law on registration of religious groups. Since I-NRMs haven t been academically analysed in Slovakia but, rather, only described in uncertain terms (Macháčkova & Dojčár, 2002), I hope this study can help in any further research, as well as offer local information to all those who engage in the study of NRMs generally. Conclusions I-NRMs began to be more active in Slovakia only after the fall of communism and brought a whole raft of new religious concepts that were variously perceived and caused a variety of reactions, both positive and negative. Many of these concepts and related practices introduced by the representatives of I-NRMs can be traced back to the Neo-Hindu movement and, in spite of their ancient antecedents, these concepts and practices are with respect to the modern contexts of their presentation new rather than old. The activities of I-NRMs, even if they present the Indian religious heritage according to their own interpretations, do not seem to pose any particular problem in Slovakia. On the contrary, they bring variety and offer a much-needed alternative to the so-called traditional understanding of religion in what remains a deeply conservative country, where many of its inhabitants look down on anything new and unfamiliar. Policy recommendations Revise the legal policy in the case of registration of religious organisations Support diversity and equal opportunities for people from NRMs Enhance secularism instead of discriminatively and vaguely defined traditionalism Inform the wider society about NRMs as objectively as can be achieved Seek advice from academics that are independent of religious organisations References Barker, E., & Warburg, M. (Eds.) (1998). New Religions and New Religiosity. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press. Barker, E. (1999). But who s going to win? National and minority religions in post communist society. Facta Universitatis (Philosophy and Sociology Series), 2 (6),

230 Groups and Environments 2 Borowik, I. (2007). The religious landscape of Central and Eastern Europe after Communism. In James A. Beckford, & N. J. Demerath (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of the Sociology of Religion (pp ). London: Sage. Davie, G. (2004) Presidential Address. Creating an agenda in the sociology of religion: Common sources/different pathways. Sociology of Religion, 65(4), Deák, D. (2009). Spirituality in the religious marketplace: Indian-inspired New Religious Movements in Slovakia and their conceptual framework. In G. McKay, Ch. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaitė. (Eds.), Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe. [In H. Chambers (Ed.), Cultural Identity Studies, 15]. Oxford, Bern, Berlin: Peter Lang. Lužný, D. (1997). Nová náboženská hnutí, Brno: Masarykova Univerzita. Macháčková, L., & Dojčár, M. (2002). Duchovná scéna na Slovensku II, Bratislava: Ústav pre vzťahy štátu a cirkví. Robbins, T., & Lucas, P. C. (2007). From cults to New Religious Movements: Coherence, definition and conceptual framing in the study of New Religious Movements. In J. A. Beckford, & N. J. Demerath (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of the Sociology of Religion (pp ). London: Sage. Dušan Deák Department of Ethnology and World Studies, University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Trnava, Slovakia. deakd@ucm.sk Received 22 January 2009 Accepted 30 April 2009 Dušan Deák Indijos religijos įkvėptų naujųjų religinių judėjimų Slovakijoje konceptuali struktūra Santrauka Tyrimo autorius pristato Slovakijoje plintančių naujųjų religinių judėjimų (NRJ) tyrinėjimų rezultatus. Buvo taikyta mokslinės istorinės literatūros analizė ir šiomis dienomis gyvuojančių grupių etnografinė analizė. Tyrimui atrinkti NRJ, kurių atsiradimą lėmė Indijos religinės idėjos, dalyviai, atliktas stebėjimas dalyvaujant grupių aplinkoje ir užrašyta 16 giluminių interviu su ISKON, Sahaja, Shree Chinmoy ir Svami Maheshvarananda pasekėjais. Projekto metu buvo įvertintas šios krypties NRJ sklaidos intensyvumas, pobūdis ir sąlygos pokomunistinėje Slovakijos visuomenėje, siekta pagilinti žinias apie NRJ judėjimo dalyvių pasirenkamą gyvenimo kelią, motyvacijas, įtaką jų gyvensenai, socialinės integracijos galimybes. Autoriaus pateiktose rekomendacijose atkreipiamas dėmesys į problemas, kylančias registruojant religines organizacijas, lygių galimybių stoką, diskriminacijos apraiškas, informacijos apie NRJ trūkumą, silpnus kontaktus tarp atitinkamų valstybinių institucijų ir universitetų, kurių tyrėjai galėtų prisidėti didinant visuomenės toleranciją. Raktažodžiai: komunizmas, religija, Indijos religijos, naujieji religiniai judėjimai, Indijos religinės koncepcijos. 230

231 Photo by G. Jaronis Religious Confessions

232

233 Natalia Cojocaru Ruslan Sintov Centre of Sociological, Political and Psychological Analysis and Investigation CIVIS ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Religious Attitudes in Moldova: The Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and The Baptist Community Abstract This chapter examines the history and present-day status of two religious and cultural groups in the Republic of Moldova: the Baptist community and the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia. 1 The lifestyle of the two communities will be discussed in terms of their members dominant values, beliefs, worldviews and behaviours. The article offers a brief analysis of the specific nature of communication and relationships, both inside and outside the groups, as well as the attitudes towards them by government organisations, the media and other religious groups in Moldova. Since the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia (MCB) has broken away from the Metropolitan Church of Moldova (MCM), we also consider the conflict between the two Churches from a historical perspective by assessing its nature and effects both on believers and on the general image of Orthodoxy. Keywords: Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia, Metropolitan Church of Moldova, Evangelical Baptist community, Orthodox Church, religious and cultural groups Introduction The Moldova Republic is situated in the south-eastern part of Europe. It became independent on August 27, 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. During several decades of state-sponsored militant atheism, drastic methods were used 1 Bessarabia is a Romanian historical region which, prior to the 19 th century, comprised the southern area of the territory between the Prut and Nistru Rivers (Bugeac area), a component of the feudal state of Moldova. Since 1812 the entire territory between the Prut and Nistru Rivers was part of the Russian empire and was officially named Bessarabia; it was subjected to forced colonization, while the Romanian indigenous population was still a majority. In 1856 Russia retroceded some southern counties to Moldova (Romanian region) while, in 1878, it reattached these areas. In 1917 the Democratic Moldovan Republic (Bessarabia) proclaimed its independence and, in 1918, it rejoined Romania. In 1940 Bessarabia was occupied by the USSR and it became part of the Moldovan SSR. In , it was governed by Romania. In 1944 it became again a Soviet republic, which existed until 1991, when it declared its independence as a state, the Republic of Moldova (see Dicţionarul enciclopedic ilustrat [Illustrated Encyclopaedic Dictionary], (1999). Chişinău: Cartier). 233

234 Groups and Environments 2 to suppress and prohibit any expression of religious life. Church officials were subjected to imprisonment, deportation, forced labour, persecution, restrictions and constraints of all kinds. Some churches were demolished and others desecrated by being used for other purposes (such as driving schools, sheds, gymnasiums, warehouses, restaurants and so on). Religious literature was burnt, religious educational institutions were closed and believers were deprived of their right to express their faith. 2 Beginning in the 1960s, after the so-called thaw, a policy of tolerant atheism was promoted and lasted until The policy of repressing religious worship and believers was replaced by an attitude of peaceful coexistence between the State and church. Direct control of religious groups was carried out by a structure within the Government. The process of democratisation and the creation of conditions for the free expression of basic human rights in the Moldova Republic was launched in early 1990s and served as means to accelerate the development and extension of religious life. This manifested in greater religious freedom, the emergence of several confessions, the restoration of old churches, the building of new ones and the revival of church attendance by believers. This tendency was observed within the traditional Orthodox Church as well as within other churches. In comparison with the recent past, freedom of religion in the Moldova Republic is demonstrated by the enormous increase in the number of officially recognised religious groups. By August 2007, there were 23 active religious groups within the territory of the Moldova Republic. Methodology The analysis is based on the principle of triangulation, using both quantitative and qualitative methods. In particular, we carried out in-depth interviews with a representative sample of members from the Baptist community (20 interviews) and the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia in Moldova (20 interviews) including those from both rural and urban areas. The surveys used were carried out in August-September In all 156 believers of MCB and 148 believers of the Baptist community were questioned using a structured questionnaire with precoded answers and open-ended questions. The gender composition across these two groups was 42% males and 58% females. The age of respondents ranged 2 Grossu, S. (2003). Cu gândul la Basarabia [Thinking of Bessarabia] (pp. 7, 8, 53). Chişinău: Museum; Pascaru, A. (2000). The Condition of Confessions in Societies in Transition, (pp ) Religion, Society and Education in Post-Totalitarian Societies of Central and South Eastern Europe. Chişinău; Tihonov, L. (2004). Politica statului sovietic faţă de cultele din RSSM [The Soviet State s Policy on cults in MSSR] ( ). Chişinău: CIVITAS, USM; Tihonov, L. (2000). Marginalizarea Bisericii ortodoxe în perioada regimului totalitar comunist [Marginalisation of the Orthodox Church during the communist totalitarian regime], Chişinău. 234

235 Religious Confessions from 13 to 80 years old. In terms of ethnicity, 97% of respondents from MCB are Moldovan/Romanian, while the Baptist community is represented by two major ethnic groups (53% Moldovan/Romanian and 33% Ukrainian). From both communities, 55% of the respondents came from rural areas and 45% from urban areas. The topics covered by the surveys included: values, ideas, collective activities, image and identity, relationship with society, tensions and relations inside the groups and participation in the groups. Results Cultural and religious specificity of The Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia The majority of believers in the Republic of Moldova are Christian Orthodox (93.3%). 3 The country s historical and political background has facilitated the establishment of two distinct religious institutions the Metropolitan Church of Chişinău and All Moldova (MCM) and the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia (MCB), which are canonically subordinate to the Russian Parish and the Romanian Parish, respectively. In terms of the separation of religious powers in Moldova, the relationship between the two Metropolitan churches is limited to conflicts, quarrels and mutual accusations. Domestically the MCB is often presented as disadvantaged compared to the MCM (in this respect, mention should be made of the observance of the freedom of religious consciousness, the right to pray and to meet in sanctuaries, spoliation of properties etc.). 4 There are no differences in terms of religious doctrine between the two Metropolitan Churches; in fact the faith and expression of faith are identical. The only difference relates to the Christian liturgical calendar. Thus some churches of the MCB observe both the Russian liturgical calendar (religious holidays are celebrated using the old style calendar) and the Romanian liturgical calendar (religious holidays are celebrated using the new style calendar), while churches of the MCM observe only old style religious holidays. Furthermore believers do not generally perceive themselves as members of different religious groups (although there are cases of interpersonal conflicts on grounds of membership). 3 As per the statistical summary in 2007 figures from Moldova, Chişinău 4 Tverdohleb, E. (2005). The Role of Religious Communities in Developing Inter-Ethnic Relations in the Republic of Moldova: Achievements and Problems, Religion and Democracy in Moldova. Chişinău; Chifu, I., Cubreacov, V., & Potoroacă, M. (2004). Dreptul de proprietate al Mitropoliei Basarabiei şi restituirea averilor bisericeşti (studiu asupra practicilor şi legislaţiei aplicabile în Republica Moldova) [Property right of the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and restitution of church property (study on applicable practices and legislation in the Republic of Moldova)]. Chişinău: Alfa şi Omega; Magola, A. (2000). The Problem of Bessarabia Metropolitan Church. Religion, Society and Education in Post- Totalitarian Societies of Central and South Eastern Europe (p. 76). Chişinău. 235

236 Groups and Environments 2 The MCB was canonically founded in 1925 under the Romanian Patriarchate. Its operation was suspended after the arrival of the Soviet Army in , and it was replaced by a new Metropolitan See under the Russian Patriarchate. The appointed hierarchs were of Russian ethnic origin. In 1992, shortly after the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Moldova, the MCB was reactivated. However, its official recognition and acceptance of its legality did not occur until much later on 30 July 2002 due to international pressure. The cause of this delay was the non-acceptance of MCB by the central and local authorities and by MCM. The conflict between the Government of the Moldova Republic and the MCM, on one hand, and the MCB, on the other hand, contains numerous historical, canonical, economic and political factors. 5 In 2004 the national law-enforcement authorities recognised the position of the historical, canonical and spiritual successor of the MCB (which was initially not entitled to recover its property) in relation to the eponymous institution from the interwar period. The issue of the succession of property rights was resolved by the ECHR which ruled that the MCB was entitled to claim the goods that belonged to it. There are several reasons why respondents chose to be part of MCB: 1) they thought that MCB best met individual expectations (35.9%); 2) they were influenced by parents/relatives (33.8%); 3) the MCB provided the best explanation of their faith in God (16.0%); 4) in this group, respondents learned the truth about faith (7.7%); 5) the MCB emphasised national (Romanian 6 ) values and ideals (7.0%) and, finally 6) other factors including that the priest gives a good service, there s a fair attitude towards people, misunderstandings with the clergy of the MCM, geographical proximity, economic reasons (no taxes, low price for services/candles) and others (44.2%). The vast majority of respondents no longer participate in other groups except the one they belong to (87.8%), and those who were involved in other groups specified the MCM (12.2%). 5 On these issues, see Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia ( Devetak, S., Sirbu, O., & Rogobete, S. (Eds.) (2005). Religion and Democracy in Moldova. Chişinău: Maribor.; Religion, Society and Education in Post-Totalitarian Societies of Central and South Eastern Europe, Roundtable Discussion Materials (2000, October 26-28). Chişinău: Association of Young Historians of Moldova, Soros Foundation Moldova, EAST EAST Program of the Open Society Institute Budapest; Grossu, S. (2003). Cu gândul la Basarabia [Thinking of Bessarabia]. Chişinău: Museum; Romanian Patriarchate (2003). Adevărul despre Mitropolia Basarabiei [The Truth about the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia]. Bucureşti. 6 If for some ethnic groups the spoken language is an ethnic identifier, this is not applicable to the Moldovans/ Romanians in the Republic of Moldova, who speak the Moldovan/Romanian language. The fact that people in the Republic of Moldova speak the same language as people in Romania is not deemed to be sufficient to treat the majority of Moldovans as Romanians. The historical/ethnic/religious composition of MCB is obvious. MCB supporters promote Romanism in the Republic of Moldova (Tverdohleb, E. (2005). The Role of Religious Communities in Developing Inter-Ethnic Relations in the Republic of Moldova: Achievements and Problems. Religion and Democracy in Moldova (pp ). Chişinău.). 236

237 Religious Confessions All respondents who had previously belonged to other religious groups were members of the MCM (50.6%). The most frequently reported reasons that made them leave this community were: immoral principles and an improper attitude towards priests from the MCM in contrast to the politeness, kindness and fairness in dealing with people and the dedication of priests of the MCB to their work; political reasons, namely the reluctance to honour the Russian Metropolitan Church; love and devotion to national (Romanian) values and other factors, cf., geographical proximity, failure to fulfil spiritual needs and others. In most cases, the decision to go to a particular church is not based on its membership in a particular Metropolitan See but rather on other factors such as proximity, the behaviour of the priest his attitude towards people and the way he conducts church services and the location where services or other religious activities are held (in the event there are no churches in the region). In terms of attendance of the church, people are divided into two categories: those who attend the church regularly (on Sundays and on holidays) and those who only attend it occasionally. The highest level of attendance of Orthodox believers was noted during Lent, the Easter holidays, Christmas or the community holidays. The majority of believers developed the custom of going to church especially/only during Lent or religious holidays. An indicator of the image and identity of communities refers to the most important symbols held by the group. For all Orthodox communities, the most important symbols are those of the Cross, Bible and Church. What makes the Orthodox different here is the importance it attaches to icons. These are liturgical objects (not carved faces), which facilitate communication, interaction with God, Jesus Christ, the Mother of God, the Saints and the Apostles. They are perceived as images that help the believer overcome impersonal feelings while communicating with divinity. The Orthodox Church does not generally impose on parishioners any restrictions on interaction or communication with outsiders. Nobody is forbidden to come to church, although members of other confessions cannot enjoy the Sacraments of the Orthodox Church. If a person was baptised Orthodox, and then joined another confession and wants to return, he/she must undergo a penitence period to be accepted again. However, there are groups belonging to MCB which impose restrictions on their members regarding communication or interaction with representatives of other confessions (in particular sects). Since sects are known for their great power of conviction, it is widely believed that they impose their religious ideas, something which the Orthodox Church deems to be wrong. In addition to the restrictions of communication/interaction with other people, there are also other restrictions relating to the behaviour of community members. 237

238 Groups and Environments 2 In this case, there are also communities which tolerate some violations or vices of the people and those communities with higher requirements for the behaviour of their members. The first argue that Orthodoxy differs from other confessions by not prohibiting anything. Religion warns about the negative effect of vices or inappropriate behaviour, but it is up to individuals to choose the path that he/ she wishes to follow. The restrictions on behaviour refer both to behaviour in the church (respecting the priest, being quiet, not coming to church drunk, keeping to the proper dress code) as well as outside the church (people must not abuse alcohol, go to the bar on Saturday night and on Sunday, must not work on Sunday and on religious holidays, curse or lead an immoral and dissolute life etc.). 7 Usually the religious groups do not experience any internal tensions (87.8%); however, certain divergences exist (12.2%). Disagreements within the group have, in general, an average intensity. The reasons for these contradictions are different: the financial and material problems the church faces, disagreements about the observance of certain customs and traditions, organisational problems, failure of parishioners to observe the remarks and canons set by the priest as well as the conduct within the church, the weaknesses of some priests etc. Another type of disagreement refers to the conflict between the MCM and the MCB. Thus the decision of the church under the MCM to join the MCB sometimes creates tensions within the religious communities they represent. These are conditioned by the scepticism or disagreement of the parishioners to adhere to another structure considering its difference in terms of manifestation of faith and religion. According to the opinion of MCB believers, the fact that makes it different from the MCM is its perception of history, identity and national values (especially in relation to Romanian or Moldovan identity of the citizens of the Moldova Republic) and obedience, for this reason, to different eparchies. Relations between the MCB and the MCM have always been characterised by disagreements and tensions. Firstly there is the attitude of the MCM towards the MCB that shows non-acceptance and a reluctance to resolve the dispute (via complaints to the Mayor, restrictions in obtaining the necessary documentation to build a church, letters to the investigating bodies etc.). Secondly clergymen from the MCM calumniate the MCB and encourage Christians to take a negative stance against it; they put pressure on clergymen and the believers of the churches belonging to the MCB. Thirdly both state authorities and those of the MCM fail to acknowledge the essence of the MCB, inadequately interpreting its relation to the Romanian Church. Fourthly there are tensions and disagreements between the clergymen under the two church structures. Finally there are struggles for sanctuaries (forced seizure of churches under the MCB by the MCM), and 7 This conclusion and chapter is based on SAL related survey data, but these views are also valid for Moldovan Orthodox communities in general. 238

239 Religious Confessions clergymen of the MCM assert that differences exist in the officiating and style of divine service and calendar distinctions. There are cases when group members leave their religious community for various reasons (see Table 1). Table 1. Reasons for leaving an MCB community by % sample size = 156 respondents (multiple answers) Reasons % Attracted by another religion (both from the doctrinal viewpoint and especially financial, material support or promises) 55.3 Influenced by people from outside the group (have a weak character and give in to the pressures from other people; they don t know the real history and believe in calumnies 43.0 about the MCB) No longer want to observe the principles and rules of the group 9.6 Expectations not met 7.1 Dissatisfied with the affiliation to the group 6.3 Scared, threatened by police or face constraints at workplaces, mocked 3.1 Other: leave to go abroad, disappointed by the priest s behaviour, join sects, priests unable to retain believers, proximity of the church to home etc Source: CIVIS Centre survey as part of the SAL project in Moldova, August-September According to majority opinion, the ideas/world vision/attitudes of the religious groups of the MCB are not that different from the values of the society as a whole (63.5%). The individuals, in whose opinion these differences still exist (36.5%), referred to meeting primarily spiritual requirements vs. satisfying material needs and carnal desires, moral vs. immoral behaviour and observance vs. non-observance of rules and church canons. There are cases when tensions and disagreements between the group and society are the result of the politicisation of the conflict between the MCB and MCM. Thus we have localities split into two adverse blocks. According to some opinions, MCM clergymen encourage ordinary people to go against the MCB and its fellows. At the same time, local and rayon 8 public administrations allow themselves to blaspheme against MCB churches via mockery, insults, non-acceptance, ignorance, rejection, failure to observe legal judgments, discrimination and the like. Communications with official, governmental representatives are often difficult. Thus 82.7% of the members of MCB communities faced problems related to: (a) direct rejection of the group 77.8%, (b) its denial 62.9%, (c) discrimination (failure to register the parishes belonging to the MCB, not providing them with plots of land to build churches) 60.4%, (d) ignoring the group 55.6%, (e) its erroneous/ wrong presentation 48.1% and (f) physical violence, firing or threatening them, 8 Rayon refers to a territorial administrative unit of the second level, i.e., a district. 239

240 Groups and Environments 2 trials, putting obstacles in the way of organising different activities, illegal closure of churches in the localities, delay in building the church, calumniation of priests and such 40.7%. A large proportion of MCB members consider that the sole distinction between it and the MCM relates to its canonical affiliation to the Patriarchate of Romania rather than to Russia. However, there are also those who explain the differences between them, not just in doctrinal terms. Thus they point to different perceptions of national values; the use of fees for officiating different divine services, imposed to the Christian parishioners by the churches, or taxes levied by the MCM on churches (for blessing parishes, quarterly taxes from parishes, taxes for ordination etc.). Furthermore the MCM is blamed for megalomania in its relations with the MCB, and the MCB allegedly offers better moral support to its parishes than the MCM does. Finally communication with the Metropolitan of Bessarabia is said to be easier than that with the Metropolitan of Moldova. During the SAL surveys, it was reported that there were cases when some priests renounced their membership in the MCM in favour of the MCB due to the support (spiritual rather than material and financial) provided by the latter. On the other hand, the MCM threatened to deprive priests of their parishes and of their right to serve as a priest (defrocking) if they moved to the MCB. Sometimes these threats achieved their goal, and priests give up the idea of joining the MCB or returning to the MCM. The mass media treats the issue of the two metropolitan churches as mainly political. Certain publications are often accused of misinforming the population by aiming to spoil the image of the MCB deliberately. With regard to the dispute between the two metropolitan churches, mass media coverage focuses on the following issues: involvements of believers in primarily political conflicts, the decrease in the population s confidence in the Church as an institution, deterioration of the image of Orthodoxy as a model for peaceful coexistence and deprivation of the right of membership/access of believers to the desired religion. Competition between the two metropolitan churches has thus far made it impossible to address issues of tolerance and dialogue between the parties involved in the conflict. Evangelical Baptist Community in the Republic of Moldova According to the most recent census conducted in the Republic of Moldova in 2004, Baptists represented 1.0% (or 32,754) of believers who revealed their religious affiliation; thus this is the largest minority religion in Moldova. During the Soviet period, there were 85 Evangelical Baptist communities in the Republic of Moldova. Currently there are approximately 500 established religious groups of which

241 Religious Confessions are officially registered communities. The attitudes of people outside the Baptist community regarding its members became more tolerant and friendlier. The increase in the number of churches is due to the spiritual awakening after 1989 and the higher religious freedom associated with this period. At the same time, the number of Evangelical Baptist believers has been in a continuous decline since 2002 because of their emigration, especially to the USA, largely because of poverty. Although, after 1989, there were positive changes for Baptists, there were also some negative trends including material and financial difficulties, discrimination and the marginalisation of Baptists in comparison with Orthodox Church members, problems of image and credibility of members who established Baptist communities (especially in localities where, until 1989, people did not know anything about them and where there were no followers of this confession). The Baptist cult was and is often confused with a sect (sometimes in a deliberate way). For the majority of Baptist Christians (64.2%), their religious group is hereditary (since they are from Baptist families). The new believers mainly come from the Orthodox religion. Most often the shift from Orthodoxy to Baptism is explained by the fact that Baptist churches better satisfy individual interests and the spiritual, pious necessities of the believers. In this context, a special role is played by evangelical actions (missions) that Baptists organise and carry out. And, last but not least, there is the importance of the Baptist community s image in society ethical and moral behaviour, decent clothes, benevolent attitude towards people and such. According to the CIVIS Centre surveys in Moldova, which are part of the SAL project, a member of the Baptist community could be recognised, first of all, by decent, modest, simple clothing with no elements of extravagance, vulgarity or such; absence of jewellery; absence of make-up and a decent hairdo. There are communities which advise believers to buy cheap clothes, so that they can invest the money saved for the church or for people in difficulty. The evangelical Baptist communities are composed of different categories of people from different social groups from children to the elderly, from people with an education to the illiterate, from degenerate people (alcoholics, drug addicts and such) to people without vices and people of different nationalities and different religious confessions. At the same time, Evangelical Baptist communities also attract people hoping to take advantage of their membership by getting some help (financial and in-goods support, help in going abroad on religious grounds) and so forth. Some people joined the Baptists to find refuge from daily problems and from their sins. Others were attracted, because these communities are more receptive, more responsive or more open to the evangelical voice. Still others sought peace of mind, love, reconciliation and support in these communities; some were impressed by certain Baptist activities or services. 241

242 Groups and Environments 2 There are cases when the community imposes restrictions on people wishing to join the group such as affiliation to another religion, the age or political affiliation of people wanting to join, previous excommunication from other churches, some types of immoral behaviour and the no debt requirement, including unpaid state taxes. Baptists own self-characterisation and characterisation of their communities are generally positive; whereas, for those outside, views are mainly negative, not on a personal member level but because they are a religious minority treated as a sect. Baptist groups are blamed for attracting people into their community with material and financial help. Evangelical Baptist groups do not impose, in general, any type of restrictions on interaction/communication with other people; in some communities, they even encourage doing this. However, they prefer avoiding relationships with people with amoral behaviour contravening not only the Biblical Code but also the law. Another type of restriction refers to marriage with a person of another religious confession. Baptist churches address this issue differently. Some Baptist communities do not permit marriages with a person of another religious orientation or an atheist. Meanwhile others allow marriages to those of other confessions with one condition; the spouse should live according to Christian values. The third type of restriction relates to attending churches (religious sects) which do not observe the Bible s requirements to avoid infiltration of false knowledge into the Baptist community. Albeit very rare, there are also certain tensions and different opinions within Baptist communities. These are largely related to organisational and administrative issues. However, there are also instances of behavioural non-conformism by some community members leading to warnings, castigation and, in extreme cases, excommunication. In some cases, members themselves decide to leave for a variety of reasons such as the influence of people from outside the group, like close relatives (usually Orthodox), scepticism towards non-orthodox religious communities, not wishing to observe the behavioural principles of the group, the influence of other religious groups (especially sects promising material or financial support), a change in value orientation from spiritual to material, a sense of superiority over other members of the community, marriage to a person of another religious confession (thus no longer attending church to avoid family conflicts), relocation of residence/ leave to work abroad or disappointment regarding the material or financial support they thought they would but did not receive by becoming members of the community. Sometimes there are disagreements/misunderstandings/tensions between the Evangelical Baptist communities and other religious groups (Orthodox, Jehovah s Witnesses) for two reasons: different understanding and interpretation of the 242

243 Religious Confessions religious doctrine and intolerance. According to the results of our survey, Jehovah s Witnesses represent the religious group least acceptable to Baptists (81.1%) (see Figure 1). 0% 90% Adventist community 13,5% Salvation Army Hussite community Methodist community 6,8% 8,1% 7,4% Mormon community 29,1% Pentecostal community 6,8% Jehovah s witnesses 81,1% Moon s sect Metropolitan Church of Moldova 14,9% 22,3% Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia 8,1% Muslim community 32,4% Other groups All groups are accepted 2,7% 6,8% Source: CIVIS Centre survey as part of the SAL project in Moldova, August-September 2007 Figure 1. Which religious groups are not acceptable to you as Baptists? (multiple answers) Sample = 148 respondents (by %) Over half (50.7%) of the Baptists consider that there are some tensions between them and society, because people do not know the specifics of the Baptist cult, considering it a sect, and do not know the Holy Scripture. Therefore, such people behave differently and have other concepts and attitudes. Baptists do not accept other religions than the one they believe in, because society accepts and tolerates certain social phenomena considered as inadmissible by Baptists (libertinage, homosexuality, premarital sexual intercourse, smoking, use of drugs and alcohol, discotheques and the like). Baptists encountered more negative than positive reactions including non-acceptance/rejection of Baptists (50.0%), ignorance (33.1%), exclusion (8.1%) or other negative reactions such as suspicion, envy, insults, hate, mockery, aggression, criticism, intolerance, obstacles in organising different events and others (21.0%). Among the positive reactions, tolerance for the members of the Baptist community (33.8%) should be mentioned along with others, like acceptance and satisfaction (4.1%). 243

244 Groups and Environments 2 Additionally 21.6% of the Baptists stated that they had encountered some difficulties in communicating with governmental bodies and their representatives due to religious and/or ideological discrimination against the Evangelical Baptist communities, the often purposely erroneous presentation of the group, neglect and ignorance, or direct rejection of the group. The greatest difficulties arose at the time of church establishments (registration of a religious community, obtaining building authorisation or building a church) and during the organisation of some public events/manifestations. Various factors impacted the formation of the Baptist religious group including its member recruitment strategy, the personal interest in evangelical teachings and the opening of a new cult building in the locality, a matter which always attracts new fellows. Some have argued that people s interests in spiritual and religious values have decreased lately; therefore it is now more difficult to attract people, because they are more concerned with their own material-financial wellbeing. Conclusions In conclusion, as aforementioned, Moldova s historical and political background facilitated the establishment of two distinct religious institutions the Metropolitan Church of Chişinău and All Moldova and the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia, which are canonically subordinate to the Russian Parish and the Romanian Parish respectively. The existence of two different church systems in the context of the same religious doctrine defines specific relationships between them, mainly based on political reasons. To that end, reference should be made to the ongoing conflict in which the conflicting parties are, on one hand, the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and, on the other hand, the Metropolitan Church of Moldova and the state. Initially the conflict focused on recognising the legality of the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and, later, on its claim for the church patrimony which had been seized, confiscated or nationalised in Soviet times. While the first problem was resolved in favour of the MCB, the problem with patrimony remains unsolved. It should be noted that the official recognition of MCB s legality was enforced by an ECHR decision. In terms of the separation of religious powers in the country, the MCB is often presented as disadvantaged compared to the MCM (to this end, we should recall the observance of the freedom of religious consciousness, the right to pray and to meet in sanctuaries, spoliation of properties and such). Settlement of disputes between the two metropolitan churches is/will be affected by the political orientation of the Moldovan state. 244

245 Religious Confessions Among the other religious communities active in the Republic of Moldova, the Baptists are the most numerous. They consider themselves more religious in comparison to the majority Orthodox group due to their own regular church attendance, thorough Bible readings complete with participation in group discussions about the readings, abstention from immoral behaviour and the like. The doctrinal aspects of Baptist ideology are very close to Orthodox ideology; however, differences result from different interpretations of the Bible messages, observance/ non-observance of certain religious rites and ways of administrating Christian sacraments. A Baptist s appearance is always modest in terms of both clothing and hairdo. Women of this community (especially the married ones) wear kerchiefs and don t put on make-up. The Baptist community does not generally impose any restrictions on communication and interaction with outsiders but, at the same time, discourages relationships with immorally behaving people. Some Baptist churches prohibit marriage to a person of another religious confessions or an atheist. Another restriction refers to attendance of foreign (non-baptist) churches. However, this restriction applies only to some churches. Communication is very reserved with other religious communities such as the Jehovah s Witnesses (an unacceptable group for most Baptists especially due to the promotion and aggressive imposition of a deliberately erroneous religious doctrine by Jehovah s Witnesses). The attitude of the general public towards Baptists became more tolerant and friendlier over the last 15 years. Policy recommendations Provide objective academic research about minority religion to policymakers and the public. Provide cultural sensitivity workshops for those in management positions, as well as for other social actors. Increase communication/dialogue between government organisations and minority religions. Government organisations should be more friendly, positive and supportive towards religious communities. Discourage special treatment or privileges for any religious organisations. Mass media should provide unbiased and verified information about religious groups. Inform mainstream culture about other religious groups as a way of decreasing stereotyping. Support information about all religions to develop critical minds/discerning approaches. 245

246 Groups and Environments 2 Encourage dialogue between minority religious groups and the dominant churches to avoid/minimise misunderstandings. Create a proper environment for cooperation between religious communities and other social actors to performing certain important measures/programs (e.g., charity). References Chifu, I., Cubreacov, V., & Potoroacă, M. (2004). Dreptul de proprietate al Mitropoliei Basarabiei şi restituirea averilor bisericeşti (studiu asupra practicilor şi legislaţiei aplicabile în Republica Moldova) [Property right of the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia and restitution of church property (study on applicable practices and legislation in the Republic of Moldova)]. Chişinău: Alfa şi Omega. Devetak, S., Sirbu, O., & Rogobete, S. (Eds.) (2005). Religion and Democracy in Moldova. Chişinău: Maribor. Grossu, S. (2003). Cu gândul la Basarabia [Thinking of Bessarabia]. Chişinău: Museum. Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia. Retrieved from Newspapers: Flux daily and Friday issues, ; Timpul, ; Glasul Naţiunii, 2004; Cotidianul, 2003 & Ţara, Religion, Society and Education in Post-Totalitarian Societies of Central and South Eastern Europe, Roundtable Discussion Materials (2000, October 26-28). Chişinău: Association of Young Historians of Moldova, Soros Foundation Moldova, EAST EAST Program of the Open Society Institute Budapest. Romanian Patriarchate (2003). Adevărul despre Mitropolia Basarabiei. Bucureşti. Tihonov, L. (2000). Marginalizarea Bisericii ortodoxe în perioada regimului totalitar comunist Chişinău: CIVITAS, State University of Moldova. Union of Christian Evangelical Baptist Churches of Moldova, Discussion with Prelate (Bishop) Valeriu Ghiletchi regarding establishment of the Baptist Community in Moldova (unpublished) with permission for publishing. Natalia Cojocaru Centre of Sociological, Political Science and Psychological Analysis and Investigation CIVIS, 20A Renasterii avenue, mun. Chisinau, Republic of Moldova. nataliacojocaru@list.ru Ruslan Sintov Centre of Sociological, Political and Psychological Analysis and Investigation CIVIS, 20A Renasterii avenue, mun. Chişinău, Republic of Moldova. civis@moldnet.md Received 23 January 2009 Accepted 30 April

247 Religious Confessions Natalia Cojocaru Ruslan Sintov Religiniai požiūriai Moldovoje: Besarabijos metropolijos bažnyčia ir baptistų bendruomenė Santrauka Straipsnyje pateikiami dviejų religinių kultūrinių grupių Moldovos Respublikoje tyrimų rezultatai: tai baptistų bendruomenė ir Besarabijos metropolijos bažnyčia. Abiejų bendruomenių gyvenimo būdai analizuojami atsižvelgiant į jų narių pagrindines vertybes, įsitikinimus, pasaulėžiūras ir elgesį. Autoriai analizuoja narių bendravimą grupėse ir su išorine aplinka, išskirdami jų santykius su vyriausybinėmis organizacijomis, žiniasklaida ir kitomis religinėmis grupėmis. Besarabijos metropolijos bažnyčia atskilo nuo Moldovos metropolijos bažnyčios, o konfliktas tarp šių dviejų religinių bendruomenių narių gilėja. Straipsnyje aptariama šio konflikto vystymosi istorinė perspektyva, jo kasdienės raiškos ypatumai, taip pat įvertinamas jo pobūdis bei pasekmės ne tik tikintiesiems, bet ir bendram stačiatikybės įvaizdžiui. Autorių teikiamose rekomendacijose pabrėžiamas tyrėjų, valstybinių organizacijų ir žiniasklaidos vaidmuo siekiant mažinti religinius konfliktus. Raktažodžiai: Besarabijos metropolijos bažnyčia, Moldovos metropolijos bažnyčia, baptistų evangelikų bendruomenė, stačiatikių bažnyčia, religinės ir kultūrinės grupės, konfliktai ir įtampos. 247

248

249 Policy recommendations

250

251 Edited and elaborated by: Linas Eriksonas Europarama ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: George McKay University of Salford Christopher Williams University of Central Lancashire Text materials for this paper were provided by researchers, J. R. Vaišnys, E. Ramanauskaitė, T. Jurevičius, T. Kavolis & R. Pranskevičiūtė (Vytautas Magnus University); D. Deák, S. Letavajová, M. Priečko & R. Hlúšek (University of SS Cyril and Methodius in Trnava); A-A. Allaste, M. Kobin, V. Võõbus & P. Vihma (Tallinn University); G. Ozoliņš & A. Stasulane (Daugavpils University); K. R. Forray, M. Balázsovics, Z. Beck & S. Fekete (University Pécs); P. Wiench (Warsaw University of Life Sciences, formerly Warsaw Agricultural University); M. Praisler, D. Şorcaru & I. Merilă (Dunărea de Jos University of Galaţi); H. Pilkington (University of Warwick); A. L. Salagaev, A. S. Makarov & R. R. Safin (Centre for Analytic Studies and Development); E. Omel chenko, E. Sharifullina, A. Popov, Y. Andreeva, I. Kosterina & A. Garifzianova (Scientific Research Centre Region); N. Foxley (University of Central Lancashire) and N. Cojocaru, R. Sintov (Centre of Sociological, Political and Psychological Analysis and Investigations). Special gratitude goes to Pascal Dissard at the European Commission for his contribution. Society and Lifestyles Project Recommendations for Policy Makers Abstract The aim of the Society and Lifestyles: Towards Enhancing Social Harmonisation through Knowledge of Subcultural Communities SAL project was to increase knowledge on the values and beliefs of (and attitudes towards) various subcultural groups including lifestyle subcultures, different subgroups inside ethnic minority groups and groups of New religious movements in a wide range of mainly EU-member and Eastern and Central European states. The objective was to investigate subgroup differentiation, structures and processes and to determine the level of tolerance and intolerance towards these various subgroups whose non-conformity to mainstream social and/or religious norms is often perceived as posing a challenge to social harmonisation. Recommendations for policy makers are presented in this article (see Introduction to the SAL Research, p. 9). Keywords: policy recommendations, subcultural groups, New religious movements, ethnic minority groups, lifestyle subcultures, intolerance and discrimination, human rights, EU policy, national policy, systems theory 251

252 Groups and Environments 2 Project focus and scope of the research The SAL project focused on case studies of various subcultural groups (including drugusers, eco-villagers, hippies, punks, Euro-Indians, skinheads and members of criminal gangs and radical political parties/movements); on the relationships between members of prevailing religions and New religious groups, whether revived from the pre-communist era (ethnic neo-paganism) or exported from the West (e.g., Mormonism, neo-hindu movements such as Hare Krishna and others) and, finally, on the plight of certain ethnic minority groups (Gypsies/Roma and Muslims). The countries covered included Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia and Slovakia. Project methodology The project took advantage of an interdisciplinary approach based on the methodologies of cultural/social anthropology, sociology and natural sciences. It was implemented by means of ethnographic fieldwork which focused on in-depth participation by the researchers in the groups under investigation. The purpose for this was to explore the real life meanings and to understand the meanings of the values originating from these groups and disseminating into the society-at-large. The sustained and long term idea of the project was the comparison of different groups in different societies through identification of the main social powers (for more details, see Introduction to the SAL Research, p. 9). Project findings The SAL project findings vary according to the countries and subgroups studied (lifestyle subcultures, New religious movements and ethnic minority groups). Only brief highlights will be provided here 1 as a context for the recommendations below. Lifestyle subcultures SAL research considered the adoption and adaptation of some western-style subcultural groups in Eastern Europe and the ways in which these groups articulated political positions. The SAL research on skinheads in Lithuania not only explored their espousal of radical nationalist views but also discovered evidence of police harassment as well as verbal and physical abuse from members of the public. Researchers also found that school teachers spread biased and misleading information about skinheads; this was often reinforced by the mass media. 1 For further details, see G. McKay, Ch. Williams, M. Goddard, N. Foxlee, & E. Ramanauskaitė (Eds.) (2009). Subcultures and New Religious Movements in Russia and East-Central Europe. Oxford, Bern, Berlin: Peter Lang as well as reports presented by authors in this volume (Ramanauskaitė, E. (Ed.) (2010). Groups and Environments, 2. Kaunas: Vytautas Magnus University). 252

253 Policy Recommendations The SAL research among criminal gangs and radical, nationalist political groups in Kazan, Russia, showed that mass media coverage promoted stereotypical views of these groups rather than an understanding of their motivation, and this leads to moral panics. However, not all subcultural groups experienced negative reactions from society. For instance, SAL researchers in Slovakia investigated eco-villagers from Zajezova whose views were based on a rejection of a modern, urban consumer society. The research showed that, over the last decade, they had succeeded in earning the respect of locals, mainly because of their ecological way of life. SAL researchers in Slovakia also found that Euro-Indians were well treated. Outside the EU, tolerance towards subcultural diversity in Russia is under threat due to a proposed new law on the spiritual and moral upbringing of children currently being discussed in the Duma (Parliament). This law seeks to prohibit those studying in a state or municipal institution of secondary or higher education from displaying clear signs of their membership in lifestyle subcultures such as Goths or punks. Finally the SAL research in Russia also demonstrates that young people such as members of groups such as the Youth Human Rights Movement, the Network Against Racism and Intolerance and the international Memorial Society do not necessarily engage in negative, anti-social activity but are actively participating in the democratic process by trying to combat racism, fascism and intolerance. Furthermore, while some of the SAL research in Estonia, Lithuania and Romania confirms the use of hip-hop as a culture of resistance, which criticises the dominant society, other young people involved in hip-hop and general leisure/party cultures, in contrast to stereotypical thinking, are members of youth subcultures that are not opposed to society but actively interested in successfully integrating into it. Instead of society reacting to such subcultures with moral panics, where young people are alienated from society, other aspects of these subcultures can also be seen as part of a socialisation process for young people. New religious movements In parts of the expanded EU, the media often misrepresent New religious movements of foreign origin as dangerous cults or sects who brainwash their recruits. SAL project research among members of the Hare Krishna movement in Lithuania and Moldova, for example, showed that attitudes varied, with some negative attitudes evident in Moldova despite the movement s charity work. In Lithuania the situation was similar in 1995 but this has since changed, with high levels of tolerance prevailing today. However, some Hare Krishna members in Lithuania have suffered as a result of inconsistent interpretations of the law governing their activities. In Moldova, 253

254 Groups and Environments 2 Hare Krishna members thought that it was best to keep quiet to avoid trouble from the state, while Hare Krishna members in Lithuania failed to declare their religious beliefs during job searches due to a sense of discrimination. Those in the Lithuanian Army also encountered intolerance because of Hare Krishna membership. Although not all New religious movements experienced negative attitudes, one of the biggest problems related to legal status and registration, which has been required for New religious movements in Russia since 1997 and for Muslim and Indian-inspired New religious movements in Slovakia since 2007, to cite just two examples. More generally, SAL research demonstrated the diversity, not only of but also, within so-called New religious movements, which might more usefully be considered as new religious phenomena. On one hand, these ranged from ethnic neo-paganism with pre-communist roots and Indian-inspired organisations based in the West, to New Age spiritualities originating in Russia and a breakaway Orthodox Church in Moldova (Metropolia Basarabia). On the other hand, neo-paganism could be rooted in traditional folklore and customs (as in the case of certain Baltic neo-pagan groups) or be part of a broader, ethnically exclusive and militaristic worldview (as in the case of some Russian skinheads and Cossack revivalist groups). Meanwhile research into contemporary theosophy in Latvia revealed three distinct strands focusing on culture, education and extreme right-wing politics respectively. The question thus arises not only of the degree of tolerance or intolerance shown towards so-called New religious movements in Eastern and Central European countries but also of the degree of tolerance or intolerance shown by certain of these indigenous movements towards certain other groups. Ethnic minority groups Research focused on the Muslim minority in Slovakia and the Gypsy/Roma community in Hungary. With regard to the former, SAL researchers discovered that, as a result of the impact of 9/11 and the fear of so-called religious extremism, Muslims and converts to Islam experienced ignorance, prejudice and different forms of open or latent intolerance from family, friends, colleagues and the mass media. Muslims experienced verbal and physical attacks including the forceful removing of headscarves. As with some New religious movements, followers of the Islamic faith have had difficulties registering as an official church resulting in Slovakia having no official mosque. In relation to the Roma in Hungary, SAL research demonstrates that, while Gypsy folklore is popular among Hungarian youth, the Roma experience social exclusion, prejudice and problems in accessing education and the labour market, with the mainly Romugro population in northern and eastern Hungary in particular suffering from rural poverty. 254

255 Policy Recommendations Recommendations The European Convention on Human Rights (1948), the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) and, more recently, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (2000) all emphasise the need to protect human rights and to respect the diversity of the cultures and traditions of the peoples of Europe. Two articles of the 2000 Charter are particularly relevant to the SAL project research and findings: Article 10: Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right includes freedom to change religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and, in public or in private, to manifest religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance. 2 Article 22: The Union shall respect cultural, religious and linguistic diversity. 3 More specifically, in relation to the young people who participated in the SAL project, a September 2007 EC Communication to the Council and the European Parliament entitled Promoting young people s full participation in education, employment and society stresses the urgent need, in line with the Lisbon Strategy, to promote the full participation of young people in society. The Communication includes emphasis on the need to: i) provide greater and better educational opportunities ii) reduce youth unemployment iii) ensure that young people have the necessary skills to enter the labour market iv) overcome social exclusion and gender imbalances v) encourage youth participation in the democratic process and institutions. 4 In light of the issues highlighted in the Main Project Findings above, we make the following recommendations. EU policy 1. In line with the UNESCO Convention on the protection and promotion of the diversity of cultural expressions (in force since March 2007) and in the context of the post-soviet countries of Europe, culture needs to be more broadly interpreted, going beyond current cultural policy (the arts, sports, media, 2 The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, Official Journal of the European Communities (2000/c 364/01), p Ibid., p European Commission, Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions: promoting young people s full participation in education, employment and society, COM (2007), 498 final. 255

256 Groups and Environments 2 theatre, museums and libraries) to incorporate non-mainstream aspects, thereby creating opportunities to enhance the quality of life for everyone and providing access routes out of marginalisation and unemployment for the kind of subcultural groups investigated here EU funding schemes (such as the European Social Fund, EU Framework Programme projects, the Grundtvig Lifelong Learning Programme and the URBAN Community Initiative) should be used to support new initiatives piloting educational and cultural activities to encourage greater awareness, knowledge and tolerance of the many subcultures, New religious movements and ethnic minority groups in the new member states of the EU. 3. The scope of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights should be broadened to include the monitoring of reports on religious freedom including New religious movements and any abuses, such as discrimination, alienation and problems with legal status and registration, can produce radicalisation of the affected groups based on a deep feeling of resentment and victimisation. National policy 4. In the context of National Social Inclusion Plans to support diversity and equal opportunities, governments should take the lead in providing equal employment opportunities to groups who experience discrimination and social exclusion (e.g., Muslims, Roma, some members of New religious movements and youth subcultures). If the general population sees that future job prospects are open to all irrespective of ethnicity, lifestyle or religion, this will encourage integration and overcome negative mass media and popular stereotypes. 5. Education and youth policies in various member states should be used to celebrate a variety of different subcultural, religious and ethnic groups and their activities by using teachers and youth-centre or community arts workers to introduce children and young people to a wide range of different traditions and cultures. At the university level, where not already in place, university students should have the opportunity to learn in mixed environments where differences are accepted about different religions, ethnicities, cultures and subcultures. 6. Diversity workshops in schools, universities, workplaces and government agencies (e.g., youth services and social work agencies) should be organised across the EU on a regular basis to continue to educate society and officials of the various institutions about alternative religions, subcultures, ethnic diversity and the interconnection between human rights and democracy. 5 UNESCO, Convention on the protection and promotion of the diversity of cultural expressions. Paris (2005, October 20). Article

257 Policy Recommendations Further research 7. Regular audits to monitor the status and condition of and changes in the various religions, subcultures and ethnic minority groups across the EU, taking due account of differences in cultural, historical and religious backgrounds and traditions, should be commissioned by the Agency for Fundamental Rights or another suitable EU institution. 8. The provision of funding opportunities from EU Framework Programme 7 and subsequent programmes for interdisciplinary research centres and their networks to study youth subcultures, New religious movements and/or ethnic minority groups. This would enable the collection, analysis and dissemination of more accurate and detailed information about these groups, leading to greater understanding among the academic community and the general population as a whole. Continuing ignorance about and prejudice against these groups, on the other hand, can only lead to hostility and alienation, creating a very real threat to social harmony. Fundamental research 9. Recommendations 1 through 8, presented above, are focused on the current attitudes of the society with respect to various groups as well as the current state of these groups. Even the two recommendations for further research are present-oriented to audit, assess and disseminate information about current conditions. To be sure, these are important issues but they provide little guidance to the policy makers when estimates of future conditions are desired. As discussed in Groups in Theory and Practice, Section 1 subsection Systems theory: an aid for policy makers, p. 30, some degree of projection into the future may be needed for successful policy decisions. As was pointed out there, such projections can be made on the basis of dynamical systems models of groups, but these can be formulated only if the right kind of information is available in a sufficient amount. We recommend continuing studies of a small number of subcultural groups with the goal of creating dynamical systems models with a demonstrated degree of reliability and utility for policy decisions. 257

258 Groups and Environments 2 Sudarytojai: Linas Eriksonas George McKay Christopher Williams Tekstus rekomendacijoms pateikė projekto tyrėjai (žr. p. 251) Projekto Visuomenė ir gyvenimo stiliai rekomendacijos socialinės politikos formavimui Santrauka SAL projekto rekomendacijos grindžiamos lauko tyrimų duomenimis ir Europos sąjungos dokumentais: Europos žmogaus teisių apsaugos konvencija (1948), Jungtinių Tautų Deklaracija dėl netolerancijos ir diskriminacijos religijos ar įsitikinimų pagrindu panaikinimo (1981), Europos Sąjungos pagrindinių teisių chartija (2000). Šie dokumentai pabrėžia būtinybę saugoti žmogaus teises, gerbti kultūrų ir tradicijų įvairovę m. chartijoje pabrėžiama, jog kiekvienas žmogus turi teisę į minties, sąžinės ir religijos laisvę. Ši teisė suteikia laisvę keisti savo religiją ar įsitikinimus ir viešai juos skelbti. Rekomendacijose pažymima, jog nacionalinė įvairių Europos šalių politika turėtų būti susieta su ES politika. Tačiau tyrimai atskleidė nemažai skirtingų vertybinių orientacijų individų ir grupių diskriminavimo bei netolerancijos jų atžvilgiu faktų. Tyrėjai pateikia kai kurių etninių mažumų (musulmonų, čigonų), religinių bendruomenių (pvz., kai kurių Naujųjų religinių judėjimų grupių narių) ir gyvenimo stiliaus subkultūrinių grupių dalyvių socialinės atskirties įrodymus. Įsidarbinimo perspektyvos, socialinės garantijos neturi būti susietos su tautybe, gyvenimo stiliumi ar religija. Netoleruotinas neigiamas žiniasklaidos stereotipų, formuojančių nuomonę apie grupes, skleidimas. Mokyklose, universitetuose, jaunimo centruose, bendruomenėse jaunimas turėtų būti supažindinamas su įvairiomis tradicijomis ir kultūromis, didelį poveikį čia gali daryti žiniasklaida. Tačiau turi būti atlikta daugiau sisteminių lyginamųjų mokslinių tyrimų, kurie padėtų prognozuoti grupių formavimosi procesus ir jų poveikį visuomenei. Rekomenduojama tęsti mažų subkultūrinių grupių tyrinėjimus, kurių tikslas yra sukurti grupių elgesio modelius, pagrįstus gausiais patikimai sukauptais empiriniais duomenimis, jų lyginamąja analize. Tokie tyrimai būtų naudingi asmenims ir institucijoms, bendraujančioms su įvairių vertybinių orientacijų grupėmis, prisidėtų prie socialinės ir kultūrinės politikos formavimo. Raktažodžiai: rekomendacijos socialinės gerovės plėtrai, subkultūrinės grupės, naujieji religiniai judėjimai, etninės mažumos, gyvenimo stiliaus subkultūros, netolerancija ir diskriminacija, žmogaus teisės, ES politika, sistemų teorija. 258

259 Experimental environment

260

261 Egidija Ramanauskaitė Vytautas Magnus University ISSN Grupės ir aplinkos: Experimental Environment Development for Communications by Researchers, Members of Subcultural Groups and Society Abstract The Experimental Environment, where SAL project results have been tested with some of the observed subcultural groups, was performed around a series of academic cultural forums organised by the SAL coordinating team at Vytautas Magnus University. Such a direct engagement of researchers with the object of their academic, ethnographic inquiry is still a novel idea in the social sciences and humanities. Keywords: experimental environment, subcultures groups The series of forums involving representatives of subcultural groups was aimed at facilitating communications among different communities, researchers and the general public. As part of the SAL project, four such forums were held during the three years of the project. These were: 1) Subcultures and Lifestyles Conference and Forum at VMU (in 2006), held for participation by the taste subculture and New religious movement groups 2) A tent exhibition of subcultures and lifestyles held on Zarasai Island in Lithuania which was the locale of the Mėnuo Juodaragis [Black Horned Moon] Festival of youth alternative music and art in 2007 August, where all SAL partners participated (see photos by G. Jaronis below) 3) VMU conference and forum in 2008 May, where the DU and VMU teams participated 4) The Anti-pops Festival of youth alternative music, held in Kaunas in 2008 October, with an exhibition of photographs and a series of lectures on metal music presented by leaders of the youth music underground with doctoral students and SAL researchers at VMU. Generally these Forums consisted of two parts: 1) an audio-visual exhibition which included a showing of filmed material from the fieldwork, notes from interviews, photos and music and academic lectures on subcultures and lifestyles and 2) a scenario open to the public for members of subcultural groups to present their lifestyles, values, religious beliefs and such. 261

262 Groups and Environments 2 The results of these experimental environments could be summarised under four headings: Participant observation Influence by researchers on the observed communities Facilitation of communications between researchers and subcultural community members Impact on formulating recommendations for policy makers. 1) Participant observation. The activities and the behaviours of group members were observed during the forums. The important topics included the following aspects: a) whether and how religious community members and taste subcultural groups make use of such a chance to share their values and lifestyles with other groups, researchers and the broader society; b) whether or not they show interest in communicating among different groups and with researchers; c) what ideas they share with other participants and what values are most significant to them; d) how they react to the findings of the researchers and e) whether or not they accept the ideas and values of other groups and how they react to differently-minded people. Conclusions reached during the observations. Every group has its own friendly and unfriendly environments. Members of a so-called focus group can only evaluate those groups that share similar values as friendly. Alternative values are entirely unacceptable. For example, there is a deep gulf between some New religious groups (such as Hare Krishna) and the taste subcultural groups (such as Skinheads). However, Hare Krishna is friendly to Punks which is quite an unlikely observation given the fact that the two subcultures expose totally different worldviews and philosophies. This evidence was obtained during the Forums by communicating with the members of Skinheads and Hare Krishna communities who participated in the VMU Forum in Thereby this verified the evidence which had been earlier obtained by researchers directly from interviews and questionnaires. 2) Influence of researchers on the observed communities. Tolerance and humanity in general and the values of human cooperation in particular were the underlying themes which appeared in the advertisements, descriptions and posters on the organised forums. The researchers expected the groups to adopt an adequate approach, because humanity and friendship are the values that members of different subcultural groups often referred to, as opposed to the pragmatism and the unfriendliness of mainstream society. During the three years of the project, new contacts were established among researchers and different community members including the New religious movement and taste subcultural groups. Members of these groups supported the idea of tolerance and communication. For example, the organisers of the traditional Anti-pops Festival of alternative music offered researchers an opportunity to organise 262

263 Experimental Environment the Academic Cultural Forum during their festival. The exhibition of photos and the lectures on underground music were presented by members of the metal music subculture at the University Club. Researchers were invited to participate in rock music concerts held in different pubs of Kaunas City. Thus, in this case, a unique bond formed between academics and the subcultural underground. These contacts facilitate communications among subcultural communities and researchers and add to the visibility of the project as well as enhance its impact on society. 3) Facilitation of communications between researchers and members of subcultural communities. By participating in the forums, the researchers had a unique opportunity to gain better access to different subcultural groups. Thus they were in a better position to establish contacts with new respondents. Thereby their research has been enhanced with new empirical data and, as a result, the data has become more reliable. 4) Impact on formulating recommendations for policy makers. Such evidences about communications among subcultural communities as well as communications between communities known for their distinctive values and religious beliefs and the broader society should be passed-on to policy-makers (including teachers, leaders of different organisations, organisers of public events and others) who are in daily contact with members of different groups. How these groups of distinctive values and religions can communicate, if at all, is a significant question posed to the researchers. SAL project report-discussion and audiovisual exposition tents at Black Horn Moon Festival 263

264 Groups and Environments 2 Preparation for the audiovisual exposition Presentation on neo-indians by researcher Dušan Deák 264

265 Experimental Environment Anastasia movement s corner at the audiovisual exposition Visitors of the exposition Photos by G. Jaronis, 2007 August 24-26, Zarasai, Lithuania 265