Aspects of Political Engagement between Iwi and Hapu of the Te Paparahi o Te Raki Inquiry District and the Crown,

Transcription

1 Wai 1040, #A50 Aspects of Political Engagement between Iwi and Hapu of the Te Paparahi o Te Raki Inquiry District and the Crown, Philip Cleaver and Dr Andrew Francis A report commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal for the Te Paparahi o Te Raki inquiry (Wai 1040) May 2015

2 The Authors Philip Cleaver holds a Master of Arts in history from Victoria University of Wellington. Since 1999 he has mostly worked as a commissioned researcher for the Waitangi Tribunal. He has prepared research reports for the Hauraki, Gisborne, Urewera, Wairarapa ki Tararua, Whanganui, Te Rohe Potae, and Taihape district inquiries and has presented evidence to the Tribunal on a number of occasions. Andrew Francis holds a BA (Hons) in History and a Master of Arts in History from the University of Westminster in London. He also holds a PhD in History from Victoria University of Wellington. He joined the Waitangi Tribunal as a Research Analyst/Inquiry Facilitator in April 2009 and has been a Senior Research Analyst/Inquiry Facilitator since December In that time he has completed commissioned reports for the Whanganui and Te Rohe Potae district inquiries. 2

3 Table of Contents Authors... 2 List of Figures... 6 List of Images... 6 List of Tables... 7 Abbreviations... 9 Introduction Chapter One: Electoral Issues Introduction National electoral system Developments to The 1914 election administrative errors during polling The road to reform, The Secret Ballot, Enrolment revisited, The road to compulsory registration, Redefinition of electorate boundaries, Further reform, Practical difficulties and special votes, Developments after Local government electoral system Forms of local government Developments to Statutory developments, Evidence of Te Raki Maori eligibility to participate in county voting county electoral rolls, Te Raki Maori representation on county councils, Ongoing inaccuracy of valuation rolls, Alternative forms of Maori rates payment: taxation without representation, Maori efforts to participate in county voting and secure representation, Introduction of residential voting, Conclusion Chapter Two: Quest for recognition and engagement, Introduction Te Raki Maori and the First World War Initial Maori commitment and motivations Overview of Te Raki Maori involvement Initial recruitment Conscription and final recruitment Home front war effort Aftermath Ratana Movement, Emergence of the Ratana religious and political movement Maori, Ratana, and Labour Ratana and the early years of the First Labour Government, Native Land Court Judge Frank Acheson Acheson s work in the North

4 Breakdown in relations with officials and government ministers Retirement Conclusion Chapter Three: Maori Councils in the Te Raki inquiry district, Introduction Developments to Decline of Maori Councils in Te Raki inquiry district, Establishment and administration of Maori Health Councils, Maori Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district Influence of the Ratana movement Funding difficulties Enforcement and jurisdiction issues Maori Health Council activities Decline in Maori Health Council activity, Final years and abolition, Conclusion Chapter Four: Te Raki Maori and State Welfare Assistance Inequality and Reform, Introduction Developments to Te Raki Maori and the Old-age Pension, Introduction of standardised pension reductions for Maori, Storekeeper agents Labour s initial response to Maori concerns, Continuing payment reductions to Maori, A gradual change in policy, Conclusion Chapter Five: Te Raki Maori and the Maori War Effort Organisation, Introduction Initial responses to war The Maori War Effort Organisation scheme MWEO s finances The formation and configuration of the MWEO in the Northland district Functions and responsibilities of the tribal committees and executives The MWEO s achievements The winding down of the MWEO, Conclusion Chapter Six: Te Raki Maori and the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act system in the post-war years, Introduction The MWEO, Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act Establishing committees and executives under the MSEA, post The MSEA organisation in Te Raki Initial years of the MSEA Development of Te Raki committees and executives under MSEA after Te Raki engagement with the MSEA s subsidy scheme Establishing the Tokerau District Maori Council Conclusion

5 Chapter Seven: The Advent of the Maori Women s Welfare League, New Zealand Maori Council, Introduction Political background: Ratana in the 1950s and 1960s The Maori Women s Welfare League: Everything and everyone rolled into one 364 Effect of urbanisation on Maori social welfare organisations The MWWL in Te Raki MWWL funding and independence from the DMA The Hunn Report, Waitangi Day 1961: The old net is cast aside Waitangi Day commemorations The New Zealand Maori Council: All the canoes are united NZMC and Te Raki Maori Financing the NZMC Prichard-Waetford Commission, 1965: Toward a progressive future Maori Affairs Amendment Act The 1970s Conclusion Conclusion Appendices Appendix One: Charges Judge Frank Acheson laid against Registrar, Appendix Two: Maori War Effort Organisation committees in Zones 1 to 7 (Northern) Appendix Three: Western Hokianga Tribal Committees, Appendix Four: Zone 1: Whangaroa Tribal and Tribal Executive Committees (Lt.G. Latimer), c Appendix Five: Tribal Committee secretaries, Appendix Six: Tribal Executive delegates, c Appendix Seven: Zone 4 Distribution of Women s Health League branches, November Appendix Eight: s of Women s Health Leagues, Zones 3 and 4 (incomplete) Appendix Nine: Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Zones 2 and 3 (Kaikohe District), c Appendix Ten: Maori Women s Health Leagues, Zones 3 and 4 (Kaikohe and Whangarei Districts), Bibliography Commission

6 List of Figures Figure 1: Te Paparahi o Te Raki inquiry district Figure 2: Maori electorate boundaries, Figure 3: County boundaries, Figure 4: County boundaries, Figure 5: Settlements visited by T.W. Ratana and W.H. Toka, June Figure 6: Maori Council Districts and the Te Raki Inquiry District Figure 7: Annual increase in number of old-age pension recipients, (year ending 31 March) Figure 8: MWEO committees, c Figure 9: Distribution and location of MSEA Welfare Officers, Figure 10: Tokerau MWWL zones and branch committees, c List of Images Image 1: Taurekareka Henare, Image 2: Maui Pomare unveiling the country's first First World War memorial, Kaitaia, 24 March Image 3: Ratana Church, Mangamuka, Hokianga, c Image 4: Native Land Court Judge Frank Acheson Image 5: Apirana Ngata leads men of the Maori Battalion in a haka at the centennial celebrations, Waitangi, Image 6: Original hand drawn plan of MWEO Image 7: s of the War Administration, July Image 8: Paikea at MWEO recruiting conference, Auckland, Image 9: Eruera Tirikatene, c.october Image 10: Eruera Tirikatene's proposed 'New Set-Up', Image 11: Whina Cooper at 1953 MWWL Dominion Conference Image 12: s of Northland MWWL, Image 13: Waitangi Day, Image 14: The New Zealand Maori Council, c Image 15: NZMC second annual conference, March Image 16: Delegates at Taitokerau District Council meeting,

7 List of Tables Table 1: Northern Maori electorate representatives, Table 2: Maori payment of rates in Hokianga County, Table 3: Maori Contingent proposed recruit quotas from Maori electoral districts Table 4: Volunteers for First World War Maori service units with next-of-kin residing in Te Raki inquiry district Table 5: Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei Maori Councils, appointed October Table 6: Old-age pension recipients and the Te Raki inquiry district, Table 7: Old-age pension recipients and the Te Raki inquiry district, Table 8: Old-age pension recipients and the Te Raki inquiry district, Table 9: Northland volunteers (Maori and Pakeha) as of 13 September Table 10: Patriotic fundraising in Northland to June Table 11: Initial finances of the MWEO Table 12: Structure of the Tribal Committees and Executives Table 13: Schedule of Suggested Zones and Recruiting Officers Table 14: Recruiting Officers Table 15: Recruiting Officers tribal committee Table 16: Return of Northern Maori Registrations and Enlistments as at 9 March Table 17: MWEO Northland Tribal Executives, Table 18: Maori War Effort Production Return Year Ending 31 January Table 19: MWEO Food Production Expectations, Table 20: Requests for extensions to MWEO scheme Table 21: Proposed MSEA zones in Northland, October Table 22: Inner Kaikohe Tribal Committee, March Table 23: s elected to Waimate North Tribal Committee Table 24: Remaining tribal committees in Eastern Kaikohe District Table 25: Eastern Kaikohe Tribal Executive, Table 26: Mangakahia District Tribal Committees Table 27: Mangakahia Tribal Executive, c Table 28: Tribal executives in Zone 2 of the MSEA Table 29: Status of Zone 4 Tribal Committees, 31 March Table 30: Government MSEA subsidies expenditure Table 31: Zone 2 tribal committees building activities Table 32: Schedule of projects c Table 33: Tribal committees subsidies, zones 1-4,

8 Table 34: MSEA welfare subsidies, c Table 35: MSEA welfare subsidies, Table 36: National MSEA welfare subsidies, c Table 37: MSEA welfare subsidies, c Table 38: Zone 2 Tribal Committee subsidy applications, c Table 39: Inaugural members of the Tokerau District Maori Council, Table 40: Maori urbanisation, Table 41: Selected areas of Maori urbanisation, Table 42: Tokerau District MWWL membership, 1954 and Table 43: National Growth of MWWL, Table 44: Northland delegates to MWWL Dominion Conference, Table 45: DMA financial assistance to MWWL, Table 46: NZMC income and expenditure, Table 47: Maori Purposes Fund Board funding to the NZMC Table 48: Tai Tokerau District Maori Council membership,

9 Abbreviations AJHR: Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives ANZ: Archives New Zealand ATL: Alexander Turnbull Library (Wellington) CFRT: Crown Forestry Rental Trust DMA: Department of Maori Affairs LCC: Licensing Control Commission MMP: Mixed Proportional MPC: Maori Parliamentary Committee MPFB: Maori Purposes Fund Board MSEA: Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 MWEO: Maori War Effort Organisation MWA: Maori Welfare Act 1962 MWO: (Maori) Welfare Officer(s) MWWL: Maori Women s Welfare League MP: of Parliament NZEF: New Zealand Expeditionary Force NZJH: New Zealand Journal of History NZMC: New Zealand Maori Council NZPD: New Zealand Parliamentary Debates 9

10 Figure 1: Te Paparahi o Te Raki inquiry district 10

11 Introduction Project Background In early 2011, the Waitangi Tribunal s Chief Historian undertook an appraisal of research reports on the Wai 1040 Te Paparahi o Te Raki record of inquiry to identify any research gaps. The Presiding Officer outlined the Chief Historian s main recommendations in a direction dated 15 July The Presiding Officer stated that the available technical research and other evidence is to an adequate professional standard and breadth of coverage to enable the Tribunal to hear and consider most of the major generic issues that are likely to be presented in the first round of regional hearings. However, it was recommended that two additional reports be prepared, one of which was to cover the broader dimension of Crown-Maori political relations in the twentieth century. 1 Subsequent submissions from counsel largely supported the proposal for a research report on Crown-Maori political relations, although parties focused their comments on the nineteenth rather than the twentieth century. 2 The Presiding Officer responded to the various submissions on 14 November 2011, noting that the Chief Historian considered that issues of nineteenth century political engagement were adequately covered by the existing casebook. 3 The November direction confirmed that a research report would be commissioned on twentieth century political engagement, focussing on selected aspects of the political relationship between the Crown and Te Raki Maori from around 1910 to the 1970s. 4 On 10 April 2012, Dr Paul Christoffel, a member of the Tribunal s research staff, was commissioned to prepare a research report on selected aspects of political engagement covering the period from 1910 to the mid-1970s. Dr Christoffel was unable to complete the commission after moving to another position and on 12 December 2012 the Tribunal cancelled the commission and indicated that it would recommission the research. 5 On 1 October 2013, Dr Andrew Francis, a Waitangi Tribunal staff member, and Philip Cleaver, historian, were commissioned to write the report. 6 1 Wai 1040, # Wai 1040, # , paras Wai 1040, # , paras Wai 1040, # Wai 1040, #2.3.4, # Wai 1040, #

12 Commission questions The commission required that the research report examine the following issues to the extent they have not adequately been covered by other evidence entered on the record of inquiry or by scholarly literature: a) Did the national and local electoral systems disadvantage or discriminate against Te Raki Maori in law, policy or operation? What were the consequences of any such disadvantage or discrimination for Te Raki Maori in terms of political participation and representation? Were the electoral system or its impacts subject to objections or protest by Te Raki Maori and if so, how did the Crown respond? b) To what extent did official initiatives, including the pre- and post-world War Two Maori councils, contribute, if at all, to Te Raki Maori political autonomy and rangatiratanga? What central and local government powers and functions, if any, did the Crown devolve to and remove from Te Raki Maori leaders and institutions? How well did such powers and functions meet the expectations and aspirations of Te Raki Maori over time? c) What forms did the Crown s political engagement with, and responses to, Te Raki Maori take from 1910 to the start of World War Two, in particular with parliamentary and tribal leaders and the Ratana movement? Were Te Raki Maori adequately consulted on Crown policy and practice of major concern to them and likely to affect them significantly, and in what ways? d) What did the practice and decisions of Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson in his official capacity reveal about Crown and Maori understandings and expectations of a Treaty-based relationship and obligations? e) To what extent did the Crown enable Te Raki Maori to contribute to the national war effort during World War Two, including recruitment into the armed forces and participation in civilian initiatives? How did the Maori War Effort Organisation operate in the region and in what ways did Te Raki Maori participate? Did the Crown support and sustain Te Raki Maori leadership of Maori initiatives? f) To what extent did Te Raki Maori participate in the committees and other bodies established under the auspices of the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 and related later legislation? To what degree did these bodies, their mandates and the results of their work meet Te Raki Maori expectations? How did the Crown respond to any proposals, expressions of concern or protest by Te Raki Maori about Crown policy or the operation of the Act? g) How did the Crown respond to Maori political and social movements in the region in the post-world War Two period, in particular the Maori Women s Welfare League, the Ratana movement and the Maori Council? In what principal 12

13 ways did Te Raki Maori tribal leaders and political representatives seek to engage with the Crown at the national and local levels between the mid-1940s and the mid-1970s? What was the Crown s response? h) How did the establishment of Treaty commemoration ceremonies at Waitangi affect Te Raki Maori and Crown perceptions of the Treaty relationship between them? What consequences, if any, did these perceptions have for the political relationship between Te Raki Maori and the Crown? i) To what extent did the Crown engage with Te Raki Maori leaders concerning social policy issues, focusing in particular on access to state pensions and welfare benefits? Did Te Raki Maori raise concerns or protest about alleged discrimination or disadvantage in Crown policy, legislation or practice in the field of pensions and welfare benefits? How did the Crown respond? Project purpose and coverage The report examines aspects of political engagement between hapu and iwi of Te Paparahi o Te Raki and the Crown, focussing on the period between 1910 and the mid-1970s. Political engagement is defined here as the communication and dialogue that took place between Te Raki Maori and the Crown, and the Crown s responsiveness to Te Raki Maori initiatives and representations. This engagement was conducted via a number of different avenues: these included the national parliamentary process; Te Raki Maori involvement in the First and Second World Wars; officially-sanctioned Maori organisations including, for example, the Maori Councils, the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 (MSEA) committees and executives; and also Maori initiatives such as the Ratana movement and the Maori Women s Welfare League (MWWL). Through these channels, it will be explained that Te Raki Maori actively sought to engage with the Crown and enter into a dialogue on a range of issues. The report assesses the extent to which Te Raki Maori found these avenues of engagement effective. It looks particularly at whether Te Raki Maori were able to achieve equality with Pakeha and, at the same time, secure greater political autonomy than had hitherto been the case. It examines the degree to which the Crown demonstrated a willingness to respond to Maori concerns, and how this changed over the course of the 65- year period the report traverses. Issues dealt with in other research reports prepared for this inquiry are not examined here. The commission, does not, for example, require an examination of engagement over land, though land matters have been touched upon where they concern wider political engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown. Similarly, the overall relationship between the 13

14 Labour Party and Ratana, for example, is an area that has been well traversed in the existing literature, and therefore it has not been described in great detail here. Also, it should be noted that in exploring the issues set out in the commission, we do not closely examine all of the various processes of engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown. For example, the report provides limited evidence concerning the extent to which the parliamentary petitions process allowed Te Raki Maori to obtain redress for grievances. Beginning in 1910, the report continues from David Armstrong and Evald Subasic s Northern land and politics report, which discusses political engagement issues in the period from 1860 to As discussed later, a key development in the latter half of this period was the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the pan-tribal Kotahitanga movement, which established a separate parliament and sought greater Maori involvement in government decision making. The movement disbanded in the early twentieth century, with the government encouraging supporters to embrace the Maori Council system that was established in 1900 in the face of Maori demands for greater autonomy. Te Raki Maori efforts to engage with the Crown would continue via other paths including through their Northern Maori electorate representative and the Maori Councils. The end of the period covered in our report is defined by two significant developments that represented further shifts in the Crown-Te Raki Maori political relationship: the 1975 Land March and the passage of the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975, which established the Waitangi Tribunal. Some of the commission questions concern developments that relate only to part of the period between 1910 and Other questions, however, relate to the whole period covered by the report. This is the case with commission question (i), which requires an examination of Crown-Te Raki Maori engagement over social policy issues, focussing particularly on access to state pensions and welfare benefits. Guided by the requirement to focus on the pensions and benefits system, it has been necessary to narrow research and discussion of the very broad subject of social policy. In addressing this question, which is the subject of chapter four, the chapter looks at the matter that was of greatest concern to Te Raki Maori the payment of lower rates of pensions and benefits. As this issue was resolved by the mid-1940s, the chapter does not examine developments beyond this time, and therefore covers only the first half of the period. 7 David Armstrong and Evald Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , CFRT, 2007, Wai 1040 #A12. 14

15 While the aim has been to focus on aspects of the political relationship between Te Raki Maori and Crown, it has been necessary throughout the report to provide contextual information on key developments at a regional and national level, in some cases involving evidence that does not specifically relate to the inquiry district. In respect of regional evidence that relates to the Tai Tokerau district as a whole, it has not always been possible to determine the extent to which the information relates closely to Te Raki Maori. Due consideration has been given to the limitations of this evidence. For the purposes of our report, we use the term Te Raki Maori to include all whanau, hapu and iwi within the inquiry region, without making any distinction between the many different kin groups within the Te Paparahi o Te Raki inquiry district. Claimant issues The Wai 1040 statements of claim that raise issues relevant to the commission have been identified and taken into consideration during the preparation of this report. These issues include matters relating to the Crown s alleged: systematic undermining of tribal tino rangatiratanga and mana motuhake guaranteed under the Treaty of Waitangi through Crown legislation, policies and practices; failure to ensure fair practice and equal franchise for Maori in respect of their ability to vote in the national electoral system; failure to consult Maori before introducing forms of local government that possessed wide-ranging powers; failure to ensure that Maori were able to secure adequate representation on the various local bodies that operated in the inquiry district, which were not required to act in accordance with the Treaty of Waitangi; failure to provide the councils established under the Maori Councils Act 1900 with adequate powers or funding, as well as heavily constraining and guiding their activities; as a result, the councils, which promised Maori a limited form of self-government and the opportunity to engage more directly in health matters, were not as effective as they might have been; lack of lasting recognition of the Maori contribution to the Second World War; and, discrimination against Maori, for much of the first half of the twentieth century, when providing state welfare assistance; Maori were commonly paid lower pension rates than Pakeha. 15

16 Sources This report is based on research of written sources. A range of secondary sources have been consulted, including books and articles as well as research reports already prepared for the Te Raki inquiry. Some of these reports have provided important local contextual information that is relevant to the issues examined in this report. This is especially the case with Bruce Stirling s local government report, which discusses issues that are closely linked with the examination of Te Raki Maori participation in the local government electoral system, an issue raised in commission question (a). 8 In particular, Stirling discusses the rating of Maori land and the extent to which Maori defaulted on the payment of rates. As explained in chapter one, voting rights in the county electoral system were for many years closely tied to ratepaying. Among the primary sources examined, the report draws upon a wide range of government department files held at Archives New Zealand in Wellington and Auckland (Maori Affairs, Army, Health, for example); regional and national newspapers; official published materials (Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives, New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, New Zealand Gazette, New Zealand Official Yearbook and Te Ao Hou (the magazine of the Department of Maori Affairs, which ran from 1952 to 1976). Some manuscript material has also been consulted during the preparation of the report: for example the papers of Native Land Court judge Acheson held at the University of Auckland library and the Walter Nash papers held at the Alexander Turnbull Library. It should also be noted that tangata whenua evidence, which is already on the Wai 1040 record of inquiry, has not been widely used during the preparation of our report. We suggest that this evidence should be considered alongside the report to provide a fuller account of the aspects of twentieth-century political engagement it traverses. Research undertaken for this report identified some relevant Te Reo Maori language material. This material concerns the operation of the Maori Councils that are examined in chapter three. Specifically, it relates to the Maori Health Councils that were established after the First World War. Research of these bodies focused on the Pewhairangi (Bay of Islands), Hokianga, and Whangarei councils. A significant proportion of the available archival material relating to both the Pewhairangi and Whangarei Councils is written in Te Reo and has not been translated. Up until about 1930 most of the correspondence concerning these councils was written in Te Reo. This material, contained within files of the Health Department, comprises several 8 Bruce Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People: Local Government, Rates, and Maori in Northland, CFRT, 2008, Wai 1040 #A15. 16

17 hundred pages. 9 While it has not been possible to draw upon it for research purposes, it will be placed on the Wai 1040 record of inquiry within the supporting papers accompanying this report. There is some relevant English language correspondence amongst the Te Reo material that concerns the Pewhairangi and Whangarei Councils. However, for the period up to 1930, most of the available English language evidence relates to the Hokianga Maori Health Council. (To a large extent, this is because the chairman of the Hokianga Council, Hone Wepiha, corresponded mainly in English.) When assessing the Hokianga material, it has been necessary to be aware that the Hokianga Maori Health Council may not have been representative of the district s other councils. Indeed, evidence suggests that the Hokianga Council may have been especially active in carrying out its functions. In January 1933, for example, an official described it to be one on the most active in the country. 10 Sources relating to the local-government dimension of commission question (a) have also raised special issues. In this case, it is necessary to note that very few relevant county council records have been located. This has somewhat limited the extent to which it has been possible to precisely describe the extent that Te Raki Maori were able to participate in the county electoral system. (As discussed in chapter one, the county system was the most important form of local government in the inquiry district during the period covered by this report.) Research focused on locating records of the Whangaroa, Bay of Islands, Hokianga, and Whangarei County Councils in particular, county electoral rolls and rates defaulters lists but it is evident that few relevant records of these bodies have survived. In attempting to locate relevant county material, a number of potential repositories were searched: the archives of the local government bodies that succeeded the four counties; the collections of local museums and libraries; and Archives New Zealand s holdings. Of the records that were identified through this research, the most relevant concern Hokianga County and are held at Archives New Zealand. This material, which was examined during preparation of the report, consists primarily of a small number of county electoral rolls, some of which are incomplete. In addition, a few yearly Hokianga rates books were also located. These shed some light on the extent that Maori in the county defaulted on the payment of rates. Rates books of 9 In particular, see: ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3238), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington; and ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. 10 Director General of Health to Clendon, 8 January 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 17

18 the Bay of Islands County were also identified within the archives of the Far North District Council, though this material, by itself, was not examined because Stirling s local government report provides sufficient evidence of the extent of Maori rates default. The Whangarei District Council archive includes some records of the Whangarei County Council, but none of this material relates directly to the issue of electoral representation. In the case of the Whangaroa County Council, no records of any kind were located. Report structure and outline The report has been divided into seven chapters which, where possible, follow a chronological structure to best highlight developments over time. Chapter One (Electoral, ) The first chapter of the report, written by Philip Cleaver, primarily addresses commission question (a), but also relates to question (c). It examines issues relating to the national and local government electoral systems. Discussion of the national electoral system focuses largely on the differences that for many years existed in the voting systems that applied in the Maori and European electorates. Drawing on evidence concerning the Te Raki inquiry district where available, it traces how these differences were gradually removed during the period examined. It explains that politicians associated with the Ratana movement, which during the 1920s gained strong support amongst Te Raki Maori, pushed especially for reform of Maori electoral law. Within the First Labour Government ( ), the Ratana-Labour Maori MPs helped to secure some key reforms. It is explained, however, that after Labour lost power the removal of differences in the two electoral systems continued more hesitantly. National, which held office for most of the remaining years covered by this report, showed less interest in the Maori electoral reform a position that reflected the Party s low level of support in the Maori seats. Turning to the local government electoral system, the second part of the chapter focuses on issues concerning the ability of Te Raki Maori to participate in county council elections. It explains that Te Raki Maori were for many years largely excluded from county voting, which up to 1944 was based upon a ratepayer qualification. Though they owned rateable property, Te Raki Maori faced a number of obstacles to voting. These difficulties did not affect Pakeha landowners to the same extent, and though Te Raki Maori called for reform at various times, the government was largely unresponsive to their concerns. It is argued that the situation did not change significantly after the introduction of a residential voting qualification in 1944, which appears to have been poorly communicated to Te Raki Maori. It was not 18

19 until the early 1960s, towards the end of the period examined, that the first Maori representatives were elected to councils of the inquiry district, indicating greater Maori participation in county voting. Chapter Two (First World War, Ratana, and Judge Acheson, ) This chapter examines selected developments in the period between 1910 and 1939, focussing on the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the First World War, the influence of the Ratana movement within the inquiry district, and the work of Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson. The sections of the chapter that deal with the First World War and the Ratana movement were written by Philip Cleaver. They relate to question (c) of the research commission. The discussion of Acheson, written by both Philip Cleaver and Andrew Francis, addresses question (d). The involvement of Te Raki Maori in the First World War and Ratana movement are examined as two different strategies through which Te Raki Maori sought closer engagement with the Crown. During the First World War, Te Raki Maori hoped that their contribution to the war effort would result in long-term benefits, including greater Crown responsiveness to their concerns. However, in the decade following the end of the conflict, this hope was not fulfilled. It is argued that growth in support for the Ratana movement, which offered a new model of leadership and appealed especially to marginalised Maori, arose partly from the frustration that Te Raki Maori experienced in the post-war period. The chapter traces the development of Ratana s relationship with the Labour Party and looks at the extent to which the Ratana movement was able to secure a stronger voice for Maori in government during the First Labour Government s early years in office. While this aim was not achieved, it is explained that the Ratana MPs helped to secure some gains for Maori, particularly reforms that provided greater equality of treatment such as those that concerned the Maori electoral system. The chapter lastly looks at the work of Judge Frank Acheson, who presided over the Tokerau District Native Land Court between 1924 and It explains that, in contrast with the prevailing attitude of the government in the post-war years, Acheson sought to use his role to advance the interests of Northland Maori and to provide greater recognition of the Treaty in judicial decision making. However, the Crown s response to Acheson limited the extent to which he was able to operate effectively. The chapter explains that, following a breakdown in the judge s relationship with officials and government ministers, Acheson was eventually removed from his position and, as a result, Te Raki Maori lost their strongest Pakeha supporter within the Crown-government system. 19

20 Chapter Three (Maori Councils, ) Chapter three, written by Philip Cleaver, relates principally to commission question (b), but also sheds light on the issues raised in question (c). It examines the operation of Maori Councils in the Te Raki inquiry district between 1910 and their abolition in The councils were established under the Maori Councils Act 1900, which was introduced to provide Maori with a limited form of self government. The chapter explains that there were two phases to the council system. The first phase concerned the councils set up following the passage of the 1900 Act. These councils were becoming inactive by the beginning of the period covered by this report, and the chapter therefore focuses mainly on evidence concerning the second phase, which arose from government efforts to reinvigorate the council system after the end of the First World War. The chapter discusses the extent to which the new councils known as Maori Health Councils provided Te Raki Maori with an effective form of local government and served as a platform for engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown in the post-war years. It is argued the Health Councils substantially failed to meet the expectations of Te Raki Maori. Though some Te Raki Maori greeted the renewal of the council system with enthusiasm, the government did not provide the councils with a reasonable level support and nor did it address fundamental weaknesses in the council system, particularly the lack of a reliable source of funding, essential for any form of local government to operate effectively. Chapter Four (Welfare equality, ) This chapter, written by Philip Cleaver, examines issues concerning Te Raki Maori access to state welfare assistance payments. It primarily addresses question (i) of the research commission, but is also relevant to question (c). The chapter looks particularly at the extent Maori and Pakeha were treated equally with regard to payment of the old-age pension. It explains that for many years Te Raki Maori (along with Maori in other districts) faced discrimination, which was evident particularly in the payment of reduced pension rates. The legislation and policies that underlay this practice were introduced without consultation with Maori, and while Te Raki Maori and their representatives protested about inequality within the pension system, the government was for many years unresponsive to their concerns. It is explained that reform was introduced during the First Labour Government s time in office, but in spite of the alliance with Ratana and ongoing protest from Maori, Labour was slow to address the situation, illustrating that Labour s Pakeha leadership was not strongly focused on Maori concerns. Eventually, in 1943, Maori were put on an equal footing with Pakeha in terms of pension rates, and along with reforms of the electoral system, this was one of the advances that Maori made during Labour s time in office. 20

21 Chapter Five (MWEO, ) Chapter five addresses commission questions (e) and (h). The chapter analyses Te Raki Maori s role on the home front during the Second World War through their participation in and contribution to the Maori War Effort Organisation (MWEO), which was formed in It explains that, under wartime constraints and considerations, Te Raki Maori, through a system of tribal committees and executives, successfully managed their own affairs throughout one of the most pivotal periods in New Zealand s development. It explains, too, that Northland-born Paraire Paikea was highly influential as the driving force of the organisation, and helped lay the foundations for potentially greater Maori autonomy in the post-war years. This chapter also discusses the 1940 Centennial commemorations of the signing of the Treaty which took on an increased significance occurring, as they did, against the backdrop of increased Maori enlistment in the armed forces. This chapter was written by Andrew Francis. Chapter Six (MSEA, ) This chapter, which relates to commission questions (b) and (g), examines Te Raki Maori engagement with the committees and executives established under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, introduced at the end of the Second World War. It explains that the legislation did provide a certain level of autonomy at a local level, though this was not to the same degree as that enjoyed under the days of the MWEO system. That said, Te Raki Maori did embrace the new system and involved themselves in the marae subsidy scheme, which provided funds on a pound-for pound basis. This chapter also assesses Te Raki Maori responses to government legislation and ascertains the degree to which the government met Maori expectations in a rapidly changing post-war environment. This chapter was written by Andrew Francis. Chapter Seven (MWWL, NZMC, ) Chapter seven addresses commission questions (g) and (h). It assesses Te Raki Maori contribution and commitment to the two main national Maori organisations established after the Second World War: the Maori Women s Welfare League (MWWL) and the New Zealand Maori Council (NZMC). It explains that the MWWL was established, in no small part, to provide Maori women with a national voice. Northern Maori women, Whina Cooper and Mira Szaszy among them, were integral to the establishment of the organisation which had Maori health, education and employment issues at its core. In addition, this chapter explains that the NZMC, established under the Maori Welfare Act 1962 to act as an advisory body to the government of the day on matters pertinent to Maori, was vocal in its opposition when it 21

22 felt government initiatives were not in the best interests of Maori. In addition, this chapter explains that from the late 1960s a younger generation of Maori adopted a more assertive tone and used annual Waitangi Day commemorations to develop a platform for dialogue between Te Raki Maori and the Crown regarding their Treaty relationship. This chapter was written by Andrew Francis. 22

23 Chapter One: Electoral Issues Introduction This chapter examines issues relating to the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the national and local government electoral systems. It primarily addresses commission question (a), which is divided into three parts. First, it asks whether the national and local electoral systems disadvantaged or discriminated against Te Raki Maori in respect of the laws, policies, and administrative practises under which they operated. Secondly, it requires an examination of how any such disadvantage or discrimination impacted upon the ability of Te Raki Maori to participate and seek representation within the national and local government electoral systems. Lastly, it asks whether Te Raki Maori protested against or objected to the electoral systems and, if this was the case, how the Crown responded. Part of the examination of the national and local government electoral system that is presented in this chapter is also relevant to question (c) of the commission, which concerns the ways that the Crown engaged with and responded to Te Raki Maori concerns in the period between 1910 and Divided into two sections, the chapter looks first at issues relating to the national electoral system. While much of the discussion in this section concerns developments at a national level, evidence relating to the Te Raki inquiry district is presented where available. The section begins by describing key developments up to 1910, including the creation of the four Maori parliamentary seats. This discussion concludes by setting out a number of differences that existed between the electoral systems that applied to the Maori and European seats at the beginning of the period covered by this report. These differences largely concerned how voting was carried out, but also included issues relating to the review of electorate boundaries and the number of seats within each system. The remainder of the section focuses on the development and operation of the Maori electoral system during the period covered by this report. Much of the discussion focuses on the removal of statutory differences between the two electoral systems a process that eventually saw the Maori electoral system aligned more closely with the European system. It is explained that the reform process was slow and inhibited by political inertia, bureaucratic resistance, and the intervention of war. Some Maori, it will be seen, supported the retention of the different rules, viewing them to be more consistent with traditional systems of decision making at a hapu and iwi level. On the other hand, Maori MPs associated with the Ratana movement, who began entering parliament in the early 1930s, were critical of what they 23

24 perceived to be electoral inequalities. They objected to the lack of a secret ballot and voter registration for Maori, differing scrutineer rules, and the fixed number of Maori seats. The Ratana MPs involvement in electoral reform was directly related to developments that are discussed in chapter two, which broadly examines the Ratana movement s influence on engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown up to As well as examining statutory reform of the Maori electoral system, evidence concerning the administration of Maori voting in the Te Raki inquiry district is also presented. This evidence primarily concerns the beginning and end of the period examined in this report. It shows that some voters in the Northern Maori electorate faced practical difficulties as a result of administrative failings and insufficient polling facilities, which impacted significantly on their ability to participate in the election of their parliamentary representative. The second section of the chapter examines issues concerning the local government electoral system. The discussion builds upon research undertaken by Bruce Stirling and presented in his 2008 report on local government in the Te Raki inquiry district. The project brief for Stirling s report required, among other matters, an examination of Maori participation and representation in local government. 11 In his report, Stirling acknowledges some limitations in the extent of his coverage of this issue. In particular, he identifies that a detailed examination of local sources is required to shed further light on the precise nature, extent, and timing of Maori exclusion from and general lack of representation in Northland local government. 12 A comprehensive examination of local sources has not been possible because, as explained in the report introduction, research for this report has located few relevant records of the inquiry district s county councils. Evidence concerning some aspects of Maori participation in the county electoral system is therefore quite limited. The section on the local government electoral system begins by discussing the various forms of local government that were introduced during the nineteenth century, and it explains that in the Te Raki inquiry district the county system, which was established in 1876, was the most important form of local government in the period covered by this report. The remainder of the section therefore focuses on electoral issues concerning Te Raki Maori and the county councils that operated in the inquiry district. As discussed in 11 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p3. 12 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p4. Stirling s research draws on some local government records, including six files held at the Whangarei District Council Archive. This material primarily concerns the rating of Maori land. 24

25 the report introduction, research has focused on the Whangaroa, Bay of Islands, Hokianga, and Whangarei counties. Before examining the period covered by this report, an overview of developments concerning Te Raki Maori and the county electoral system up to 1910 is provided. It is explained that, unlike the national electoral system, there was no special provision for Maori representation within the county system (or any of the other forms of local government). From the outset, county voting rights were closely linked to the levying and payment of rates. Te Raki Maori land owners, for a number of reasons, commonly did not pay rates, and they were therefore largely excluded from the county electoral system. The ability of Maori to participate in county voting was further restricted by legislation that stipulated that only one owner could vote where land was multiply owned. Turning to the period between 1910 and 1975, the key statutory developments are examined first. Of particular significance, it is explained that ratepayers exclusive hold on the county electoral system finally ended in 1944, when a residential voting qualification was introduced. The next part of the section discusses the surviving county electoral rolls, assessing the extent to which these provide clear evidence of the ability of Te Raki Maori to participate in county voting. Evidence concerning Te Raki Maori representation on county councils is then examined. This shows that Te Raki Maori were not represented on county councils until the 1960s, reflecting that they were largely excluded from the county electoral system for most of the period covered by this report. The section then turns to examine the extent to which counties and the government ensured that county valuation rolls accurately recorded information regarding Maori land and its ownership. This was one of the factors that underlay Maori non-payment of rates and it is therefore linked to the issue of electoral participation. Next, several different forms of rating that lay outside the standard rating system are discussed. It is evident that, while Te Raki Maori contributed to county revenue through these alternative rating schemes, they continued to be excluded from the voting system. The section then goes on to examine Te Raki Maori efforts to participate in the county electoral system between 1910 and the introduction of the residential voting qualification in It is explained that the counties and government were unresponsive to the calls for representation and reform made by Te Raki Maori. The local government section concludes by examining the implementation of residential voting from 1944, looking particularly at the extent to which 25

26 Maori were encouraged to take advantage of the new voting entitlement. It is explained that the counties and the government did not actively pursue greater Maori participation in county voting and, it seems, even misinformed some Te Raki Maori about the new entitlement. National electoral system Developments to 1910 Parliamentary representation in New Zealand was established under the Constitution Act 1852, which was passed by the British Parliament. The Act provided for a two tier system of government that was comprised of a General Assembly and six elected provincial councils. The General Assembly was made up of a lower and an upper chamber one an elected House of Representatives and the other a nominated Legislative Council. 13 Alongside the new system of colonial government, the 1852 Act continued the existing post of Governor of New Zealand, which retained responsibility for Native policy. Foreign policy remained under British control, while other responsibilities passed to the General Assembly, including handling of the purchase of Maori land. Relations between the Governor, his Executive Council, and the General Assembly were not closely defined in the 1852 Act and, within this context, a struggle developed between the early colonial ministries and the Governor over the control of Maori affairs. In 1857, the British Parliament passed the Constitution Amendment Act, which enabled the New Zealand Parliament to substantially amend the 1852 statute. As a result, responsibility for native affairs gradually transferred from the British to the colonial government. 14 In respect of voting rights for the House of Representatives and the provincial councils, the 1852 Act granted the franchise to all males over the age of 21 who held property interests of a defined minimum value. 15 While Maori were able to vote if they met the property qualifications, they generally failed to satisfy these requirements owing to the fact that Maori land was typically held by multiple owners. In 1867, partly as a result of this situation, the four Maori seats were introduced to provide some 13 John Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, Parliamentary Library Research Paper, November 2003 (updated May 2009), p3, New Zealand Parliament website, accessed 11 November URL: /origins-of-the-m%c4%81ori-seats 14 Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, pp Individuals needed to possess any of the following: a freehold estate within the electorate valued at 50; a leasehold with an annual value of 10; a tenement with an annual rental of 10 in a town (or 5 in the country). 26

27 representation for Maori. 16 Initially viewed as a temporary measure, the Maori seats became a permanent feature of the national electoral system from Under the Maori Representation Act 1867, the franchise for voting in the Maori seats was granted to Maori males aged 21 years or over, including half castes. 18 Representatives of the Maori seats were to be chosen from the eligible electors Maori and half-caste males. Until 1893, Maori voters who were able to meet property qualifications, along with half-caste Maori, were entitled to vote in both a Maori and a European seat. In their land and politics overview report, Armstrong and Subasic note that some Northland Maori participated in European electorate voting during the 1870s, but faced the opposition of some Pakeha when it became apparent that they could influence the results. 19 New property requirements introduced in 1879 appear to have resulted in a decline in the number of Maori who were able to vote in the European seats. 20 Later, the Electoral Act 1893 required those Maori previously entitled to a dual vote to choose they could vote in either a European or a Maori seat, but not both. 21 From 1896, only half-castes retained this choice, and they were also the only Maori permitted to stand for election in European seats. 22 With this change, the separation of the Maori and Pakeha electoral system was all but complete and remained so until 1975, when Maori could again choose to vote in either a European seat or a Maori seat. Described by some as token representation, the four Maori seats did not enable Maori to participate in the government of the country on equal terms with Pakeha. 23 Northland Maori, at an early stage, recognised the limitations of the seats. Armstrong and Subasic note that there was initially little interest in the election of the Northern Maori representative. Northland Maori considered the four seats to be inadequate and made calls for 16 M.P.K. Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, Appendix B of Towards a Better Democracy Report of The Royal Commission on the Electoral System, Wellington: V.R. Ward, Government Printer, 1986, pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp The franchise excluded any who had been attained or convicted of any treason felony or infamous offence. This provision, which was intended to exclude those who rebelled against the Crown, gradually ceased to operate. Section 6, Maori Representation Act Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p9. 19 Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Sections 7, 9, 156(11), Electoral Act Section 3, Electoral Amendment Act See, for example: Ranginui Walker, The Maori People: Their Political Development, in Hyam Gold (ed.), New Zealand Politics in Perspective, Auckland: Longman Paul, 1989, p382; Bruce Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People: Local Government, Rates, and Maori in Northland, CFRT, 2008, Wai 1040 #A15, p82. 27

28 alternative forms of representation and engagement. 24 During the 1870s, voter participation and the number of candidates that stood in the electorate increased, partly because Northland Maori sought to gain access to the funding that became available for public works projects. 25 But dissatisfaction with the Maori seats continued, and in the late 1870s and early 1880s Northland Maori made further calls for new forms of representation. 26 From the late 1880s until its demise in the early years of the twentieth century, Northland Maori played an important role in the pan-tribal Kotahitanga movement. 27 This involvement reflected an ongoing frustration with the existing parliamentary system and, in particular, the limited extent to which the four seats provided Maori with an effective voice in government and enabled them to influence policy and legislation. At a meeting held at Waitangi in 1892, the Kotahitanga movement formed a Maori parliament that continued to meet annually in different Maori settlements for the next 11 years. 28 Sorrenson states that the Kotahitanga parliament was widely supported, particularly among the loyalist or Kupapa tribes. 29 Working through the elected representatives in the four Maori seats, the Kotahitanga parliament unsuccessfully sought formal recognition from the national parliament. Northern Maori MP Hone Heke Ngapua was actively involved in these efforts. 30 However, by the close of the nineteenth century, the influential Western-educated Young Maori Party leaders were advocating a different approach. Both James Carroll (representing the Waiapu European electorate) and Apirana Ngata (representing Eastern Maori) had decided that Maori should look to advance their interests through the existing parliamentary system. 31 In 1902, Carroll and Ngata persuaded supporters of the Kotahitanga movement to disband and turn instead to the Maori Council system that was established under the Maori Councils Act General conferences of council delegates, it was emphasised, would provide a platform for Maori expression at the pan-tribal level, removing the need for a separate parliament. The 1900 legislation, which Carroll had sponsored, marked the 24 Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp John A. Williams, Politics of the New Zealand Maori: Protest and Cooperation, , Oxford: published for the University of Auckland by Oxford University Press, 1969, p Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p Richard Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, , Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2004, p53. 28

29 limited extent to which the government was prepared to concede to Maori aspirations for greater autonomy. For supporters of the Kotahitanga movement, the council system, which is discussed further in chapter three, substantially failed to meet their expectations. At the beginning of the period covered by this report, following the demise of the Kotahitanga movement, Northland Maori continued to participate in the national parliamentary system, which in spite of its limitations offered a key point of contact between Maori and government. Within the system, the Maori MPs were, at least, able to represent the concerns of their people and push for change where this was sought. By 1910, the Northern Maori seat was held by Peter Buck (Te Rangi Hiroa), another member of the Young Maori Party group, of Ngati Mutunga descent, who served as the electorate s representative between 1909 and The discussion of the national electoral system that is presented in this chapter focuses largely on the different rules under which the Maori and European voting systems operated. In 1910, the two voting systems differed in a number of key ways. By this time, among the key features of the European system was the requirement for voters to be registered on an electoral roll. 33 In contrast, the system that applied in the Maori electorates did not require voter registration. The absence of an electoral roll increased the risk of irregularities in voting, particularly the possibility of votes being cast by individuals who were not eligible. The absence of a Maori electoral roll would also seem to at least partly explain why voting rights in national referenda were later not extended to Maori. The first national referendum was conducted in 1911 on the issue of the prohibition of alcohol. This referendum was repeated in each subsequent general election. Though prohibition was the only issue that referenda dealt with until 1949, Maori were unable to vote on the matter. 34 Early efforts to bring the Maori voting system in line with that which applied in European electorates focussed on the absence of voter registration. A 1905 Electoral Bill, introduced by Joseph Ward, initially provided for registration of Maori voters. Napier member Alfred Fraser argued in favour of this reform, as he believed the lack of a roll encouraged fraud, for a Maori can ride from kainga to kainga and record his vote. 35 Fraser proposed the establishment of a Maori roll, with Maori given the option of going onto either the European or Maori roll. As discussed below, the latter reform 33 Neill Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy: A History of the Vote in New Zealand, Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2003, p Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p NZPD 1905, vol. 154, p31. 29

30 would take another 70 years, but within a decade Maori voter registration seemed imminent. Another important difference between the European and Maori voting systems in 1910 concerned the extent to which individuals were able to cast their ballot without other voters or officials knowing their choice. While voting in European electorates was conducted in secret, this was not the case in the Maori electorates. 36 Until 1910, voting in the four seats was by a show of hands unless a poll was called for. 37 The Legislative Amendment Act 1910 abolished show of hands voting in favour of voting by declaration to a Returning Officer under the following procedure: On the day of the poll the electors shall enter the polling booth one by one, and each elector, when requested to do so by the Deputy Returning Officer or his associate, shall state his full name, tribe, hapu, and abode. The Deputy Returning Officer (or his associate as above mentioned) shall write such information on the counterfoil of the voting paper, after which the elector shall be requested to state the name of the candidate for whom he desires to vote; and, the elector having done so, the Deputy Returning Officer shall write such candidate's name upon the voting paper, and having affixed his name or initials thereto shall pass it to his associate, who shall place his name or initials on such voting-paper as witness. 38 There were also a number of other discrepancies in the two voting systems in Unlike in the European system, scrutineers were not able to monitor the electoral process during polling in the Maori electorates. Scrutineers were, however, permitted to oversee the vote counting process in Maori electorates, as in European electorates. 39 Also, polling in European electorates closed at 6pm on the day of the election, while in Maori electorates the polling closed at 4pm. 40 Further, by administrative procedure (rather than by statute), the Maori election was held a day earlier than voting in European seats. This may have reflected practical considerations, including the longer time that vote counting is likely to have required in the large Maori electorates. A further discrepancy in the two electoral systems in 1910 concerned, not voting procedures, but policies relating to the review of electorate boundaries. The Representation Commission, which was established in 36 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p Section 60(1)(cc), Legislature Amendment Act Section 60(1)(cc), Legislature Amendment Act Section 115(1), Legislature Act Section 60(1)(x), Legislature Amendment Act

31 Figure 2: Maori electorate boundaries,

32 1887, reviewed the size and boundaries of the European electorates following each five-yearly census. It did this to ensure that electorate populations lay within set tolerances, ensuring that MPs represented a similar number of people. In contrast, Maori electorates were not subject to regular review, and between 1867 and 1981 would be changed only three times. Two minor adjustments to the boundary between Eastern and Western Maori were made in 1919 and 1951, and as discussed below - a major change to the boundaries of three of the four electorates was made in More significant than the adjustment of boundaries was that there was no provision for the number of Maori seats to be changed, regardless of any shifts in the relative sizes of the Maori and Pakeha populations. The number of European seats was, however, subject to greater review. When the Maori seats were created in 1867, there were 72 European seats. In 1902, the number of such seats was increased to 76. As discussed later, the Electoral Amendment Act 1965 would enable the number of European seats to be adjusted following each five-yearly census. 42 Accordingly, the number of European seats was increased to 80 in 1969 and increased again to 83 in A further issue regarding the national electoral system concerns the use of Te Reo in parliament. Maori MPs were required to work within an institution that was dominated by the use of English, and those who were not fluent in this language may have faced some difficulties, potentially affecting their ability to operate effectively. As the early Maori MPs had little English, interpreters were provided following the establishment of the Maori seats, with three working by the 1880s. As well as translating the speeches of Maori members in the debating chamber, the interpreters also translated English language documents for the Maori members, including petitions and bills. 43 It is not clear whether, during debates, the interpreters also translated speeches into Maori for those who were not fluent in English. 41 Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, pp However, an increase was only allowable if population growth in the North Island was faster than that in the South. The Act fixed the number of general electorates in the South Island at 25. Section 3(1), Electoral Amendment Act See also section 3, Electoral Act Parliament in Te Reo, NZ History website, accessed 5 November URL: 32

33 Table 1: Northern Maori electorate representatives, Period in office Representative Responsibilities Peter Buck (Te Rangi Hiroa) Taurekareka (Tau) Henare of Executive Council representing Native race and in charge of Maori Councils, Government Insurance and Public Trust Departments, and Cook and other Islands Administration (1912) Paraire Karaka Paikea of Executive Council representing Native race ( ) and in charge of Maori War Effort Organisation ( ) Tapihana Paraire Paikea Matiu Rata Minister of Maori Affairs ( ) Minister of Lands ( ) The 1914 election administrative errors during polling The 1914 election provides some insight into the state of polling in the Northern Maori electorate around the beginning of the period covered by this report. Alongside the different statutory rules that applied to the separate Maori and European systems of voting, evidence concerning the 1914 election suggests that administrative errors during polling were also a feature of polling in the Maori seats, up to the early twentieth century at least. In part, this reflected the large size of the four electorates, which presented Returning Officers with logistical difficulties beyond what was encountered in the smaller European seats. Any predominance of administrative errors during Maori polling may also have been the result of a certain laxity among Returning Officers, encouraged perhaps by the fact that the rules of the Maori voting system were of a less stringent nature and for many years did not emphasise individual voter rights to the same extent as those that applied in European seats. The general election of 1914 was held in December of that year. Buck, the sitting member, did not contest the seat, deciding instead to stand in the Bay of Islands European electorate, where he was narrowly defeated. 44 (As a half caste, Buck was able to stand in both Maori and European seats.) Taurekareka (Tau) Henare, who affiliated closely to the Ngati Hine sub tribe 44 M.P.K. Sorrenson, Buck, Peter Henry, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 6 January URL: 33

34 of Ngapuhi, won the Northern Maori seat, which had been contested by nine candidates, with a total of 3,922 votes being polled. 45 Henare secured 176 votes more than his closest rival, Hemi Te Paa. 46 He had stood as an independent candidate and, following the election, found himself holding the balance of power between the sitting Reform Government and the Opposition. 47 (According to the Northern Advocate, this situation provided evidence of the rottenness of the party system and the absurdity of the special Maori franchise. 48 ) On 12 January 1915, it was reported that Henare had yet to decide which party he would align with. A meeting of chiefs had been called to advise the newly elected MP, but they were unable to reach a decision. Henare believed that he was therefore free to choose his own course. 49 Image 1: Taurekareka (Tau) Henare, 1929 (SP Andrew, reference 1/ F, ATL) 45 Northern Advocate, 3 March 1915, p5. Robin C. McConnell, Henare, Taurekareka, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 6 January URL: 46 Northern Advocate, 4 March 1915, p4. Northern Advocate, 5 March 1915, p5. 47 Northern Advocate, 22 December 1914, p4. Stirling notes that the Maori seats were critical to the delicate balance of power that existed during the First World War. Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Northern Advocate, 22 December 1914, p4. 49 Northern Advocate, 12 January 1915, p4. 34

35 On 18 January 1915, before Henare had declared his allegiance, a petition concerning the election result was lodged under the Legislature Act by Maera Kuao and Nau Paraone Kawiti. 50 Kawiti, who lived in Whangarei, had been one of the unsuccessful candidates, having polled fourth, 223 votes behind Henare. 51 Calling for the result to be declared invalid, the petition alleged that there had been deficiencies in the polling process. On 3 and 4 March 1915, a hearing of evidence relating to the petition was heard before two Judges at Whangarei. The petitioners, Henare, and the Returning Officer were all represented by legal counsel. After the evidence had concluded, the petition was dismissed. The motivations that underlay the petition were then briefly discussed. Henare claimed that in early January he had been approached by Kawiti and another individual, who stated that moves to lodge a petition would not proceed if Henare agreed to support the Liberalled Opposition. 52 Henare refused to offer this support and in the end aligned with the Massey-led Reform Government. Leaving aside the outcome of the petition and the reasons why it was lodged, the evidence presented during the hearing provides details on serious shortcomings in the handling of polling in the Northern Maori electorate in The petition made the following allegations: 1. booths were not available at Te Horo and Karakanui, though both places had been designated polling places; 2. voting papers were not issued to electors; 3. during polling, electors entered polling places in greater numbers than one at a time, contrary to the Legislature Act; 4. electors did not present voting papers, none having been issued; and, 5. at many places, especially at Rakawhai and Great Barrier Island, the Returning Officer did not keep the polling places open for the period required by the Act. When the hearing opened, the solicitor representing the petitioners withdrew points 2, 3, and 4 without explanation and asked that an amendment to the petition be accepted. The amendment included two further points: 1. a booth was also not available at Motukaraka, though this place like Te Horo and Karakanui had been designated a polling place; and 2. that polling was undertaken at Pakotai, though this place had not been designated a polling place Northern Advocate, 19 January 1915, p5. 51 Northern Advocate, 5 March 1915, p5. 52 Northern Advocate, 5 March 1915, p5. 53 Northern Advocate, 3 March 1915, p5. The petitioners solicitor claimed that the Deputy Returning Officer who had been appointed to take the poll at Te Horo had instead taken it at Pakotai. 35

36 The request for an amendment to the petition was, however, rejected on the grounds that it introduced new particulars, which was contrary to the statutory provisions under which the hearing was held. 54 The first witness to give evidence was the Northern Maori electorate s Returning Officer, H.R. Hulme, who stated during cross examination that there had been 92 polling stations throughout the electorate. 55 Several other witnesses were also called. The evidence that was presented focussed on the failure to provide polling booths at Te Horo and Karakanui. The absence of booths at these two places was not contested. Rather, the questioning looked to establish the number of people who had been unable to vote at Te Horo and Karakanui and who these people would have supported if they had been able to vote. 56 Evidence presented at the 1915 hearing indicated that it would have been difficult for people at Te Horo and Karakanui to reach booths located elsewhere. In justifying their dismissal of the petition, the judges considered that there did not appear to be reasonable grounds to believe that the result would have been different if the polling booths at Te Horo and Karakanui had been open. (This approach, it was explained, was consistent with that taken during an earlier case that concerned the Western Maori electorate.) Based on the evidence heard, the judges settled on an estimate that 162 people at Te Horo had been unable to vote. With regard to Karakanui, it was accepted that 53 people had been unable to vote. The judges considered, on the basis of the witness evidence, that Henare was the most widely supported candidate at Te Horo and that Te Paa was the favoured candidate at Karakanui. They calculated that, for the election result to have been different, 85 per cent of those who could not access polling booths at the two places would have had to have cast a vote, and all these votes would have had to have been against Henare. One of the judges admitted, however, that the outcome of the petition may have been different if the amendments proposed at the beginning of the hearing had been accepted. 57 Following the dismissal of the petition, the Northern Advocate discussed the case in an editorial piece that called for the abolition of the Maori seats. 54 Northern Advocate, 4 March 1915, p4. 55 Northern Advocate, 3 March 1915, p5. 56 Northern Advocate, 3 March 1915, p5. Northern Advocate, 4 March 1915, p4. 57 Northern Advocate, 5 March 1915, p5. Judgment of the Election Court in case of Kawiti and Kuao (petitioners) and Henare (respondent), undated, AEBE LE /131 (2), Accounts and Papers VI Schedule of Accounts and Papers laid upon the table Session 1915 Election, General, 1914, Northern Maori electoral district, petition, certificate, etc, , ANZ Wellington. 36

37 Expressing the view that the petition had been lodged only because Henare held the balance of power, the editorial commented that: Everyone knew previously that the process of Parliamentary polling in vogue amongst the Maoris was a very different and haphazard sort of affair, quite undeserving the designation of system, but it has remained for this inquiry to reveal a greater degree of inconsequence and laxity than could have been supposed. This we may infer has been the case all along with all four of the Maori electoral districts, though it has been passed over as a matter of little moment since the main principle of Maori representation was observed, made little if any difference to State polity, and had no material effect on the organisation by which the various departments of government are combined into a systematic whole. 58 The editorial suggested that the different methods of polling in European and Maori electorates reflected educational differences and had arisen at a time when the Maori could not be expected to have any notion of European methods. These differences, it was asserted, would eventually disappear. Expressing strong opposition to separate Maori representation, the editorial questioned whether the time had come for Maori to be either absorbed into the political economy of the country or cut adrift altogether from participation in the Dominion s governance. 59 The road to reform, After prevailing in the 1914 contest, Henare went on to represent the Northern Maori electorate for many years, holding the seat until 1938, when he was eventually defeated by the Ratana-Labour candidate, Paraire Paikea. According to his biographers, Henare spoke relatively little during debates in the House and when he did he preferred to use Te Reo, speaking through an interpreter. 60 In May 1916, during debate of the Military Service Bill, Henare explained his position on use of Te Reo in the House. Before commenting on the Bill, he called for an interpreter and stated that, while he could perhaps express his ideas in English as well as some members, I think it is my duty to recognise that I am a Maori representative. 61 At the same time, Maori MPs who were entirely fluent in English faced some pressure from other MPs to speak only in English. In 1913, when Apirana Ngata spoke in Te Reo without an interpreter present (in order to obstruct business), Prime Minister William Massey expressed the view that Maori 58 Northern Advocate, 5 March 1915, p4. 59 Northern Advocate, 5 March 1915, p4. 60 McConnell, Henare, Taurekareka. URL: 61 NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p

38 such as Ngata should be compelled to use English in the House. The Speaker, however, ruled that Ngata had the right to ask for an interpreter, but should not speak in the absence of one. 62 As detailed above, early efforts to reform the Maori voting system focussed on the absence of voter registration, with a 1905 Electoral Bill having initially provided for the registration of Maori voters. Almost a decade later, the Legislature Amendment Act 1914 provided for the preparation of Maori rolls, with registration to begin immediately on completion of the 1914 general election. 63 Preliminary rolls were compiled based on information collected from voters in that election, but the intervention of war meant postponement of the 1917 election and of any further work on Maori rolls. This work resumed after the war s end, and in early 1919 officials still intended to complete Maori enrolment in time for the December election. The rolls were checked to remove the names of deceased persons, publicity posters were put up in post offices, and copies of the rolls made available for inspection. 64 However, the four Maori MPs Henare, Ngata, Maui Pomare (Western), and Hopere Uru (Southern) approached Prime Minister Massey to express concerns that many Maori would be disenfranchised due to the low number of enrolments. 65 Legislation was rushed through parliament a month ahead of the 1919 election, suspending the 1914 enrolment provisions and enabling Maori elections to be held in the same manner as they had been held up to the present time. 66 The suspension applied to the 1919 general election only. The Electoral Office continued with the process of enrolling Maori voters, but in July 1920 James Hislop, the Chief Electoral Officer, raised concerns about the small number of registrations completed. 67 In a memo to Prime Minister Massey, he noted that only 796 Maori were enrolled, 303 of these being in the Northern Maori electorate. Hislop recommended that a system 62 Parliament in Te Reo, NZ History website, accessed 5 November URL: 63 Section 25, Legislature Amendment Act Hislop, Chief Electoral Officer, to Prime Minister, 19 July 1920, ADOR EL /5/3, Maori Elections Maoris Electoral Registration of Arrangements for Enrolment General File Regarding Policy, , ANZ Wellington; Chief Electoral Officer to The Secretary, General Post Office, 27 August 1919, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 65 NZPD 1919, vol. 185, p544, Maori Representation Act William Massey in NZPD, 1919, vol. 185, p Memorandum to Four Maori Registrars of Electors, 19 July 1920, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington; Chief Electoral Officer to The Secretary, General Post Office, 28 October 1919, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 38

39 of compulsory registration be introduced. 68 In October 1920 he informed Massey that, due to the incomplete state of the rolls, the 1919 Act suspending Maori enrolment should be extended. 69 Accordingly, the law was further amended so that the Maori enrolment provisions could only come into effect on a date to be appointed by the Governor-General by Proclamation in other words at the discretion of the government of the day. 70 The Deputy Chief Electoral officer proposed that, as registration was to be made compulsory in European electorates (although this was delayed until 1924), it should also be compulsory in Maori electorates after the next general election. He suggested to Hislop that he should seek the views of the Attorney General, Sir Francis Dillon Bell. Bell decided that the present system of Maori Election should stand for the time being. 71 During the 1920s, with steps to introduce voter registration for Maori having stalled, changes to electoral law introduced other significant differences to the Maori and European voting systems. In 1924, parliament allowed European voters to vote at booths outside of their electorate, but did not extend this right to Maori. 72 At the same time, registration on the electoral roll became compulsory in European electorates. 73 In 1927, postal voting was introduced for those who were not able to be near a polling booth on election day. Again, this right was not extended to Maori. 74 ] In 1924, the Labour Party revived the issue of Maori electoral reform when Labour and Maori representatives met to discuss ways to increase Maori support for Labour. One suggested option was the compilation of a Maori electoral roll. 75 As detailed in chapter two, this meeting led to the formation of a national committee of Maori representatives, which presented Maori concerns to Labour s 1925 annual conference. (Ripi Wihongi represented Ngapuhi on the committee. 76 ) At the annual conference, members of the Maori committee contributed to a subcommittee that compiled a policy 68 Hislop, Chief Electoral Officer, to Prime Minister, 19 July 1920, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 69 Hislop to Prime Minister, 1 October 1920, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 70 Section 2, Legislature Amendment Act This provision was incorporated as section 196 of a consolidated Electoral Act in Deputy Chief Electoral Officer to Chief Electoral Officer (and note of Bell s response), 21 June 1921, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 71 Hislop to Prime Minister, 1 October 1920, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 72 Section 13, Legislature Amendment Act Sections 2-3, Legislature Amendment Act Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, pp Claudia Orange, A Kind of Equality: Labour and the Maori People, M.A. thesis, University of Auckland, 1977, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p30, 34. Wihongi stood as an unofficial Labour candidate for Northern Maori in

40 document later endorsed as the basis for Labour s Maori policy. 77 The subcommittee recommended electoral reform as one of four main policy planks. In particular it recommended the compilation of a Maori roll and that the Maori election be held on the same day as European voting. 78 Labour reconfirmed these policies ahead of the 1928 election. 79 From the mid-1920s, as discussed in chapter two, Labour began exploring the possibility of a closer association with the burgeoning Ratana political movement, with the Party and Ratana appearing to have similar social aims. According to Atkinson, the Ratana movement saw secret voting as the key to eradicating chiefly influence over voters. 80 In the early 1930s, both Labour leader Harry Holland and the Ratana MP for Southern Maori, Eruera Tirikatene, pushed for Maori electoral reform. (Tirikatene, who entered parliament in 1932, had personal reasons for being suspicious of the voting system. In 1928, he lost to Tuiti Makitanara in 1928 on the casting vote of the Pakeha returning officer after votes were tied. 81 ) In 1931, Holland pushed without success for the same scrutineer rules to apply in Maori and European electorates. 82 In 1932 he put forward an amendment Bill to bring Maori polling more into line with the pakeha practice, but the proposal was thrown out. 83 In his maiden speech, Tirikatene suggested that allowing scrutineers in Maori polling booths might reduce the possibilities for error and fraud. 84 One obstacle to Maori electoral reform appears to have been the attitude of electoral officials, who invariably advised Ministers of the impracticality of Maori voter registration whenever the issue was raised. In 1934, for example, Chief Electoral Officer Gilbert Hodgkins identified what he regarded as the low level of Maori education as an obstacle to effective registration, and Native Minister Ngata agreed. 85 The election of a Labour government in 1935 encouraged Tirikatene to raise the electoral issue again. In August 1936, he told parliament that the time had arrived for the cancellation of the farcical system adopted in the election of Maori representatives. 86 He asked Finance Minister Walter Nash whether the government, using the 77 Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality Appendix 1, p Orange, Mawhete, Rangiputangatahi, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 April URL: 80 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p NZPD, 1931, vol. 230, p Referred to by Tirikatene in NZPD 1932, vol. 233, p NZPD, 1932, vol. 233, p Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p NZPD, 1936, vol. 246, p

41 statutory powers available, had done anything towards preparing Maori rolls. In response, Nash said that the matter had been discussed. If it could be done and he was sure it could steps would be taken for the preparation of rolls in time for the next general election. 87 In October 1936, a three-day Maori Labour conference in Wellington attracted some 200 delegates. 88 The conference report included a section headed Maori Representation, which stated that the existing law was one of the most unjust laws every placed on the Statue Book of this Dominion. It recommended a variety of reforms, including an increase in the number of Maori MPs from four to six, Maori voters rolls with compulsory registration, Maori and European elections to take place on the same day, and scrutineers to be appointed on the same basis as in European electorates. 89 By this time, Tirikatene had been joined in parliament by a second Ratana MP, Haami Ratana, who won the Western Maori seat in the 1935 election. In 1938, they were joined by Paraire Paikea, who defeated Henare in Northern Maori. Use of Te Reo in the House became more of an issue following the election of the Ratana MPs in the 1930s. Though all were fluent in English, these MPs also sought to speak Te Reo. They were permitted to do so, providing that what they said was brief and they gave an immediate translation. 90 It would seem that, by this time, translation services were no longer available. During his maiden speech, Paikea commented positively on the introduction of radio broadcasting of parliament, which had begun in March 1936, soon after Labour had taken power. 91 Paikea stated that, as the Northern Maori electorate was very large and that many people lived in remote places, his constituents were grateful to be able to use the radio to follow their representatives in parliament a privilege to which I think they are entitled. 92 However, though the Maori MPs spoke occasionally in Te Reo, English overwhelming dominated proceedings and there was no translation into Maori for those listeners whose fluency in English was limited. 87 NZPD, 1936, vol 246, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, Appendix 3, pp Parliament in Te Reo, NZ History website, accessed 5 November URL: 91 First radio broadcast of parliament, New Zealand History website, accessed 18 December URL: 92 NZPD, 1939, vol. 254, p

42 The Secret Ballot, 1937 In 1937, the Government introduced a Bill to reform aspects of the voting system. Though the 1936 Maori Labour conference report had said nothing about secret voting, the Bill proposed to bring in the secret ballot for Maori, with voting papers to be printed in both English and Maori. 93 The Bill also provided for scrutineers to oversee the electoral process in Maori electorates, as requested by the 1936 conference. 94 In addition, the closing time of the polls was to be extended from 4 to 5 pm (still two hours earlier than in European electorates). 95 However, as Attorney General Rex Mason noted when introducing the Bill, nothing was to be done about the promised Maori roll. He stated that there were certain practical difficulties about the formation of the roll, which made change at that time inadvisable. 96 Mason did not elaborate on the nature of the practical difficulties. Frank Langstone, Minister of Lands (and, by this time, increasingly responsible for Maori policy), informed the House that at the next election, prior to voting, Maori electors would make a declaration that they are entitled to vote, and from those declarations a Maori roll will be compiled. 97 However, there seems to be no evidence that this was in fact the Government s intention, and nothing along these lines appears to have happened. As Mason indicated, the government was dealing with the Maori voting issue on a stepby-step basis. 98 This first step offered partial reform of a system that according to Mason was considered by Maori to be one that treated them as children and inferiors. 99 The 1937 Electoral Amendment Bill was approved by the Native Affairs Committee without change. 100 In the House, however, not all the Maori MPs gave their wholehearted support to the secret ballot. Before the Bill had its second reading, Tau Henare conveyed his views to fellow opposition member and former Native Affairs Minister, Kaipara MP Gordon Coates. (Henare, as noted earlier, rarely spoke in the House.) Coates told the House that there was some concern in the Northern Maori District as to whether Maori would understand the voting paper instructions. He explained that the Maori member for the district, Henare, considered that only about 40 per cent of 93 Section 3(4-6), Electoral Amendment Act Section 5(a), Electoral Amendment Act Section 4(a), Electoral Amendment Act NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p839. Richard Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown- Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, , p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p AJHR, , I-3, p7. 42

43 the Maori electors in the district would be able to follow the written instructions. 101 Apirana Ngata expressed a similar view, predicting that at the next election there will be a very large number of informal votes. 102 (These are votes where the correct procedure of marking ballot papers has not been followed.) Ngata viewed the proposed reform within the context of on-going changes to Maori society and its relationship with the government. He characterised the secret ballot as a step towards equality for Maori, of which the next stage would be the compilation of a Maori roll. Ngata sought (and received) an assurance that, once a Maori roll was in place, the government would not move to combine the Maori and European rolls and abolish separate Maori representation altogether. 103 Ngata said that in the past, Maori elections had been influenced by the views of tribal leaders. The secret ballot was supported by a large minority opposed to those (such as himself) elected under the traditional system. 104 Ngata commented that the proposed measure reflected a view that the proper method, or what the pakeha says is the proper democratic method, is to count heads. 105 The Maori relationship with the government was being put onto a more individual rather than a tribal or hapu basis, something that Ngata was not entirely comfortable with. Unsurprisingly, Western Maori MP Haami Ratana strongly supported the Bill. The pan-tribal Ratana political movement aimed to reduce the influence of the traditional tribal leadership, and the Bill (as Ngata had noted) was a step in that direction. Ratana rebuffed claims from other members that there was little Maori support for the measure, saying that Maori had been airing their grievances about the voting system ever since Labour came to power. 106 The Electoral Amendment Bill 1937 was passed by the House with minimal change, and officials appear to have done their utmost to try and ensure that the new secret ballot worked well. They ran a publicity campaign using leaflets, posters and radio broadcasts to explain the new system to Maori voters in the run-up to the 1938 election. In the event, the secret ballot proved highly successful. Concerns that voters would be unable to follow the written instructions proved incorrect. The proportion of invalid Maori voting papers, while higher than in the European electorates, was only about NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p NZPD, 1937, vol. 249, p

44 per cent. 107 Tirikatene commented on this fact in parliament the following year: We were given the right to a secret ballot for the first time, and the results show that that decision was amply justified. 108 Significantly, the 1938 election saw the number of Maori votes increase by 18 per cent compared with In Northern Maori, there was a 13 per cent rise, with the number of votes increasing from 6705 to The introduction of the secret ballot may have contributed to this as the new system possibly encouraged participation from individuals who had previously not voted. The growth in Maori support for the Labour Party is also likely to have been a relevant factor. As discussed in chapter two, organisational efforts undertaken after the 1935 election and the establishment of a formal alliance between Labour and Ratana saw Maori membership of the Party grow considerably. This development was no doubt at least partly responsible for the higher Maori voter turnout in As noted above, the election saw long-serving Henare lose Northern Maori to the Ratana-Labour candidate Paikea. In the Eastern Maori electorate, Ngata held on in 1938 only because Labour and Ratana put up separate candidates. Ngata was defeated in the next election in 1943, after 38 years in parliament. 110 In little more than a decade, the conservative parties lost their grip on the Maori seats in favour of Ratana and Labour, and the secret ballot was part of this story. Enrolment revisited, Tirikatene saw the 1937 reforms as a significant step. Referring to the guarantee of equality set out in article three, he told parliament that the granting of the secret vote to the Maori is in accordance with the rights given to the Maori under the Treaty of Waitangi. 111 However, Tirikatene also acknowledged that the issue of the Maori roll had not yet been dealt with. The government raised the issue of Maori enrolment with officials in 1939, but Chief Electoral Officer Hodgkins argued that it was unwise to confuse Maori voters with too many changes at once. 112 Also in 1939, the issue of Maori voting was discussed at the Labour Party s annual conference. The conference recommended that the question of holding the Maori elections on the day of the General Election should be referred to the Maori Advisory Council of the Labour Party. 113 The war then intervened, making further 107 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p149. See also Atkinson s footnote NZPD, 1939, vol. 254, p Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, pp Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p NZPD, 1939, vol. 254, p Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, pp Evening Post, 14 April 1939, p11. 44

45 significant changes to electoral law a low priority. There was, however, a minor amendment in 1941 that extended the absentee and postal voting provisions in the Electoral Act to Maori. 114 By 1944, National MPs were calling for Maori enrolment. In September the members for Marsden and Kaipara claimed there had been electoral irregularities in Northland due to the lack of a Maori roll. The Marsden representative, Murdoch, told the House that many irregularities occurred and that some Maori, who had no right to be on the European roll, voted in both the European and Maori election. 115 Tapihana Paikea, the new member for Northern Maori, supported the call for preparation of a Maori roll, but doubted that change could be implemented before the next election. 116 (Tapihana Paikea was elected in the 1943 general election, succeeding his father, Paraire Paikea, who died in April 1943.) In reply, the Prime Minister stated that a Maori roll would be of benefit to all, though he believed that the compilation process would involve technical difficulties, including whether European or Maori blood predominated. However, he thought that with the growing pride of race, culture, and hope for the future the whole tendency would be for all Maoris to get their names on to the Native roll. 117 In November 1944, with the government again considering the issue of Maori enrolment, the Chief Electoral Officer was prompted to prepare a memo for the Prime Minister that raised yet another difficulty the problem of putting Maori names in alphabetical order so they could be found on the roll. He concluded that the adoption of a Maori roll would inflict upon the Maori a complex registration system with a multitude of forms that the majority of them would have difficulty understanding. 118 The government was not deterred, but it first aimed to deal with another electoral issue that Labour had put on the back burner the country quota. The Electoral Amendment Act 1945 abolished the country quota, which since the 1880s had favoured country dwellers by making rural electorates smaller in population than urban ones. The 1945 Act also made changes to the Representation Commission and the way electoral boundaries were 114 Section 16, Statutes Amendment Act This omnibus Bill went through the lower house without discussion, except in committee. The Bill provoked discussion in the Legislative Council due to its proposal to allow women to be appointed to the Legislative Council. 115 NZPD, 1944, vol. 266, p NZPD, 1944, vol. 266, p Evening Post, 15 September 1944, p Chief Electoral Officer to Prime Minister, 13 November 1944, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 45

46 determined. 119 These reforms further delayed work on preparing a Maori roll. Electoral officials instead became thoroughly immersed in implementing the significant boundary revisions needed before the 1946 election. 120 However, shortly after that election, the Prime Minister met with the four Maori members and promised them that the Justice Department would go ahead with compiling a Maori electoral roll. 121 Tiaki Omana, who defeated Ngata in the 1943 election, told Parliament in 1947 that when the next general election comes, we shall have that roll and it shall be used. 122 A few months later, Deputy Prime Minister Walter Nash told the House that preliminary work towards the preparation of a Maori roll was under way, although it might take a year or so before the roll was completed. 123 As Maori voter registration was supported by both National and Labour, the two parties co-operated on the issue. Although the government could, under the existing Act, provide for Maori registration by proclamation, the Chief Electoral Officer advised that legislation was preferable. 124 Prime Minister Fraser asked officials to consult with the Opposition on the legislation. There were several untidy matters in the Electoral Act that needed clarifying, including confusion over the status of half-castes (an issue that had been highlighted by an electoral petition in Raglan following the 1946 election). 125 It was decided that the rolls should be based on declaration forms used by Maori voters in The Electoral Amendment Act 1948 determined that this task would be carried out centrally by the Electoral Office rather than regionally. 127 The Act did not repeal the clauses providing for Maori to vote by declaration, so any Maori not on the roll could therefore still vote if they met the qualification criteria in the Act. 128 Tirikatene successfully proposed that government employees in contact with Maori communities, in particular the Maori Affairs Department s Welfare Officers, be used to help recruit enrolees in time for the 1949 election. 129 A December 1948 memo from the 119 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, pp Atkinson suggests that Labour was keen to move quickly on the country quota before the 1946 election, which it risked losing due to loss of support in rural seats. 120 Omana in NZPD, 1947, vol. 276, p Omana in NZPD, 1947, vol. 276, p NZPD, 1947, vol. 276, p NZPD, 1947, vol. 278, p Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, 2003, p Section 3, Electoral Amendment Act Second Schedule, Electoral Amendment Act Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, 2003, p160 46

47 Chief Electoral Officer to the Welfare Officers indicates that they were heavily involved in the registration process. 130 A general election was required by late 1949, but that was not the first time the new Maori rolls were used. On 9 March, New Zealand had a national referendum on whether to allow totaliser betting at horse race meetings, and for the first time Maori were to participate. 131 Although incomplete Maori rolls were used, 21,786 Maori votes were recorded, including 5332 in Northern Maori. 132 A referendum on the hours of sale of liquor was held on the same day, also with Maori participation. 133 Electoral office files do not indicate whether there were any problems with the vote. The road to compulsory registration, Though the process of Maori enrolment for the November 1949 general election went smoothly, officials expressed concern that problems with Maori names might cause difficulties during voting. 134 However, there was no indication after the election that these problems were realised. The annual report of the Electoral Office made no mention of any difficulties during voting in the Maori seats, noting generally that from an administrative point of view the general election and licensing poll were well conducted. 135 By the time of the 1949 election, 34,896 Maori were enrolled and 38,084 valid votes were recorded, indicating that significant numbers of Maori had voted without being enrolled. In addition, 665 informal votes were recorded. 136 In Northern Maori, 8697 Maori were enrolled and 9776 valid votes were recorded. The 127 informal votes recorded in Northern Maori amounted to about 1.3 per cent of total votes. 137 As had become customary, the 1949 Maori election was held the day before the European election. However, in 1950 Parliament legislated to ensure that every election would be held on a Saturday and that Maori and non-maori 130 Chief Electoral Officer to Maori Welfare Officers, 3 December 1948, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 131 Sections 2-4, Gaming Poll Act New Zealand Gazette, 31 March 1949, p New Zealand Gazette, 31 March 1949, p Chief Electoral Officer to Prime Minister, 10 June 1949, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington; Under Secretary of Native Affairs to Chief Electoral Officer, 4 October 1949, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington; Under Secretary of Native Affairs to Chief Electoral Officer, 14 November 1949, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington; Chief Electoral Officer to Under Secretary of Native Affairs, 9 November 1949, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 135 AJHR, 1950, H-22, p34. The Electoral Office was part of the Department of Internal Affairs at the time. 136 Figures calculated from AJHR 1950, H-33, p Figures calculated from AJHR 1950, H-33, p8. 47

48 would vote on the same day. 138 The following year, in July, the government called a snap election. 139 Given the lack of time, an amendment Act was hurried through parliament to ensure that the 1949 electoral rolls could be used in 1951, supplemented by new enrolments and deletions since then. The 1951 amendment also changed the closing time for polling in Maori electorates to 7 pm, the same as in European electorates. 140 The 1951 snap election was thus the first in which Maori and Pakeha voted on the same day, and over the same hours. Maori Affairs Department Welfare Officers played a significant part in the registration and voting process in Officials therefore planned for the ongoing involvement of these officers in the enrolment process. This was considered particularly important because the process of cleansing the rolls by mailing everyone on the Maori roll was not working well. Officials considered that door-to-door canvassing was required. 141 Planning for Maori Affairs involvement continued during 1951, but the calling of a snap election meant the process was incomplete. 142 The total number of Maori on the rolls in 1951 was 12.9 per cent higher than in 1949 (and 14.1 per cent higher in Northern Maori), but the Justice Department admitted the figure was unreliable. 143 First, in common with the European roll, the cleansing process by which everyone on the roll was sent a form to confirm their address and other details was never completed. Thus, an unknown number of people were incorrectly on the rolls. 144 In addition, the 1951 Maori roll was based on the 1949 roll, which itself was incomplete. Despite concerns about the state of the rolls, Maori Affairs Minister Ernest Corbett refused to allow his staff to be involved in canvassing work for the 1954 enrolment process. His unwillingness to allow officials to participate arose from concerns that they were promoting support for the Opposition, while National had little chance of winning the Maori electorates because of the dominance of the Ratana candidates. In a sharply-worded memo to acting Justice Minister Jack Marshall, Corbett 138 Sections 4-5, Electoral Amendment Act Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, 2003, p Sections 2-3, Electoral Amendment Act Chief Electoral Officer to Acting Secretary for Justice, 15 December 1950, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington; Secretary for Justice to Registrar-General, 15 March 1951, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington; Deputy Chief Electoral Officer to Secretary for Justice, 20 April 1951, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 142 See, for example, Chief Electoral Officer to Maori Welfare Officers, 17 July 1951, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 143 AJHR, 1952, H-20, p21. AJHR, 1952, H-33, p AJHR, 1952, H-20, p21. 48

49 expressed the view that the enrolment work should be undertaken by the political organisations concerned. He commented that: Five years has elapsed since the Maori Electoral Rolls were fully established and there should be no need for departmental officers to be actively engaged in this matter. It was previously reported to me that when Welfare Officers were engaged in this work that their enthusiasm went further than the business of enrolling electors and took the form of political propaganda. 145 Marshall promptly cancelled any Maori Affairs involvement. 146 The Secretary for Justice agreed that some of these officers did not comport themselves properly in 1949, although there is no evidence for this on file. 147 Despite the lack of Maori Affairs involvement, new cleansed rolls were prepared for the 1954 election, with 153,157 names removed nation-wide during the initial enrolment period. However, once the supplementary rolls closed, the number of Maori enrolled had actually increased to 40,555, a rise of over 1000 voters (although there was a small decline in enrolments in Northern Maori). 148 In the 1954 election, 8246 unenrolled Maori voted, as they were entitled to do under the legislation. 149 In 1955, an internal Electoral Office memo estimated the number of non-registered Maori to be over 10,000, noting that this was an unsatisfactory situation. Attempts to chase up nonregistered voters resulted in a disappointing response. 150 The number of non-registered Maori voters in 1954 encouraged the government to make Maori registration compulsory, as it had been for non- Maori voters since The government introduced compulsory Maori registration in the Electoral Act The new Act eliminated the provisions allowing non-registered Maori to vote by declaration. The electoral office prepared completely new Maori rolls for the 1957 election under the 1956 Act. This process proved to be difficult and, with just six weeks to go, barely half the enrolment cards had come in despite a press and radio campaign. The Chief Electoral Officer therefore asked Justice Minister 145 E.B. Corbett to Acting Minister of Justice, 7 September 1954, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 146 J.R. Marshall to Secretary for Justice, 8 September 1954, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 147 Secretary for Justice to Deputy Chief Electoral Officer, 15 September 1954, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 148 AJHR, 1952, H-20, p21. AJHR, 1952, H-33, p8. AJHR, 1955, H-20, p30. AJHR, 1955, H- 33, p10. Different figures for Maori enrolments are given in the two 1955 reports. The H-33 figure has been used, as this is repeated in AJHR, 1958, H-2, p AJHR, 1955, H-20 p Indifference of Maori Electors, 16 March 1955, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 151 Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p Section 43, Electoral Act

50 Marshall to take up the matter of using Maori Affairs Welfare Officers with the Minister of Maori Affairs. 153 Corbett again refused, firmly stating that: This action would be interpreted as the Department of Maori Affairs taking active part in politics. 154 As a result, by the time the main rolls closed on 31 July 1957, only 30,987 Maori were registered, 5,609 fewer than at the same stage in However, registrations flowed in after that date, and by the time the supplementary rolls closed on 30 October 1957, Maori registrations totalled 42,639, over 2000 more than in The 1956 Act allowed people whose names were not on the roll to vote under certain circumstances, such as those who applied to enrol after the supplementary rolls had closed. The option of casting a special vote was also available to those not enrolled. 156 In the 1957 general election, 1115 Maori were allowed to vote, despite not being on the rolls, and 3697 special votes were cast in Maori electorates. 157 These figures were well down on the 8246 non-enrolled Maori who voted in 1954, indicating that compulsory enrolment was successful to some extent. Just under two per cent of Maori votes in 1957 were informal, compared with 0.44 per cent of European votes. 158 The total number of Maori votes recorded in 1957 actually fell slightly to 36,808, and would not increase significantly until the 1980s. 159 As the Royal Commission on the Electoral System noted in 1986, the Labour Party s hold on the four Maori seats from 1943 until the 1980s probably discouraged voting. 160 Another feature of the 1956 Act, which marked a significant disparity between the Maori and European electoral systems, was that the entire Maori system of representation was excluded from the entrenched provisions of the Act. This meant that all of the provisions of the Act that concerned Maori representation could be repealed by a simple majority of the House, whereas the provisions relating to the European seats required the support of 75 per cent of all members or a majority in a national referendum. 161 Ranginui Walker has described this aspect of the 1956 Act as perhaps the 153 Chief Electoral Officer to Hon the Minister, 13 June 1957, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 154 Corbett to Minister of Justice, 26 June 1957, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 155 AJHR, 1958, H-20, p Sections , Electoral Act AJHR, 1958, H-33, p AJHR, 1958, H-33, p AJHR, 1958, H-33, p50; Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, Appendix 7, p Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System 1986, para 3.44, p92. URL: Section 189, Electoral Act

51 most discriminatory measure of all in the application of the law to Maori representation. 162 The Electoral Act 1993, which introduced the mixed member proportional (MMP) system of government, continued the practice of excluding provisions concerning the Maori voting system from the entrenched provisions of New Zealand electoral law. 163 Redefinition of electorate boundaries, 1954 In 1954, as noted earlier, the boundaries of the Maori electorates were subject to a major review, ahead of the general election of that year. The review was undertaken to make the four electorates more equal in terms of their total populations. As shown in Figure 2, it resulted in no change to the boundary of the Northern Maori electorate, but saw significant changes to the boundaries of the Western, Eastern, and Southern Maori electorates. As discussed earlier, the process of revising boundaries was undertaken much more frequently for the European seats, where it was carried out after every five-yearly census. It is also evident that when the boundaries of the Maori electorates were reviewed a much higher difference between electoral populations was tolerated in comparison to the European electorates. Following the 1954 boundary revision, the 1956 census provided the following approximate Maori population totals for each Maori electorate: Northern (32,666), Western (39,317), Eastern (39,357), and Southern (25,556). 164 The population range within the four electorates lay between Eastern Maori (the highest) and Southern Maori (the lowest). The Eastern Maori total was 14.6 percent higher than the mean electorate population, while that of Southern Maori was 26.6 percent below. 165 By comparison, the European electorates in 1956 were required to be within five percent of an electoral mean of 26,200. (The largest variations from this mean were Riccarton (24,976) and New Plymouth (27,552).) It was not until 1981 that the Representation Commission was given the authority to redraw the Maori electorates in accordance with the rule that applied for the General electorates that is, each electorate was to contain an equal number of the Maori electoral population, subject to a tolerance level of five percent Walker, The Maori People: Their Political Development, p Section 268, Electoral Act The definition of Maori used in this census data was the same as that used in electoral law any person of half or more Maori descent. Alan McRobie, New Zealand Electoral Atlas, Wellington: GP Books, p Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p16. 51

52 Wilson notes, however, that a more serious disadvantage was the inequitable manner in which European and Maori electoral populations were calculated. From 1950, the electoral population for the European seats included all non- Maori and their children, and also the children of Maori. The Maori electoral population was based only on Maori people of voting age. 167 This method of calculating electoral populations became an issue particularly after 1965, when, as detailed below, a change in electoral law enabled the number of European seats to increase to reflect growth in population. According to Wilson, many Maori voters felt aggrieved at the situation, believing that their children were being used to increase the number of non-maori seats. 168 The law was eventually reformed in 1975, with the Electoral Amendment Act of that year including a provision that required the calculation of the Maori electoral population to include the children of those who chose to vote on the Maori roll. (As detailed below, the 1975 Amendment Act also enabled Maori to enrol on either the Maori or General roll.) Further reform, In 1957, the Justice Department was able to state, with some truth, that the same rules as to qualification, registration, and voting now apply alike to Maoris and Europeans. 169 This opened up possibilities for further reform. In July 1957, Maori Affairs Minister Corbett suggested to Justice Minister Marshall that Maori be allowed to transfer to the European rolls and vote in European electorates. He felt that if Maori took up this option in sufficient numbers, the government would be justified in abolishing the Maori seats. 170 Corbett s suggestion resulted in the Chief Electoral Officer preparing a report on the proposal in He envisaged few difficulties with allowing Maori to register in European seats, but by then a Labour government had been elected whose policy did not support such a reform. There was also no action on demands to increase in the number of Maori seats to six, one of the reforms that the Maori-Labour conference had called for in In their report for the Rohe Potae inquiry, Robinson and Christoffel claim that between 1890 and the late-1930s the four Maori seats gave Maori proportionate representation in parliament. 172 But by the 1930s growth in the Maori population was starting to accelerate, resulting in calls 167 Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p AJHR, 1957, H-20, p Corbett to Minister of Justice, 29 July 1957, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 171 Chief Electoral Officer to Secretary of Justice, 24 October 1958, ADOR EL /5/3, , ANZ Wellington. 172 Helen Robinson and Paul Christoffel, Aspects of Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1886 to 1913, August 2011, Waitangi Tribunal, Wai 898 #A71, pp

53 for additional MPs. By the 1940s, an additional Maori member was justified on the basis of population. An October 1944 conference of the Maori War Effort Organisation, attended by some 400 delegates, renewed calls for more Maori MPs. 173 Despite these demands, successive governments failed to increase the number of Maori seats for several decades. When the high-profile report on Maori Affairs, commonly known as the Hunn Report, was published in 1961, it briefly touched on electoral issues. The report included electoral provisions among those areas where the law differentiated between Maori and Pakeha, and suggested that these might warrant sceptical scrutiny. 174 The new National government led by Keith Holyoake did not take any action on this suggestion or on Corbett s 1957 proposal that Maori should have a choice to go on the European roll. In 1961, Maori Affairs Minister Ralph Hanan told the House that, if there was to be any change in the legislation, the desire and demand for change should come from the Maori people themselves. 175 In 1965, however, parliament changed the electoral law in a way that soon affected Maori representation. The Electoral Amendment Act 1965 ended the freeze on the number of European seats that had been in place since Following each five-yearly census, the number of European seats would increase, providing that population growth in the North Island was faster than that in the South. 176 The 1966 census results came too late for the Representation Commission to increase the number of seats in that year s election. However, the number of European seats increased from 76 to 80 in 1969 and to 83 in The number of Maori seats remained fixed at four, thereby reducing their significance as a proportion of total seats. A further measure, the Electoral Amendment Bill 1967, proposed that Maori be allowed to stand for election in European seats and that Pakeha be able to stand in Maori seats. This amendment was apparently provoked by increasing confusion caused by the definitions used in the Electoral Act The Act continued to utilise the anachronistic term half-caste for a person with one pure Maori parent and one non-maori parent. In defining Maori, it repeated the definition given in the Maori Affairs Act 1953: a person belonging to the aboriginal race of New Zealand; and includes a halfcaste and a person intermediate in blood between half-castes and persons of 173 Ralph Ngatata Love, Policies of Frustration: The Growth of Maori Politics, The Ratana/Labour Era, PhD thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 1977, p J.K. Hunn, Report on Department of Maori Affairs, AJHR, 1961, G-10, pp NZPD, 1961, vol. 323, p Electoral Amendment Act The number of European electorates in the South Island was fixed at 25 under the Act. 53

54 pure descent from that race. 177 European was defined as non-maori. MPs claimed in parliamentary debates that both National and Labour had put forward Maori candidates in European seats in the 1963 general election, presumably on the understanding that these individuals did not fit the definition of Maori in the Electoral Act. 178 This highlighted the risk that successful candidates in both European and Maori seats could be challenged in cases where there was uncertainty about their eligibility with regard to the definitions in the 1956 Act. Opposition members pointed out that the government s proposed solution was the most conservative one possible. Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan told the House that defining Maori on the basis of their identification with a social group was more appropriate. She quoted with approval anthropologist Joan Metge: The census does not give a positive count of the number of persons who are half Maori or more; instead, it give something of far greater significance the number of those who identify themselves as Maoris. In other words, it is a reliable measure of the Maori social group. 179 Northern Maori MP Matiu Rata said the Bill did not go far enough. He called for all eligible Maori to be given the right to choose whether to register on the Maori or European roll. 180 As Keith Sorrenson notes, this was a major shift in Labour Party policy. 181 An important reason for this policy swing was the migration of Maori to urban areas. Rata claimed that, with urbanisation, many Maori were enrolled in European electorates anyway. This choice, he said, should be affirmed in legislation. 182 He pointed out that merely allowing candidates to stand in any electorate did not remove the chance of legal action, which could still be taken on the basis that electors were enrolled in the wrong electorate in terms of the definition of Maori in the Act. 183 Parliament passed the 1967 Act with the support of both sides of the House, and as a result three Maori candidates stood (unsuccessfully) for Labour in European seats in the 1969 election. 184 As outlined above, the number of European seats in parliament increased in 1969 on the basis of the 1966 census, and again in 1972 on the basis of the 177 Sections 2 (definition of Maori ), 25(2), 39(2), 41, 43(3), Electoral Act None of the candidates or seats were named in the debates. 179 Joan Metge quoted by Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan, NZPD, 1967, vol. 354, p NZPD, 1967, vol. 353, pp Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p NZPD, 1967, vol. 353, pp3270, NZPD, 1967, vol. 354, pp NZPD, 1967, vol. 354, p Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, Appendix 6, p81 54

55 1971 census. 185 The Labour Party s 1972 election manifesto noted these increases and promised to restore the balance between the Maori and European seats. 186 The Party won the election with a large majority, and the new Cabinet included Rata as Minister of Maori Affairs the first Maori to hold the position since Ngata resigned in Reiterating Labour s election manifesto, Rata told parliament that he favoured changes to the Electoral Act that would allow the number of Maori seats to increase or decrease with population. 187 This change was introduced in the Electoral Amendment Act 1975, which provided for the number of Maori seats to vary, rather than being fixed at four. 188 The Amendment Act also introduced other important changes. It adopted a new definition of Maori, which was based on that used in the Maori Affairs Amendment Act In this definition, Maori was given to mean a person of the Maori race of New Zealand; and includes any descendent of such a person who elects to be considered as a Maori for the purposes of this Act. 190 (Rata considered that this broader definition recognised social identity rather than administrative convenience. 191 ) The Amendment Act also saw European seats renamed General seats, and all Maori were given the right to choose whether to register on a Maori or a General roll after each census. 192 Although MPs generally assumed that the 1975 Act would result in an extra Maori seat, it made no difference in the short term. In the electoral option exercise following the 1976 census, 145,087 Maori opted for the Maori roll. This figure included the children of those who opted for the Maori roll, as provided for in the 1975 Act. It amounted to only 40 per cent of the Maori population and fell short of the enrolment that was required to provide an additional Maori seat. 193 The possibility of an increase in the number of seats ended after National returned to power in 1975 and, within a year, repealed the provision allowing the number of Maori seats to vary. The number of 185 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, pp The manifesto stated that: Equity demands that the position of the Maori representation should be maintained. To this end the number and distribution of Maori electorates will be determined on the basis of eligible population. New Zealand Labour Party, 1972 Election Manifesto, p NZPD, 1974, vol. 393, p Specifically, the number of Maori electorates could increase depending on the number of Maori enrolled in those electorates. Section 8, Electoral Amendment Act Section 2, Maori Affairs Amendment Act Section 2, Electoral Amendment Act NZPD, 1974, vol. 391, p Sections 4,6, 17, Electoral Amendment Act Sorrenson, A history of Maori representation in parliament, p53. Report of the Representation Commission 1977, AJHR, 1977, H-1, p4. See section 8 of the Electoral Amendment Act 1975 for details of the formula used. 55

56 seats was again fixed at four. 194 However, the other reforms from 1975 remained, including the revised definition of Maori and the ability of Maori voters to switch between the Maori and General roll after each census. Practical difficulties and special votes, At the end of the period covered by this report, in spite of the progress towards removing statutory differences between the two electoral systems, it is evident that Maori voters faced greater practical difficulties than Generalelectorate voters. These difficulties are apparent in the high number of special votes that were cast by Maori, a significant proportion of which were deemed informal and not counted. Special votes are available when a qualified individual is not listed on the electoral roll or is unable to vote at a polling booth dedicated to his/her electorate. For Maori, the higher rate of special votes arose from the fact that ordinary Maori electorate polling booths were relatively thinly spread, which meant that often the most convenient option for Maori voters was to cast a special vote at a general electorate polling booth. McRobie, who examines special vote data for the period from 1972 to 1996, explains that the provision of booths across the geographically large electorates was insufficient when compared with General electorates. 195 In each election held during this period, special votes amounted to a significant proportion of the votes cast in the Maori electorates. In 1972 and 1975, the proportion of special votes was 39.7 and 44.7 per cent respectively. Within European electorates, only 10.1 and 11.7 per cent of votes were cast as specials in these years. 196 The procedure for casting special votes was not as straightforward as that which applied to ordinary votes. It required the accurate completion of a special vote declaration form and was more time consuming, which may have discouraged some electors from voting. 197 Special votes were also more likely than ordinary votes to be disallowed on procedural grounds. In 1972 and 1975, the proportion of Maori special votes disallowed was 58.2 and 61.0 per cent respectively. 198 McRobie presents data that shows that up until 194 Electoral Amendment Act Alan McRobie, What s so Special about Specials?, in Jane Peace and Janet Taylor (eds.), Electoral Research: The Core and the Boundaries, Conference Papers, Research Series, South Australian State Electoral Office, June 2000, p McRobie, What s so Special about Specials?, p Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p18. McRobie, What s so Special about Specials?, p McRobie, What s so Special about Specials?, p46. 56

57 1987 special votes cast in Maori electorates were more likely to be disqualified. 199 The disqualification of special votes meant that a significant proportion of the total votes cast in the Maori electorates were disallowed. In 1969, in the Northern Maori electorate, 2,622 (24.1 per cent) of the 10,866 votes cast were ruled out by the returning officer for a variety of reasons. As a direct consequence of this result, election results subsequently included more detailed analysis of the decisions taken in respect of special votes. 200 It was, however, some years before changes were introduced and the number of Maori special votes declined as well as the proportion of these that were disallowed. Between 1993 and 1999, in recognition of the need to improve services to Maori voters, the number of places where Maori could cast an ordinary vote was more than doubled, increasing from 534 to Developments after 1975 The increase in the number of polling places for voters on the Maori roll is among the electoral developments that have taken place after 1975 and the period covered by this report. In 1986, the Royal Commission on the Electoral System noted that the ability of Maori to choose rolls introduced in the Electoral Amendment Act 1975 split their ranks and greatly diluted their potential electoral impact in General seats. 202 It was not until MMP was introduced in 1993 that the number of Maori seats was able to increase with registration numbers. This reform enabled the number of Maori seats to increase to five for the first MMP election in 1996, and an increase to seven seats in subsequent elections. The new voting system also allowed Maori a party vote, in common with all other voters. In the electoral option process that was conducted in 1994 the Crown again found itself criticised in the administration of Maori electoral processes. The option became the subject of litigation in both the High Court and Court of Appeal. The latter Court found that the Crown s efforts to fund and advertise the option passed the test of reasonableness, but were far from perfect. In his concluding remarks, Justice McGechan thought that the Crown might reconsider the time and resources dedicated to the option. The Electoral Law Select Committee, in its 1996 report on the Maori Electoral Option, 199 McRobie, What s so Special about Specials?, p McRobie, What s so Special about Specials?, pp Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p Report of the Royal Commission on the Electoral System 1986, para 3.66, p98. URL: 57

58 recommended that the option period be extended from two to four months, and the Electoral Act was amended accordingly. 203 Developments concerning the use of Te Reo in parliament have also taken place since In 1985, parliament declared Te Reo an official language, though it was some years before proper recognition was given to this change of status. In 1990, Western Maori MP Koro Wetere caused disquiet when he replied to questions in the House in Maori and refused to supply an immediate translation. The greater use of Maori at formal occasions through the 1990s increased the need for a translation service and in 1997, for the first time in many decades, an interpreter was made available. 204 Local government electoral system Forms of local government In the period covered by this report, the principal form of local government in the Te Raki inquiry district was the county system, which was established in 1876 following the abolition of the provincial governments. 205 The county system remained in place until 1989, when local government in New Zealand was significantly reformed. Though the Counties Act 1876 Act empowered counties to engage in a wide range of activities, their initial focus was on the construction of roads and bridges, reflecting the needs of the Pakeha ratepayers who controlled the bodies. 206 Income from rates met some of the cost of these works, along with government subsidies. Under the Public Works Act 1876, counties were able to compulsorily take land for roads and certain other public works. 207 This power extended to Maori land, even though as explained below Maori were largely excluded from the county electoral system, ensuring that there was almost no Maori representation on county councils. Alongside the county councils, there were also forms of local government for urban areas: incorporated municipal authorities, borough councils, and town boards. Statutory provision for the establishment of municipal 203 Wilson, The Origins of the Maori Seats, p Parliament in Te Reo, NZ History website, accessed 5 November URL: 205 According to Luiten, this development was linked to a shift whereby communities were required to pay for a greater proportion of development needs through local taxation; Jane Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, Waitangi Tribunal Unit, 2011, Wai 898 #A24, p Indeed, Bush states that the main purpose of the counties was to provide services that would increase the value of the property owned by the big land owners who dominated these bodies, G.W.A. Bush, Local government and politics in New Zealand, Auckland University Press, Auckland, 1995, p10, Part II, Public Works Act

59 authorities and borough councils was set out in the Municipal Corporations Act 1867, which rationalised existing legislation relating to urban local authorities. 208 The Town Boards Act 1881 enabled smaller settlements that did not amount to boroughs, but which comprised more than 50 householders, to be constituted as towns that were to be administered by an elected town board. Within the Te Raki inquiry district, borough councils were established at Kaikohe and Whangarei. Town boards were established at Russell, Kawakawa, Hikurangi, Kohukohu, Rawene, Kaikohe, Moerewa, and possibly elsewhere, though, according to Stirling, not until well into the twentieth century. 209 The Kaikohe Town Board ceased functioning with the constitution of the Kaikohe Borough Council in Finally, in addition to the county councils, borough councils, and town boards, there were a number of special purpose local bodies, such as harbour boards, pest control boards, noxious weeds control authorities, river control boards, electric power boards, and hospital boards. No research has been undertaken to identify the various special purpose local bodies that operated in the Te Raki inquiry district during the period covered by this report. However, in respect of electoral issues, Luiten suggests that voting rights for these bodies were based largely on county electoral rolls. 211 The discussion of the local government electoral system presented here focuses on issues concerning the county councils of the inquiry district. Stirling explains that the borough councils and town boards of the inquiry district typically had little to do with Maori, as they were nearly always established on land that had been alienated from Maori and on which Maori no longer lived. 212 There were, however, some exceptions to this. Stirling notes that the Kaikohe Town Board and Borough Council had significant dealings with Maori land and (to a lesser extent) Maori. At Moerewa, where a Town Board was established in 1957, the population of the town district (about 870) may have been predominantly Maori. 213 As discussed in chapter six, the Maori population of Whangarei Borough increased during and after the Second World War, when Maori began to move to the main metropolitan areas as well as local urban centres. 208 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p18, 334; Te Ao Hou, no. 41, December 1962, p8. URL: Kaikohe, from An Encylopaedia of New Zealand, edited by A.H. McLintlock, 1966, Te Ara website. URL: Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Kay Boese, Tides of History Bay of Islands County, Bay of Islands County Council, Kawakawa, 1977, p

60 The discussion of the local government voting system that is presented in this chapter focuses on the four counties that operated almost wholly within the Te Raki inquiry district: the Whangaroa, Bay of Islands, Hokianga, and Whangarei counties. The Hobson, Rodney, Waitemata, and Great Barrier Island counties also included portions of the modern day inquiry district. However, significant areas of the Hobson, Rodney, and Waitemata counties lay outside of the inquiry district. The necessity of determining the extent to which evidence concerning these counties relates to the inquiry district presents an obstacle to research. Moreover, in respect of the Rodney, Waitemata, and Great Barrier Island counties, it appears that, by the twentieth century, the areas of the inquiry district that fell within these counties contained only a very small Maori population, making research of electoral participation and representation almost impossible. Figures 3 and 4 show the boundaries of the counties that operated in the Te Raki inquiry district in 1912 and It is evident that between these years the boundaries of these counties underwent some alteration. Developments to 1910 It is necessary to trace developments concerning Te Raki Maori and the county electoral system up to the beginning of the period covered by this report. In contrast to the situation that existed at the national level, it is notable that no special provision was made for Maori representation within local government. Moreover, as the Tribunal has observed in other inquiries, the local bodies that were established in the nineteenth century were not required to adhere to the Treaty. 215 In light of this, if the Crown was to ensure that its Treaty obligations were fulfilled, both its framework for the operation of local government and its monitoring of local government powers became very important Under the Counties Act 1876, the franchise for voting in county elections was limited to individuals listed on county electors rolls, which were to record those named as owners or occupiers of rateable property on the valuation rolls prepared for each riding unit within a county. 216 Rates could 214 Of the counties that are relevant to this report, the Bay of Islands, Hokianga, Whangarei, Rodney, and Waitemata counties were among the first 63 counties that were established under the Counties Act Whangaroa County and Great Barrier Island County were established later. At least part of Whangaroa County had initially laid within Mangonui County. See E.V. Sale, Whangaroa, Whangaroa Book Committee, Kaeo, 1986, p Waitangi Tribunal, The Wairarapa ki Tararua Report: Volume III: Powerlessness and Displacement, Wellington: Legislation Direct, Wai 863, p Section 40, Counties Act

61 Figure 3: County boundaries, IA , North Island (Te Ika-a-Maui) New Zealand, Counties, 1912, ANZ Wellington. 61

62 Figure 4: County boundaries, AAPR W box 8 A, North Island County Boundaries, ANZ Wellington. 62

63 be levied on the owner, the occupier, or both. 219 Initially, Maori land was largely excluded from rating, restricting Maori participation in the county electoral system. The Rating Act 1876 provided that Maori land could be levied for rates only when it was held under Crown-derived title and occupied by a Pakeha. 220 The Counties Act 1876 introduced two long-lasting features of the county voting system that favoured the owners of large areas of general land. First, it provided for weighted voting, which enabled electors to cast up to five votes for the election of riding representatives, depending on the value of their property. 221 In the early twentieth century, the maximum number of allowable votes was limited to three. 222 The Act also provided for plural voting, which enabled individuals to vote in any riding where they held property. 223 After 1908, the maximum number of ridings in a county was limited to 12. From this time, an individual who held valuable property in all ridings could, potentially, cast up to 36 votes in the election of county representatives. 224 Stirling claims that for a number of years the Williams family and other big land owners utilised these features of the electoral system to maintain an influential role on the Bay of Islands County Council. 225 Though the Rating Act 1876 exempted Maori land from rating, except where it was occupied by a Pakeha, it seems that some officials in Northland believed that all Maori land with Crown-derived title was subject to rating under the Act. 226 In the late 1870s, in spite of the rates exemption, Maori served on the Hokianga County Council, following the first county election. Stirling explains, however, that Pakeha opposed this situation and, as a result, the Maori representation on the Hokianga Council proved to be shortlived. 227 This representation appears to be the only case where Maori served on a county council within the inquiry district before the middle of the twentieth century. Maori land was, however, progressively brought into the rating system. In 1882, Maori land within five miles of a public road was made rateable, with the exception of customary land not occupied by a Pakeha. 228 Eventually, the 219 Sections 53 and 54, Rating Act Section 37(4), Rating Act Section 41, Counties Act Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, p Section 42, Counties Act Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp

64 Rating Act 1904 made all Maori freehold land subject to rating, with customary land excluded. 229 In the Te Raki inquiry district, the area of Maori land held under customary title at this time remained quite significant. In 1908, the Native Land Commission reported that Maori retained ownership of 544,620 acres within the Whangaroa, Bay of Islands, Hokianga, and Whangarei counties. Of this area, about 20.6 per cent remained in customary ownership. 230 While Crown-granted Maori land becoming increasingly liable for rating, three obstacles ensured that this did not translate into greater Maori involvement in the county voting system. The first obstacle was that, where Maori land was multiply owned as was commonly the case in Te Raki 231 voting rights did not extend to all owners, but instead, over time, became restricted to nominated owners. From the mid-1890s, counties were able to nominate a single owner of a Maori-owned block to be liable for rates as if he/she was the sole owner. 232 Under the Rating Act 1904, all rateable Maori lands were to be entered onto the valuation roll, but only nominated owners were to be recorded where land had not been partitioned or the relative interests of the owners remained undefined. 233 The Counties Act 1908 firmly established individual voting rights for both Maori and general land, providing that when more than one person was listed on the valuation roll for a property, voting was restricted to the individual whose name first appeared. 234 The second reason why liability for rating did not result in more Maori involvement in the county voting system was that from 1883 until 1944 with the exception of a short period between 1915 and the early 1920s defaulting ratepayers were not permitted to vote. 235 According to Stirling, rates default was widespread among Maori land owners in the inquiry district from an early stage. A Parliamentary return compiled in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Terry Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945: The Role of the Crown and the Place of Maori, CFRT, June 2006, Wai 1040 #A3, pp Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp Section 2, Rating Act Amendment Act 1896; Stirling explains that, under the 1896 Amendment Act, legal action could be taken against the nominated owner for recovery of rates arrears, but all the owners and the entire block were liable for any judgement obtained against the nominated owner; Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Sections 6 and 7(1), Native Land Rating Act Where land had been partitioned or the relative interests of the owners defined, the name of each owner was to be entered on the roll. But where land had not been partitioned or the relative interests of the owners remained undefined, the Valuer General was able to enter the names of such owners as he thinks fit, with the number of names not to exceed one for every twenty-five owners. 234 Section 42, Counties Act Section 10, Counties Acts Amendment Act

65 showed that Northland counties had not entered many Maori blocks on their valuation rolls. 236 This partly reflected administrative obstacles arising from the nature of Maori land title, which made it difficult to accurately record and maintain details of Maori land on the county valuation rolls. For many years, along with other factors, this impacted on counties ability to demand and enforce payment of Maori rates. Among the problems, nominated owners (let alone the other owners) were incorrectly identified, and the title itself was also very often incorrectly identified, with out-of-date partitions shown. 237 Prejudice was a further, generally more concealed obstacle to Maori participation in the county electoral system. As noted above, in the late 1870s Pakeha did not welcome initial Maori representation on the Hokianga County Council. Protest from settlers and officials ensured that Maori involvement on the council was not long lasting. 238 Stirling suggests that in the 1890s efforts to extend the rating regime to Northland Maori may have been, in some counties, tempered by the prospect of Maori becoming eligible to vote and gaining representation on councils. He notes that the counties with large Maori populations, such as Whangaroa, Hokianga, and the Bay of Islands, expressed little interest in gaining more power to rate Maori land. This contrasts with calls made by the Whangarei County Council, which operated within a district where, by the 1890s, Maori were numerically outnumbered. 239 Statutory developments, From 1910 to 1975, the statutory regime that related to the county electoral system and the rating of Maori land continued, with some notable modifications. One such change, which proved to be temporary, was the removal between 1915 and the early 1920s of the provisions that prevented defaulting ratepayers from voting. The Counties Amendment Act 1915 removed the requirement for counties to maintain a list of rates defaulters, which recorded those who did not pay the rates levied upon them. 240 The abolition of the list meant that ratepayers could vote regardless of whether or not they had paid rates. In the Te Raki inquiry district, the extent to which the abolition of the rates defaulters list would have enabled more Maori to participate in county voting would have been limited by two factors. First, as detailed above, from 236 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p28, Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People pp Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Section 16(1), Counties Amendment Act

66 1908 only one individual was able to vote for any property listed on the valuation roll. In the case of multiply-owned Maori land, this ensured that many Maori owners were excluded from voting. Secondly, as discussed below, the valuation rolls continued to fail to accurately record information relating to Maori land. Ownership details were sometimes not listed or were out of date. As county electoral rolls were based on the information recorded in the valuation rolls, this would have affected the extent to which counties were able to place Maori on their electoral rolls. In spite of these obstacles, counties of the Te Raki inquiry district were concerned about the prospect of greater Maori representation, especially as Maori did not pay rates, and they pressured the government to reinstate the defaulters list. Speaking at a Good Roads conference held in Whangarei in October 1917, one Northland county councillor expressed much dissatisfaction at the prospect of Maori being able to participate in county elections and, in some places, potentially outvote Pakeha. 241 The Hokianga County Council was amongst those who lobbied for the return of the defaulters list, pointing to the injustice of Maori being able to vote while they did not pay rates. 242 In April 1920, the Council observed that, owing to their large numbers, Maori could easily elect a Native Council to run the County. 243 The Department of Internal Affairs supported county calls for the reinstatement of the defaulters list. In 1918, the Department commented in its annual report that, while the defaulters list had done nothing to improve Maori ratepaying, it had, at least, ensured that they would have but little voice in the direction of county affairs. 244 During the same year, Internal Affairs raised its concerns with Native Minister Herries. Though Herries himself wished to see the defaulters list reinstated, no action was taken during the First World War. According to Stirling, this was because of the delicate balance of power that existed during the war, whereby the Maori seats occupied a critical position. 245 The list was eventually reinstated in the Counties Act The Native Land Rating Act 1924 continued to render all Maori land rateable, except in certain cases, including where land was held under 241 Northern Advocate, 30 October 1917, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Hokianga County Council to Prime Minister Massey, 13 April 1920, ACIH MA /1/1 part 1, Rating of Native Lands General, , cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp AJHR, 1918, H-22, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Section 57, Counties Act

67 customary title. 247 The Act provided local bodies with stronger powers to enforce the payment of rates owed on Maori land, yet it did not require that valuation rolls be accurate and kept up-to-date. 248 Indeed, the Act stipulated that where Maori land was multiply owned (and not vested in a trustee or corporate body), the word Natives was to be entered into the owners column of the valuation roll. 249 The Native Land Court could, however, appoint a single owner for voting purposes, with the name of this individual to be listed in the occupiers column. 250 (By this time, county electoral rolls were compiled only from the names of those listed in the occupiers column. 251 ) The 1924 Act was incorporated into the Rating Act 1925 the principal rating statute until the passage of the Rating Act In the early twentieth century, voting eligibility for municipalities, boroughs, and town districts shifted away from a ratepayer qualification towards universal electoral franchise based on residency. 253 It was many years before any such change was introduced for counties. Eventually, the Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act 1944 extended the county voting franchise to residents, ending ratepayers exclusive hold on the electoral system. Under the Amendment Act, the county clerk was required to add to the county electoral roll the names of entitled residents who had filled out a claim for enrolment as well as any other person who to the clerk s knowledge was entitled to the residential vote. 254 Where an individual was entitled to vote as a ratepayer, they were required to vote under this qualification and could not also vote as residents. 255 Significantly, the Amendment Act extended voting rights to defaulting ratepayers, provided that they met the residential requirements. 256 However, it did not remove features of the county voting system that favoured large owners of general land. Luiten explains that weighted voting continued until 1974 and plural voting until She states that local body elections held in 1986 were the first to be held on the same democratic basis as the country s general election Sections 4 and 5, Native Land Rating Act Subject to the consent of the Native Minister, section 10 of the Act enabled land to be vested in the Native Trustee for sale if rates remained unpaid for a year or more. 249 Subsection 7(4), Native Land Rating Act Subsections 8(3) and (4), Native Land Rating Act Section 37, Counties Act Provisions relating to Maori land were set out in Part II of the 1925 Act. 253 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p185, Section 3(2), Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act Section 3(2), Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act Section 4, Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, p

68 An initiative of the Labour Government, the introduction of the residential voting qualification in 1944 was aimed at population generally and not intended to specifically address the concerns of Maori. During lengthy debates on the Bill, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Parry, explained that the proposed legislation arose from a desire to introduce a more democratic franchise to the county system: I am a strong believer in the extension of the democratic principle, and I will do everything I can to see that it is extended. When I say that, I am expressing a fundamental principle of the policy of this Government. 258 The proposed legislation was strongly contested by Opposition members. William Polson, MP for Stratford, told the House that the extension of voting rights to Maori was one of the matters discussed by most witness who, during development of the Bill, had provided evidence to the Local Bills Committee. Polson expressed concern that in some districts, where they outnumbered Pakeha, Maori would be able to oust their pakeha brothers from County Councils. If this happened, the Maori-controlled council would be able to determine the amount of rates that Pakeha should pay and what should be done with the money, even though few Maori paid rates. 259 Responding to Polson s comments, Tirikatene contended that many Maori did pay rates. 260 This was the only comment that any of the Maori MPs made during debate of the Bill. It seems that they were prepared to let the legislation be enacted without drawing attention to its potential to provide in some districts at least, such as Te Raki for a considerable increase in the number of Maori who were eligible to vote in county elections. The Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act 1947 introduced further change. It provided that county clerks could enter onto county electoral rolls names taken from parliamentary electoral rolls prepared under the Electoral Act Further, county residents listed on a parliamentary electoral role could, if their names were not on the county roll, cast a vote on polling day upon completing of a written declaration as to their place of residence. 262 These provisions would have initially been of little benefit to Maori because, as discussed earlier in the chapter, electoral rolls for the Maori seats were not produced until 1949 and it was not until 1956 that compulsory Maori registration was introduced. 258 NZPD, 1944, vol. 264, p NZPD, 1944, vol. 264, p NZPD, 1944, vol. 264, p Section 10(1), Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act Section 10(2), Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act

69 Evidence of Te Raki Maori eligibility to participate in county voting county electoral rolls, As explained above, the county electoral rolls set out the names of those who were entitled to participate in county elections. The rolls therefore have the potential to provide a clear indication of the extent to which Maori were able to participate in county voting. Unfortunately, research of the available archival records has located very few surviving electoral rolls of the counties that operated in the inquiry district during the period covered by this report. The only electoral rolls that have been found relate to the Hokianga County and these rolls concern just two years and The rolls, it should be noted, concern only the Horeke and Rawene ridings of Hokianga County. In examining the available Hokianga electoral rolls, it has been necessary to rely on use of a Maori name when determining the number of Maori who possessed voting rights. This method is not ideal as it does not capture those who used Pakeha names, but it does provide an indication of the extent to which Maori were included on the rolls. The rolls for Horeke and Rawene ridings record that, among a total of 210 electors, there were 40 individuals (about 19 per cent) with Maori names who were entitled to vote. 263 Valid from 1 July 1914 to 30 June 1915, the rolls were compiled before the rates defaulters list was abolished. (The legislation that removed the defaulters list was passed on 12 October 1915.) The Horeke and Rawene riding rolls provide an indication of the extent to which weighted voting was of significance in Hokianga County at this time. Of those listed on the rolls, four individuals were able to cast more than a single vote for the riding representative. (Each of these individuals was able to cast two votes.) The rolls also provide evidence of plural voting rights, with at least three individuals being listed on both the Horeke and Rawene rolls. None of those who possessed weighted or plural voting rights appear to have been Maori. The 1944 Hokianga County electoral roll records the names of all county electors. 264 Dated 19 April 1944, the roll appears to have been compiled immediately after the passage of the Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act (This legislation was passed on 4 April 1944.) Efforts to prepare the role and, in particular, identify newly-qualified residential voters may have been hasty. Of the 1652 electors listed on the roll, only 59 (about 4 per cent) have Maori names. When compared with the Horeke and Rawene riding rolls, this indicates that there may have been a significant 263 ZAAP A473 3/b, Electoral roll Horeke Riding, , ANZ Auckland. ZAAP A473 3/c, Electoral roll Horeke [Rawene] Riding, , ANZ Auckland. 264 ZAAP A473 3/d, Hokianga County Council electoral rolls, , ANZ Auckland. 69

70 decline in the proportion of Maori among those who were eligible to vote in Hokianga County. The apparent decline possibly also reflected greater use of European names by Maori. Of all those listed on the 1944 roll, Maori and Pakeha, none were recorded to possess more than a single vote. The available electoral rolls, which relate to just one county, provide relatively limited evidence regarding the extent to which Te Raki Maori were able to participate in county voting during the period covered by this report. However, other forms of evidence also provide relevant information. As discussed later, Maori individually and collectively pushed for greater participation in county voting and a greater say in how local government operated, indicating dissatisfaction with the status quo. Also, as detailed in the following section, it is evident that up until the 1960s Te Raki Maori were not represented on local county councils, which suggests that for many years they were largely excluded from county voting. Te Raki Maori representation on county councils, A number of sources have been consulted to determine the extent to which Maori secured representation on the inquiry district s county councils. These have included newspaper reports of county election results, central government electoral records, and published county histories. 265 When searching through lists of council members to determine whether any were Maori, use of a Maori name has, once again, been relied upon as the key indicator of whether an individual was Maori. This method, as noted above, is not ideal. Claimants may be able to provide additional details of any Maori with European names who served on county councils during the period covered in this report. As noted earlier, Maori had served on the Hokianga County Council in the late 1870s, following the first county election. 266 This representation was short lived and from the sources examined it appears to be the only case where Maori served on a county council within the inquiry district until after the middle of the twentieth century. In December 1932, speaking in the House of Representatives on the issue of Maori payment of rates, Henare observed that All members of County Councils are Europeans. 267 This situation appears to have changed a little from the early 1960s. Following 265 Searching of newspapers was limited to those available on the Papers Past website. At various times, the Departments of Internal Affairs and Justice were responsible for monitoring the county electoral process. As detailed in the bibliography, histories of several of the inquiry district s counties have been produced. Some include lists of council members. See, for example, Boese, Tides of History, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp NZPD, vol. 234, 1932, p

71 elections held in 1962, the Department of Maori Affairs magazine Te Ao Hou, reported that Maori candidates won seats on a number of local bodies... and in a number of districts Maori candidates made local history by being the first members of their race to gain local body selection. 268 In the Te Raki inquiry district, the 1962 elections saw at least two Maori elected to the Hokianga County Council: David Kanara Topia and Harry Pero Smith were among nine members chosen to serve on the Hokianga Council. 269 Evidence concerning the 1965 election has not been located, but both of these individuals were re-elected in In the other counties of the inquiry district, however, it seems that Pakeha continued to retain an exclusive hold on council membership at this time. The first Maori to be elected to the Bay of Islands County Council appears to have been James Henare, who in 1971 was chosen to represent Kawakawa Riding. 271 Stirling notes some very limited Maori involvement in the town boards of the inquiry district. He details that Hamiora ( Sam ) Maioha was appointed to two local bodies: the Kaikohe Town Board (as Town Clerk) from about 1920 to 1922, and the Russell Town Board from 1953 to Te Ao Hou reported that the 1962 elections saw Moerewa gain its first all-maori county town board. 273 The members were Dave Wynard, Paki Buck Toi, D.B. Smythe, J.C. King, and R.L. Thomson. (The individuals in this group with European names highlight the limitations of relying on use of a Maori name to identify individuals of Maori descent.) According to the Northlander, their election pointed to the increasing willingness of the Maori people to take a full share of public responsibility. 274 Ongoing inaccuracy of valuation rolls, For much of period covered by this report, the counties that operated in the Te Raki inquiry district generally failed to ensure that valuation rolls recorded accurate and up-to-date information concerning Maori land. As 268 Te Ao Hou, no. 41, December 1962, p8. URL: Hokianga County Council, election questionnaire, 1962, ACGO 8333 W1729 IA1W /67/2, Local Elections and Polls Act Triennial Local Elections 1962 Results County Council, undated, ANZ Wellington. 270 Hokianga County Council, election questionnaire, 1968, AAAC 6015 W5224/95 97/71/2 part 2, Local Elections 1968 County Council, , ANZ Wellington. 271 Boese, Tides of History, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p502. Also see Angela Ballara, Maioha, Hamiora Wiremu, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 26 March URL: Te Ao Hou, no. 41, December 1962, p8. URL: Northlander, no. 4, 1964, pp21-22, cited in Boese, Tides of History, p

72 explained earlier, this made it difficult for counties to effectively levy rates from Maori land and was one of the reasons why rates default was widespread among Maori land owners in the inquiry district. Prior to the introduction of residential voting in 1944, rates defaulters were not able to vote in county elections, except between 1915 and 1920, when the rates defaulters list was removed from the legislation. Difficulties arising from inaccurate valuation rolls are evident from the beginning of the period covered by this report. Stirling states that, at this time, Northland counties protested that they had to abandon the collection of Maori rates. Whangarei County, for example, claimed that only about 10 per cent of the rates levied on Maori land were collected, with three-quarters of the rates demands being returned as undeliverable because the addressee was incorrect or even dead. 275 The same situation seems to have existed in Hokianga County. During a meeting between Maori and three members of the Hokianga County Council, held at Rawene in July 1914, two of the Maori speakers raised concerns about the accuracy of the information that the county held for Maori land. One speaker, Heremia Te Wake, took exception to the many discrepancies that he believed existed in the valuation rolls and requested that a day be set apart for the purpose of adjusting the rolls. (Te Wake also objected to the system of nominating one or two owners to be responsible for the whole rate.) Another individual, who appears to have been named Horepete Rapihama, raised similar concerns. He cited the instance of a demand for rates being posted to his father, who had been dead for many years and had, prior to his death, sold the land in question to a European. 276 Given such claims about the inaccuracy of the Hokianga County valuation rolls, it is unsurprising that Maori rates default was widespread in the county at this time. Table 2, which presents details drawn from surviving annual rates books, shows that in the four years between 1912 and 1916 the county received only between one and six per cent of the total sum of rates payable in respect of Maori land. It would be expected that such rates default would have significantly limited Maori voting rights. However, as detailed above, the Horeke and Rawene riding electoral rolls record that about 19 per cent of those listed as being entitled to vote were 275 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Meeting notes, ZAAP A473 1/g, Notes from a meeting held in Rawene between the Hokianga County Council and natives regarding the payment of rates on land occupied, , ANZ Auckland. 72

73 individuals with Maori names. 277 In the same year, rates received from Maori in Hokianga County amounted to only 2.2 per cent of total rates income, suggesting perhaps that the Hokianga County showed leniency to some defaulting Maori payments, allowing their names to be listed on the riding electoral rolls. Table 2: Maori payment of rates in Hokianga County, Year Rates payable by Maori as a proportion of total rates payable (%) Rates received from Maori as a proportion of total rates income (%) Proportion of Maori rates paid (%) Proportion of European rates paid (%) In order to appraise the state of the valuation rolls of counties within the inquiry district during the period covered by this report, the following sample has been examined for this report: Whangarei County Wairua Riding (assessments 1-516), Whangarei County Wairua Riding (assessments 1-543), Whangarei County (assessments 1-300), Whangaroa County Kaeo Riding (assessments 1-242), Whangaroa County Kaeo Riding (assessments 1-214), Whangaroa County (assessments 1-202), Bay of Islands County Russell Riding (assessments 1-298), Bay of Islands County (assessments 1-246), Hokianga County Waihou Riding (assessments 1-285), Hokianga County (assessments 1-213), ZAAP A473 3/b, Electoral roll Horeke Riding, , ANZ Auckland. ZAAP A473 3/c, Electoral roll Horeke [Rawene] Riding, , ANZ Auckland. 278 ZAAP A473 2/a, Rates books Hokianga, , ANZ Auckland. ZAAP A473 2/b, Rates books Hokianga, , ANZ Auckland. ZAAP A473 3/a, Rates books Hokianga, , ANZ Auckland. ZAAP A473 3/b, Rates books Hokianga, , ANZ Auckland. All of the figures in Table 1 concern the payment of general rates. They do not cover special rates demands, which applied to some ridings and involved considerably smaller sums. 279 These rolls, all records of the Valuation Department, are held at Archives New Zealand s Auckland regional office. See: BAAW A /28 part 1, Whangarei County Wairua Riding Valuation Assessment 1-516, ; BAAW A /28 part 1, Whangarei County Wairua Riding Valuation Assessment 1-543, ; BAAW A , Whangarei County Valuation Assessment 1-300, ; BAAW A /8 part 1, Whangaroa County Kaeo Riding Valuation Assessment 1-242, ; BAAW A /8 part 1, Whangaroa County Kaeo Riding Valuation Assessment 1-214, ; BAAW A , 73

74 In most cases, throughout the period, the rolls generally recorded some ownership details for Maori lands, with one or two names being listed for each block. In many instances, these individuals were identified as being nominated owners. The valuation rolls themselves provide no indication of the accuracy of the ownership details that are recorded. However, other evidence presented here suggests that for many years the rolls were far from accurate. Most of the rolls sampled include cases where land is noted simply as being held by Maoris. These cases most commonly relate to small areas of land that were deemed non rateable under the Rating Act, such as urupa. Luiten states that responsibility for maintaining Maori land details on the valuation rolls was a nebulous and shifting one, involving the Valuation Department, the Native Land Court, and the local bodies themselves. Of the three, the Court had the most contact with the Maori landowners, but it was never adequately resourced to undertake the task effectively. 280 Stirling notes that for many years in the Te Raki inquiry district counties made only token attempts to try and improve and update the valuation rolls. He explains that it was not until the late 1950s that some counties began making efforts to update details of the Maori land holdings within their area. 281 The valuation rolls remained in an appalling state through to the 1960s. 282 Evidence concerning the efforts that were undertaken to improve the valuation rolls shed light on the problems that existed. At least two counties in the inquiry district appointed Maori rates officers, whose responsibilities included updating the Maori land details recorded on the county valuation rolls. In September 1955, Te Ao Hou recorded that Hokianga County Council had adopted the increasingly popular idea of appointing a full-time officer to deal with Maori rates. The appointed officer, P. Wairua, would act as a liaison between the Council and the Maori people of the district on rating matters. 283 Around the same time, the Bay of Islands County Council also appointed a Maori rates officer, T.L. Gorrie. Whangaroa County Valuation Assessment 1-202, ; BAAW A /10 part 1, Bay of Islands County Russell Riding Valuation Assessment 1-298, ; BAAW A , Bay of Islands County Valuation Assessment 1-246, ; BAAW A /15 part 1, Hokianga County Waihou Riding Valuation Assessment 1-285, ; BAAW A , Hokianga County Valuation Assessment 1-213, Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Te Ao Hou, no. 12, September 1955, p51. URL: 74

75 Valuation Department file evidence includes some details of Gorrie s work in Bay of Islands County and shows that his efforts resulted in a significant increase in the number of cases where details were recorded in the occupiers column of the valuation roll. In July 1957, the Branch Manager of the Valuation Department at Whangarei reported that a survey of old Bay of Islands rolls revealed that there were a large number of assessments showing only Maoris as owner and occupier. During the previous year, however, the county (largely through Gorrie s efforts) had provided the names of some 1800 Maori occupiers. 284 The work undertaken at this time to improve the valuation rolls generally resulted in a significant increase in the rates take from Maori land. 285 (Indeed, this appears to have been an important factor motivating the work.) Though residential voting had been introduced some years earlier, the improvement of the valuation rolls and more effective rating of Maori land may have enabled more Maori to vote. In particular, as the ratepayer qualification continued alongside the new residential qualification, the improved rolls may have enabled owners of Maori land who lived outside the inquiry district to participate in county voting. Also, as discussed later, it is evident that the counties were slow to respond to the residential qualification and for some years the ratepayer qualification seems to have continued as the basis upon which Te Raki Maori were able to participate in county voting. It is notable that Maori began to be elected onto some of the county councils of the inquiry district from the early 1960s, around the time the valuation rolls began to show improvement. Alternative forms of Maori rates payment: taxation without representation, Though for many years the counties of the Te Raki inquiry district substantially failed to secure rates payments from Maori through ordinary levying, rates owed on Maori land were paid and recovered through other means. However, these other forms of payment do not appear to have resulted in substantially greater Maori participation in the county voting system. This was certainly the case with the money that the counties received through employing the legislative provisions that enabled unpaid rates to be charged against the land itself. Stirling explains that these provisions enabled land to be sold or leased for the recovery of unpaid rates, and he provides some evidence of the extent to which the Native Land Court took such action in the inquiry district. Based on preliminary research, he 284 Branch Manager to Head Office, 3 July 1957, AAVI W /5 (alt. no. 4072), Rolls Maori lands, undated, ANZ Wellington. 285 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p37. 75

76 identifies 46 alienations that involved land being vested for leasing or sale because of rate arrears or being sold with rates as a strong factor. 286 There were also several other forms of payment and recovery that lay outside standard levying procedures. The earliest of these was the rates compromises that were paid for a few years in connection with the land development initiatives introduced from the late 1920s, which involved title consolidation and the implementation of land development schemes. In dealing with county demands for unpaid rates, the government decided to pay a proportion of the unpaid rates in exchange for the counties waiving further rates for a set period, during which the land development initiatives would be carried out, enabling Maori to pay future rates. The plan enabled the Crown, during consolidation of titles, to take land from Maori that was equivalent in value to the sums paid to the counties. Under this scheme, between 1928 and 1932, the Crown advanced 12,771 to counties within the inquiry district. 287 The possibility that the rates compromises might enable more Maori to participate in county voting was a matter of concern for some counties in the inquiry district, illustrating an ongoing reluctance to admit Maori into the electoral system, especially in places where Maori comprised a significant proportion of the population. In 1928 the Mangonui County Council sought to establish if the compromises could reverse the disqualification of nonratepaying Maori. The Solicitor-General advised that Maori could vote because the counties had accepted the compromises as payment for all rates owing. 288 This situation troubled the Whangaroa County Council, which was concerned that Maori might exercise their right to vote and believed that it was unfair that Maori had the same franchise as Pakeha ratepayers. In June 1929, it wrote to other Northland councils, expressing concern that Maori might owing to their numbers in some ridings potentially return a majority of members. Parliament, it was suggested, should take steps to ensure that a satisfactory solution to a more or less delicate problem can be arrived at. 289 It seems very doubtful that the rates compromises resulted in greater Maori involvement in county voting during the period that they were paid, though 286 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp When the Crown looked to recoup this sum (along with survey liens and other Crown interests), it found that there was no suitable surplus Maori land available. Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp Whangarei County Council minute book, , 14 June 1929, Whangarei District Council Archives, Whangarei, p272, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p500; New Zealand Herald, 15 June 1929, p12. 76

77 electoral rolls would need to be examined to confirm this. The compromises did not change the inaccurate and incomplete nature of the county valuation rolls, which would have made it difficult for counties to identify Maori who may have been eligible to vote. Moreover, the compromises were paid over a short period and county elections were held infrequently. Stirling notes that the compromises expired in March 1931, ahead of the 1932 county elections. 290 Another form of rates payment also arose from the land development initiatives. In the late 1930s, as land development work continued, the government came up with a further rating measure a butterfat levy scheme. Under this scheme, Maori dairy farmers on development schemes agreed to allow a deduction to be made from their cream cheques, and this would then be paid to the local county in lieu of rates. The levy was more like an income tax than the land tax of rates, but as Stirling notes it worked and the counties got paid. 291 The scheme began in Hokianga County and was then taken up by the other counties of the inquiry district. 292 Under the scheme, the counties received payments equal to about half of the rates they claimed. 293 The butterfat levy appears to have been collected through to the 1950s, when counties began to revise valuation rolls and move towards ordinary rating. 294 Though the scheme saw an increase in both the number of Maori paying rates and the amount of money being collected from Maori land, the levy fell outside the prescribed system of rating and does not appear to have resulted in a corresponding increase in Maori participation in county voting. In 1940, the Hokianga County Council, in light of the contribution that Maori farmers had begun to make, looked to overcome electoral difficulties and directly appoint two Maori advisory members to the Council. The suggestion appears to have been a Council initiative, possibly arising from calls for representation made by local Maori. The proposal was very progressive for its time, and it demonstrates that some Pakeha leaders in the inquiry district were capable of identifying non-existent Maori representation to be a problem and looked to promote creative solutions to address the situation. In September1940, the County Clerk wrote to the local MP, Boswell, requesting on the Council s behalf that Boswell secure approval for 290 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp Stirling states that the reason they scheme only paid half of what the counties claimed in rates was that the counties continued the practice of claiming on unproductive land that should not have been rated; Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p

78 the appointment of the advisory members. The Council thought the two representatives should be paid the usual expenses received by councillors. The County Clerk explained that the Council believed that it was in the interest of the Maori people to have these representatives on the Council. Maori, he stated, had fully supported the butterfat levy and had also responded to the Council s appeal for financial assistance to maintain roads and bridges and hospital services within the County. The proposed Maori representation was, the County Clerk pointed out, a progressive move and would be unique in local body affairs. 295 Boswell forwarded the County Clerk s letter to the Minister of Internal Affairs, William (Bill) Parry. In a response dated 1 October 1940, Parry advised that, while he appreciated the motive behind the idea, the proposal could not be carried out. The Minister explained that the number of councillors for a county was fixed by law and that councillors had to be elected by the electors of the county. The law included no provision to enable local body members to be appointed to represent sectional interests, and this was something that the Minister did not wish to see changed. He suggested that the Hokianga Council endeavour to fit the two Maori representatives into their organisation in an honorary capacity. 296 The key distinction between the advisory members suggested by the Council and the honorary members proposed by the Minister seems to have been that the former would receive an allowance as if they were elected councillors. This was a line that Parry was not prepared to cross. No evidence has been located to suggest that the Council took steps to appoint honorary members in accordance with the Minister s suggestion. Evidence from the mid-1950s confirms that payment of the butterfat levy resulted in no significant change in the extent to which Maori were able to participate in county voting. In 1954, during a meeting held at Kaikohe to discuss the levy, a Maori Affairs Department official told Maori that until they pay full rates, they could have no part in local body elections. 297 Surprisingly, the official appears to have been unaware that by this time county residents were entitled to a vote, even if they were defaulting ratepayers. In September 1955, Te Ao Hou reported that Maori leaders in Hokianga County had resolved to drop the butterfat levy as a basis for 295 County Clerk to Boswell, 17 September 1940, ACGO 8333 IA1/ /201, Local Bodies Miscellaneous Co-opting Maori representatives on council Hokianga County Council, undated, ANZ Wellington. 296 Minister of Internal Affairs to Boswell, 1 October 1940, ACGO 8333 IA1/ /201, ANZ Wellington. 297 Administration Officer memorandum, 15 July 1954, BAAI 1030/994e 2/22/9 Part 1, ANZ Auckland, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p

79 rating. It stated that Hokianga County was the first Northland county to adopt this policy. 298 Maori efforts to participate in county voting and secure representation, At various times between 1910 and the mid-twentieth century, Te Raki Maori attempted to secure a greater voice in the operation of local government within the inquiry district. They attempted to do so through appeals to the government, and some also looked to gain voting rights through the existing system, in spite of its inherent difficulties. As detailed above, the county councils were generally unsupportive of increased Maori participation in the county electoral system, though the Hokianga Council s efforts in 1940 to secure two Maori advisory members demonstrates this was not always the case. For its part, the Crown was unresponsive to the calls for change, even in the face of evidence that Te Raki Maori were largely excluded from county voting. It was not until the passage of the Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act 1944 that statutory changes provided potential for greater Te Raki Maori participation in county voting. The following chapter details that in March 1922, during a meeting with Prime Minister Massey, Northland Maori set out a number of issues of concern to them, which they hoped the government would address. While the operation of the county electoral system was not among the matters spoken of, just a few years later Bay of Islands and Whangarei Maori conveyed strong dissatisfaction with the existing county system and their place within it. In May 1926, prompted partly by the introduction of the Native Land Rating Act 1924, leading rangatira met at Motatau and proposed that within their districts a Maori administrative council be created. This council would assume control of the rating of Maori land and the expenditure of the monies collected. Consisting of nine members, it would be elected every three years by the Maori inhabitants of the combined districts. The council would give effect to articles 2 and 3 of the Treaty of Waitangi. 299 Stirling observes that the proposal put forward by the Bay of Islands and Whangarei leaders reflected the failings of the existing county regime in its dealings with Northland Maori: Maori lands were not being rated fairly, Maori lands were not being provided with road access, Maori workers were not being sufficiently employed on road works, and underpinning this lack 298 Te Ao Hou, no. 12, September 1955, p51. URL: Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, pp

80 of equality Maori were not represented on the county councils. 300 The proposed Maori administrative council was so at odds with government policy and the position of the counties that, according to Stirling, it was not entertained for a moment. The government does not appear to have even responded to the submission. 301 A few years later, Hokianga Maori looked to secure representation within the existing system, perhaps realising that separate Maori bodies were not going to be accepted. The issue was among others raised in April 1930, when Native Minister Ngata, during a meeting at held at Whakarapa, put forward land development scheme proposals. A written submission handed in at the meeting included the request that the Native Minister open up [for] Maori election of members and appointment of members for the Maori in the County Councils. 302 Though the request does not appear to have prompted a response from government, Te Raki Maori continued to try to secure county voting rights. Writing to the Under Secretary of the Native Department in May 1932, Native Land Court Judge Acheson observed that some Maori who were the sole owners of a particular title had been placed on the valuation roll, so were therefore able to vote in forthcoming county elections. Many more Maori had approached him, seeking the Court s assistance to have even just one owner of multiply-owned land nominated for inclusion on the roll, so that they too could vote. Reverend Keina Poata of Whangaroa was among those who had contacted Acheson, hoping that some of his people could be placed on the roll. 303 As the rolls remained in a very incomplete state through to the 1960s, it is not apparent that either Acheson or the Maori owners enjoyed much success. Responding to Acheson, the Under Secretary, Jones, reminded Acheson of the statutory provisions. He explained that if there was a single owner then that individual could be placed on the roll, but if land was multiply owned then the Court nominated one person whose name would go on the roll. (As detailed above, this individual s name would be entered into the occupiers column of the roll.) It was, the Under Secretary stated, up to 300 Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Submission in Te Reo Maori handed in by Henry Leef, Whakarapa, 26 April 1930 (Jane McRae translation), ACIH MA31 5/7, Tokerau District Land Development, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Heather Bassett and Richard Kay, Tai Tokerau Maori Land Development Schemes, , CFRT, August 2006, Wai 1040 #A10, pp Acheson to Under-Secretary, Native Department, 2 May 1932, ACIH MA /1/1 part 2, Rating of Native Lands General, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p

81 the county to decide if it would let Maori on the roll vote while their rates were in default. 304 This was incorrect as the legislation did not provide counties with any discretion all defaulting ratepayers were disqualified from voting. 305 In his capacity as Chief Judge of the Native Land Court, Jones was clearer on the matter when in 1933 he told the Rates Committee at Kawakawa: The Natives will of course be disenfranchised if they do not pay rates. 306 In September 1940, as detailed earlier, the Hokianga County Council made representations to the Minister of Internal Affairs, calling for the appointment of two Maori advisory members. It may be that the Council had done this in response to pressure from local Maori, who by this time were contributing to council coffers through payment of the butterfat levy. Regardless of whether this was the case, Minister of Internal Affairs Parry would not support the proposal. However, a few years later, the Labour Government passed the Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act 1944, which radically overhauled county electoral law. Though not aimed specifically at Maori, it offered the potential for significantly greater Maori participation in county voting. Introduction of residential voting, 1944 As explained earlier, the 1944 Amendment Act ended ratepayers exclusive hold on the county electoral system by introducing a residential voting qualification alongside the existing ratepayer qualification. The legislation extended voting rights to defaulting ratepayers, provided that they met the residential requirements. It is notable that around the time the Amendment Act was passed Northland Maori were beginning to move to urban areas outside of the inquiry district. These individuals would not have satisfied the residential qualification and, for those who retained land interests, the ratepayer qualification remained the only avenue for participating in county voting. The Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act was passed on 4 April 1944, ahead of local body elections scheduled for the end of May As discussed earlier, the 1944 Hokianga County electoral roll, dated 19 April 304 Under-Secretary, Native Department, to Acheson, 12 May 1932, ACIH MA /1/1 part 2, Rating of Native Lands General, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Section 57, Counties Act 1957, 306 Judge Jones, 1933 Rates Committee, Kawakawa, 7 June 1933, ACIH MA /1/14 part 1, Meetings of Native Land Rates Committee, May-June, 1933 Report of Proceedings, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Section 9, Local Elections and Polls Amendment Act

82 1944, appears to have been compiled after the legislation was passed, but it does not show that the introduction of residential voting immediately resulted in any significant increase in the number of Maori who were able to vote. (Only about 4 per cent of the 1652 electors listed on the roll had Maori names. 308 ) The Amendment Act fell short of stipulating that all residents be enrolled. Instead, as noted above, only those who submitted forms were to be enrolled, along with any others that the county clerk believed to be eligible. For at least a decade after the introduction of the residential qualification, it seems that county councils of the Te Raki inquiry district and government officials did not accurately communicate the new voting entitlement to Maori and encourage their enrolment, and it is unlikely that county clerks actively looked to place Maori on county electoral rolls. This reflects a long-standing reluctance to allow Te Raki Maori to participate in the county electoral system, particularly when they did not pay rates and where, through numerical dominance, they might secure representation, or even dominate councils. During a 1947 conference on Maori rates in Hokianga, the County Council chairman, Yarborough, commented that a rising Maori contribution towards rates (presumably through payment of the butterfat levy) raised the question of Maori representation on the Council. He cautiously told the conference that, under certain conditions, Maori are now entitled to vote at County Council elections like Europeans and perhaps also to elect representatives of the race as s. 309 Yarborough s comments were misleading as Maori who resided within the county were, by this time, fully entitled to vote under the residential qualification. Government appears to have shown little leadership in the matter. No evidence has been located to suggest that councils were actively encouraged to publicise the new electoral regime, and there does not appear to have been any government monitoring of county efforts to enrol residential voters. Moreover, some government officials were also guilty of spreading misinformation, appearing to have been unaware that all county residents were entitled to a vote, even if they were defaulting ratepayers. In 1954, during a meeting held at Kaikohe to discuss the butterfat levy, a Maori 308 ZAAP A473 3/d, Hokianga County Council electoral rolls, , ANZ Auckland. 309 Patronisingly, Yarborough warned that it was not an easy job, that it has serious responsibilities, etc. No one member can run the show; there are nine members and it requires mutual co-operation. Notes of conference, Rawene, 23 April 1947, ACIH MA /1/27 part 1, Rates Hokianga County, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p

83 Affairs Department official told Maori that until they pay full rates, they could have no part in local body elections. 310 In September 1955, Te Ao Hou also suggested that county voting was tied to ratepaying. It reported that Maori leaders in Hokianga County had resolved to drop the butterfat levy as a basis for rating and instead accept the European system, thus assuming all the usual burdens and privileges of ratepayers. 311 Evidence concerning the Rohe Potae inquiry district indicates that some counties in other districts were also slow to enrol Maori following the introduction of residential voting. Luiten explains that while Maori began to be listed on the Kawhia County electoral roll after the passage of the 1944 Act, these individuals were considerably fewer than the number of Maori who appear to have been entitled to the residential vote in that county. 312 Luiten suggests that, despite the introduction of the residential voting entitlement in 1944, the retention of ratepayer privilege meant that electoral dynamics remained largely unchanged, with weighted and plural voting continuing to shape election outcomes. 313 However, it is doubtful whether this was the case in the Te Raki inquiry district, though an examination of further electoral rolls would be required to confirm this. As detailed earlier, the small number of electoral rolls that have been located, which relate to Hokianga County, show that neither weighted nor plural voting were a significant feature in this county during the twentieth century. Conclusion This chapter has examined issues concerning the ability of Te Raki Maori to participate and gain representation within the national and local government electoral systems. Discussing the national system first, it has explained that in 1910 the electoral system that applied to the four Maori parliamentary seats differed in a number of important ways from the system that the European seats operated under. Many of these differences had a statutory basis, including those that concerned the rules by which votes were cast. Other differences resulted from the administrative practices under which polling was carried out. These included, for example, differences in the allocation of polling facilities within Maori and European electorates. 310 Administration Officer memorandum, 15 July 1954, BAAI 1030/994e 2/22/9 Part 1, ANZ Auckland, cited in Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p Te Ao Hou, no. 12, September 1955, p51. URL: teaohou/image/mao12tea/mao12tea051.html 312 Luiten notes that Maori landowners spouses commonly seem to have been omitted, though entitled by law to a residential vote; Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, pp Luiten, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, p36. 83

84 Some of the statutory differences, particularly those that concerned procedures for voting, were not necessarily disadvantageous or discriminatory towards Maori. As Atkinson comments, the differences between the two voting systems, and the slowness with which reform was carried out, could be viewed as a willingness to accommodate the customary ways that Maori held meetings and reached decisions. 314 Other statutory differences, however, were clearly disadvantageous to Maori. For example, up until 1951, polling booths in the Maori seats were open for a shorter number of hours, providing Maori with less time to cast their votes. Of greater significance, between 1910 and 1975, statutory provision continued to be made to enable the number of European electorates to be reviewed and increased. The Maori seats, on the other hand, were not reviewed and remained fixed. Under the Electoral Amendment Act 1965, the number of European seats was increased in 1969 and again in 1972, diluting the proportional significance of the Maori seats within parliament. Problems arising from the administration of polling in the Maori electorates also disadvantaged Maori voters, impacting on the extent to which Te Raki Maori were able to cast valid votes. While these problems reflected challenges arising from the large geographical areas the Maori electorates covered, they ultimately show that government and officials were not sufficiently focused on ensuring that individual Maori voters could participate in the electoral process. Specific evidence concerning administrative failings in the Northern Maori electorate has been presented in respect of the 1914 and 1969 elections. In 1914, two designated polling places were not open on the day of the election, preventing perhaps 200 people from voting. The situation in 1969, where about 24 per cent of the votes cast in the electorate were disallowed, was more serious. The high proportion of disqualified votes reflected that, owing to insufficient polling booths, a significant percentage of special votes were cast in the Maori electorates, and that these votes especially for Maori voters were more commonly disallowed than ordinary votes. It was some years, beyond the period examined in this report, before these problems were addressed. Alongside discussion of the differences in the two electoral systems, some evidence concerning the use of Te Reo in parliament has also been presented in this chapter. It has shown that, for much of the period between 1910 and 1975, parliament did not support use of the Maori language in the House. While Maori MPs were initially able to speak in Te Reo and have their words interpreted into English, it seems that by about 1940 interpretation services were no longer available. Maori MPs continued to be able to use Te Reo, but 314 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p172, footnote

85 they were expected to speak briefly and provide an immediate translation a policy that remained in place until the end of the period covered by this report. Though this lack of support for the use of Te Reo may not have impacted significantly on the ability of Maori MPs to conduct business in the House, it would have prevented Maori in the electorates who lacked fluency in English from following the radio broadcast of debates, which began in March The extent to which this was an issue for Maori in the Te Raki inquiry district is unclear. In his maiden speech, delivered in July 1939, Northern Maori MP Paraire Paikea stated that the broadcast of debates was appreciated by his constituents, but he made no mention of difficulties arising from the lack of interpretation. Over the period covered by this report, Te Raki Maori and other Maori initially did not call for reform of the features of the Maori electoral system that distinguished it from the European system. There was, for example, little enthusiasm for statutory change that would remove the significant differences that related to the way voting was carried out. Ahead of the 1919 election, Northern Maori MP Tau Henare and the three other Maori electorate representatives successfully called for the enrolment of Maori voters to cease, expressing concern that, as enrolment numbers were low, many Maori would be disenfranchised. In 1920, the statutory provisions that had provided for the enrolment of Maori voters were permanently suspended, and the sitting Maori MPs, including Henare, do not appear to have objected to this or later sought their reintroduction. At this time, it seems, many Maori were comfortable with the less formal voting procedures that existed in the Maori seats, which may have more closely resembled traditional ways of reaching decisions. However, a different perspective emerged during the 1920s. Maori within the Labour Party (as well as Labour s Pakeha leadership) called for reform of the Maori electoral system, and this call became a key feature of the Party s Maori policy. More significantly, electoral reform was also an issue of importance for the Ratana movement, which during the 1920s gained widespread support among Maori including Maori within the Te Raki inquiry district and developed an increasingly political focus. Reform of the electoral system was one of the common policy aims that helped to draw Ratana and Labour closer together. As explained in the next chapter, Ratana offered a new style of leadership, which looked to unify Maori and move away from traditional tribal forms of association. Reform of the electoral system was, it seems, viewed as a way to help remove chiefly influence during polling and increase the likelihood of Ratana candidates achieving electoral success. 85

86 While there is no evidence that Te Raki Maori directly protested against or raised objections to the differences in the two electoral systems, the Ratana MPs who began entering parliament from 1932 consistently called for reform of electoral law. This pressure continued after Ratana and Labour entered into a formal alliance in 1936, following Labour s election success. Calls for reform of the Maori electoral system aligned with Savage s promise of equality of treatment for Maori, which he articulated before and after the 1935 election. As explained in the next chapter, Ratana and Maori Labour supporters hoped for a substantially stronger voice for Maori in government. This was not to be the case, but Maori did make some gains during Labour s time in office. Reform of electoral law was one of the areas where in spite of bureaucratic resistance and the intervention of war advances were achieved. Most notably, provision was made in 1937 for the introduction of the secret ballot, and in 1948 a measure to provide for the enrolment of Maori electors was enacted. After Labour was voted from office in 1949, statutory reform of the Maori electoral system continued hesitantly. While some progress was made towards removing the differences between the two systems, areas of significant inequality in electoral law persisted for many years. Between 1949 and 1975, the National Party dominated government, holding power throughout the period, except during the years and , when Labour was in office. National was responsible for some reforms that brought the two electoral systems closer together, including, for example, the requirement for compulsory registration of Maori voters, introduced in However, other electoral reforms enacted by National impacted negatively on Maori, including the 1965 provision that enabled the number of European seats to be reviewed. The introduction of such measures reflected that National received little support from voters in the four seats, which in the post-war years continued to be firmly held by Ratana-Labour MPs. Matiu Rata, who held the Northern Maori seat between 1963 and 1980, continued to push for electoral reform from within the Labour Party. Rata sought the removal of all differences between the two systems, and his 1967 call for Maori to be able to choose to vote in either a Maori or European electorate marked a significant shift in Labour policy, one that reflected changes in Maori society, especially ongoing urbanisation. In 1975, with Rata as Minister of Maori Affairs, legislative effect was given to this proposal and a number of other important statutory changes were introduced, which eliminated almost all remaining differences between the two electoral systems. However, the most controversial of these changes, which provided for the number of Maori seats to be reviewed, did not survive long past the 86

87 period covered by this report. This provision was repealed in 1976 and it was not until the introduction of MMP in 1993 that the number of Maori seats was aligned proportionally with the number of Maori registered on the Maori electoral roll. The level of representation secured from the 1960s was, however, limited and clearly seems to have been lower than the Maori proportion of the population. No evidence has been presented here of Te Raki Maori protest or expressions of concern about administrative failings in the way that polling was handled in the Northern Maori seat. Following the 1914 election, a petition lodged by Maori called for the result to be declared invalid, but the petitioners did not directly ask for more careful administration of Maori polling. At the end of the period covered by this report, it is also not clear that Te Raki Maori objected to the serious problems that were resulting in a large proportion of votes being disallowed. Statutory reform of the Maori electoral system, it seems, was a greater priority. The Ratana-Labour hold on the Maori seats probably limited the extent to which Maori were concerned about the situation, as it was very unlikely that election outcomes in any of the Maori seats would have been any different if fewer votes had been disqualified. Unlike the national electoral system, special provision for Maori representation was not made at the local government level. Research for this report has focused on the electoral system of the county councils the most important form of local government in the inquiry district during the period between 1910 and Up until 1944, voting in the county electoral system was limited to ratepayers. The rationale for this franchise was based on the belief that, as county revenue was drawn from the levying of rates, only those who paid rates should participate in voting. However, this belied the fact that counties possessed wide-ranging powers and that decisions made by councils were often of concern to all residents, not just ratepayers. Also, though county revenue was derived from rates, the cost of some local works was partly met with hefty subsidies from central government. In 1944, when Labour introduced a residential voting qualification alongside the existing ratepayer qualification, Minister of Internal Affairs Parry argued that the reform was necessary to advance basic democratic principles. While people who did not own rateable property were entirely excluded from the county electoral system up to 1944, many Te Raki Maori had interests in such property and therefore potentially could have participated in county voting. However, they faced several difficulties that limited the extent to which they were able to satisfy the ratepayer qualification. These obstacles, it is clear, did not affect Pakeha landowners to the same degree. Three issues have been identified. First, statutory rules that limited the voting entitlement 87

88 to just one owner per property impacted particularly on Maori, who commonly held land in multiple ownership. Secondly, rates default was widespread among Maori land owners and, except for the period between 1915 and 1920, defaulting ratepayers were not allowed to participate in county voting. Lastly, the Pakeha-controlled councils of the inquiry district generally appear to have been unsupportive of greater Maori participation in the county electoral system, especially in areas where the size of the Maori population might have enabled Maori to gain representation on councils. The councils showed little interest in overcoming the obstacles that prevented Maori from being more involved in the county electoral system. For many years, for example, the councils did not attempt to improve the accuracy of county valuation rolls, which restricted their ability to effectively levy rates from Maori. The councils were, it seems, satisfied to secure rates payments from Maori through means that lay outside the ordinary system of rating, but these forms of payment did not enable Maori to participate in county voting. Given the difficulties that Maori faced in meeting the requirements of the ratepayer franchise prior to 1944, it is unsurprising that Te Raki Maori, participation in the county electoral system appears to have been limited. Though very few county electoral rolls have been located, other evidence indicates that Te Raki Maori were largely excluded from voting. And it seems unlikely that there was any immediate, significant improvement in Te Raki Maori involvement in the county electoral system after the introduction of residential voting in While this reform significantly widened the voting franchise, it appears that, for at least the first decade after its introduction, the new residential qualification was poorly communicated to Maori. Counties of the inquiry district as well as the Department of Maori Affairs appear to have misinformed Te Raki Maori and did not actively encourage them to take advantage of the new voting entitlement. The limited involvement of Te Raki Maori in county voting is reflected in evidence that shows that, for almost the whole period covered by this report, Te Raki Maori were not represented on the county councils of the inquiry district. This lack of representation limited the extent to which Te Raki Maori were able to voice their concerns and influence decisions on a range of matters that directly concerned them. It was not until the early 1960s, near the end of the period examined here, that Te Raki Maori begin to be elected to some county councils, indicating that by this time a greater number of Maori had begun to take part in county voting. No evidence has been located to suggest that the Crown actively monitored the extent to which Te Raki Maori were able to participate in the county 88

89 electoral system. Moreover, the Crown was unresponsive to protests by Te Raki Maori that concerned their inability to secure representation on the county councils of the inquiry district. These calls for change appear to have been limited to the period before the introduction of the residential voting qualification. Most radically, in 1926, Maori of the Bay of Islands and Whangarei districts called for a separate Maori body to take over county powers in their area. The government does not appear to have responded to this suggestion and was, it seems, similarly unresponsive four years later, when Hokianga Maori called for Maori representation within the existing county system. It is evident that the Labour Government introduced the residential voting qualification in 1944 as a general measure, not in response to demands from Maori or with the specific aim of increasing Maori representation on county councils. Without such a focus, it is unsurprising that Te Raki Maori marginalisation from the county electoral system continued into the second half of the twentieth century. 89

90 Chapter Two: Quest for recognition and engagement, Introduction This chapter examines selected developments in the period between 1910 and 1939, focussing on the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the First World War, the influence of the Ratana movement within the Te Raki inquiry district, and the work of Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson. The sections of the chapter that deal with the First World War and the Ratana movement relate to question (c) of the research commission. This question asks how, between 1910 and 1939, the Crown engaged with and responded to Te Raki Maori concerns, particularly through communication with parliamentary and tribal leaders and the Ratana movement. The question also asks whether Te Raki Maori were adequately consulted on Crown policies and practices of importance to them and, if so, what the forms of such consultation were. Other chapters in this report also shed light on the nature of Crown-Te Raki engagement in the period from 1910 to 1939 and are also relevant to question (c). Chapter one has examined, for the whole of the period covered by this report, engagement concerning the national and local government electoral systems. The following chapter, chapter three, looks at the operation of the Maori council system in the Te Raki inquiry district between 1910 and As well as assessing whether the council system enabled Te Raki Maori to exercise greater autonomy, the chapter comments on the extent to which the councils served as a platform for engagement between the Crown and Te Raki Maori, and it discusses Te Raki Maori efforts to reform and enhance the system. Chapter four also sheds light on the issues raised in question (c). It concerns the provision of state welfare assistance in the Te Raki inquiry district between 1910 and the mid-1940s, focussing particularly on engagement relating to the practice of reducing pension and benefit payments to Maori. Existing Te Raki research reports present further evidence that relates to question (c). Bassett and Kay s report on government-assisted land development schemes, for example, includes details of engagement between the Crown and Te Raki Maori over the implementation of these schemes, which comprised the most significant government economic development initiative offered to Te Raki Maori during the period covered in this report. Bassett and Kay describe, for example, a series of meetings that Native Minister Ngata held with Maori communities throughout Northland in April 90

91 1930. At these meetings, development scheme proposals were discussed, with Ngata encouraging Maori to participate in the schemes. 315 Te Raki Maori involvement in the First World War and participation in the Ratana movement the developments examined in this chapter that are relevant to question (c) were two significant ways that Te Raki Maori engaged with the Crown in the period between 1910 and The two forms of engagement shared some common features. The engagement was, in both cases, to a large extent initiated and driven by Maori. Also, though they represented different strategies of engagement and operated over different lengths of time, both sought to secure greater Crown recognition of, and responsiveness to, Te Raki Maori concerns. The chapter looks first at the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the First World War, fought between August 1914 and November The discussion forms part of the background to the work undertaken by the Maori War Effort Organisation during the Second World War, which is examined in chapter five. The section on the First World War begins by describing the establishment of the voluntary Maori service unit that was formed at the request of Maori soon after war was declared. It is explained that those Maori who sought to contribute to the war effort hoped that it would result in positive long term benefits, including a stronger awareness of Maori and their concerns. The section then discusses how enlistment progressed in the Te Raki inquiry district, where there was significant support for the war effort. This discussion includes an examination of government efforts to conscript Maori, which though aimed at Maori of the Waikato and Rohe Potae districts were opposed by Te Raki Maori, possibly impacting on recruitment in the inquiry district towards war s end. The contribution of Te Raki Maori to the home front war effort is also briefly discussed. The First World War section concludes by assessing the extent to which the Crown satisfied the expectations of Te Raki Maori who had hoped that the Crown in recognition of their war service would be more responsive to their concerns. It is argued that, in the decade following the end of the conflict, the Crown substantially failed to engage more closely with Te Raki Maori and respond to issues of importance to them. Evidence concerning this failure, it is noted, is presented elsewhere in the report. The discussion presented in this chapter focuses on a number of issues that Northland Maori raised with Prime Minister Massey during a meeting held in March It is explained that, in the post-war period, prior to Ngata s land 315 Heather Bassett and Richard Kay, Tai Tokerau Maori Land Development Schemes, , pp

92 development work, Crown engagement with Maori centred primarily on the resolution of historical grievances. However, Te Raki Maori were not among the groups that the government dealt with, though there were historical land issues that they wished to see resolved. The second section of the chapter examines the emergence of support for the Ratana movement and its role as a form of political engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown up to It explains that the Ratana movement, led by prophet Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana, gained widespread support in the inquiry district during the 1920s and that Northland Maori, notably Paraire Paikea, became involved in the organisation s leadership. Growth in support for the Ratana movement arose in part from the frustration that Te Raki Maori experienced in the 1920s, when it became evident that in spite of their contribution to the First World War the government remained unresponsive to their concerns. Te Raki Maori, to a large extent, continued to be economically and politically marginalised. Ratana, it is explained, appealed especially to such Maori, who had been widely dispossessed as a result of earlier land loss. The movement offered a new model of leadership that looked to supersede existing forms of tribal leadership, which it believed were inadequate to meet the challenges that Maori faced. While Ratana initially did not engage with the government or official bodies and initiatives, it is explained that the movement developed an increasingly political focus, based upon the view that engagement through the parliamentary political system was necessary if change and improvement for the Maori people was to be achieved. As is well known, the Ratana movement entered into a political alliance with the Labour Party, which was formalised in 1936, soon after the First Labour Government entered office. As noted in previous chapter, this alliance came to dominate Maori parliamentary representation for many years, with all four of the Maori seats held by Ratana-affiliated Labour representatives from Examination of the Ratana movement ends with an evaluation of the extent to which it secured an effective voice in government and was able to influence policy and legislation during Labour s early years in power up to This discussion links with and provides contextual details of relevance to developments discussed elsewhere in this report. As explained in the previous chapter, Ratana MPs, early on, called for reform of the national electoral system as it applied to Maori. Later, chapter four details that like other Maori MPs before them Ratana MPs also sought equality of treatment for Maori in the provision of state welfare assistance payments. The extent to which these and other goals were realised reflects that, while the Ratana 92

93 movement achieved gains up to 1939, there were limitations to these advances and early hopes of a new role for Maori in government were not fulfilled. The final section of the chapter discusses the work of Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson, who in 1924 was appointed judge of the Tokerau District Native Land Court and president of the Tokerau District Maori Land Board positions he held until his retirement in The discussion addresses question (d) of the research commission, which requires an examination of Crown and Maori responses to Acheson s practice and decisions, particularly what these responses reveal about Crown and Maori views of the Treaty and its importance. The section begins by explaining that Acheson, in carrying out his duties, looked to improve the living conditions of Northland Maori and address some of their concerns. His efforts contrast with the government s failure to engage more closely with Te Raki Maori in the post-war period. It is detailed that Acheson, soon after assuming his role in the North, initiated some land development work and began providing greater protection of Maori ownership of land. Later, he heard title applications that involved claims to areas of foreshore and lakebed, which tested assumptions of Crown ownership. Acheson also became involved in the investigation of historical land grievances, reporting upon petitions that Te Raki Maori lodged in respect of earlier transactions. While Acheson gained the respect of many Northland Maori, it is explained that the government and officials did not always support his work, including his sometimes innovative judicial decisions, which were subject to Crown appeal. This limited the extent to which Acheson was able to effectively respond to the concerns of Te Raki Maori, illustrating further that the government was not focussed on addressing these concerns, especially when they conflicted with existing policies and priorities. The section concludes by explaining that the government and officials became increasingly frustrated with Acheson, with tensions arising especially over Acheson s perceived lack of cooperation with the Native Department in respect of the implementation of the Northland land development schemes. Eventually, a breakdown in Acheson s relationship with the Tokerau District Court Registrar, J.H. Robertson, and Native Minister Rex Mason led to his forced retirement in 1943, at the age of

94 Te Raki Maori and the First World War Initial Maori commitment and motivations After war was declared in early August 1914, many Maori from Northland and elsewhere firmly believed that New Zealand s military war effort should include a Maori contribution. While the New Zealand Government was supportive of this, the British Imperial Government initially opposed the use of native troops from the Empire, believing that it might test their loyalty and that it was inappropriate for coloured peoples to be fighting whites. 316 However, in mid-september 1914, after the New Zealand Government had formally requested that a Maori unit be accepted, Britain s Army Council agreed to take 200 Maori troops. When it became apparent that there would be a much larger number of volunteers, this number was increased to 500 men. 317 The voluntary Maori unit was initially named the Maori Contingent. It was known by Maori as Te Hokowhitu-a-Tu. 318 Responsibility for the recruitment of Maori volunteers lay with the Maori Contingent Committee, which was formed soon after the decision to accept Maori troops. It consisted of the four Maori electorate MPs as well as fellow Maori MP Sir James Carroll, who represented a European electorate. 319 The committee decided that the four Maori electorate MPs should oversee recruitment in their respective districts. The Maori MPs expectation that they would be able to successfully meet recruitment objectives shows that they believed they had the respect of many Maori and provided an important link between Maori the government. Committee chairman Maui Pomare and Apirana Ngata were the key individuals who drove the Maori war effort and were closely involved in recruitment throughout the war. The committee set the following target quotas for each electorate: Table 3: Maori Contingent proposed recruit quotas from Maori electoral districts 320 District MP Proposed quota Tai-Tokerau / Northern Peter Buck 100 (20%) Tai-Hauauru / Western Maui Pomare 180 (36%) Tai-Rawhiti / Eastern Apirana Ngata 180 (36%) Te Waipounamu / Southern Taare Parata 40 (8%) 316 Paul Baker, King and Country Call: New Zealanders, Conscription and the Great War, Auckland University Press, Auckland, 1988, p P.S. O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , Political Science, vol. 19, 1967, p Monty Soutar, Te Hokowhitu-a-Tu: What Did They Come Back To?, The Turnbull Library Record, vol. 42, 2009, p Christopher Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu: The Maori Battalion in the First World War, Reed, Auckland, 2006, p Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, p22. 94

95 The quotas appear to have been calculated to provide a roughly equal contribution based on the Maori population of each electorate. When questioned about the structure of the Contingent in Parliament on 22 September 1914, Prime Minister Massey stated that the Maori Contingent Committee had agreed that each district should send its quota in proportion to its population. 321 However, at the same time, the committee was aware that the proportion of men willing to volunteer in each district might differ. This reflected an understanding that iwi might not hold the same views regarding participation in the war. If a district s quota could not be made up, the Committee decided that it should be filled from another district. 322 The Maori Contingent was initially not committed to active service and after leaving New Zealand in February 1915 it undertook garrison duties in Egypt and then Malta. 323 In May 1915, after the Gallipoli Campaign had begun, the Imperial Government requested that the Contingent serve in a combatant role and in light of the casualties that would result from this it asked that 250 Maori reinforcements be provided every three months. The New Zealand Government agreed to this, though it soon became apparent that the recruitment target was unrealistic. By the end of the war, however, more than 2,200 Maori had served in the Maori Contingent and the units that succeeded it the New Zealand Pioneer Battalion (formed in February 1916), and the New Zealand (Maori) Pioneer Battalion (formed in September 1917). 324 Maori who supported involvement in the war effort and wished to encourage Maori recruitment expressed strong sentiments of loyalty towards the Crown and British Empire. For example, in a statement made in late September 1914 in connection with the organisation of the Maori Contingent, Pomare declared: The Maoris of this Dominion have expressed as with one voice the unswerving loyalty to the British Throne... They have expressed this loyalty with no uncertain sound. They recognise that the British cause is their cause; that the British King is their King; and that the God of the British is the God of the Maoris too. In this they are absolutely one. This spirit has been expressed to me... in hundreds of letters NZPD, 1914, vol. 170, p Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, p O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, pp Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, p45, Evening Post, 29 September 1914, p3. 95

96 As Hill observes, Maori support for the war effort cannot simply be viewed as the reflection of a healthy relationship with the state. 326 Some Maori saw the war as an opportunity to seek improvements, hoping that their loyalty would result in the addressing of certain historical grievances and other issues. (In other parts of the British Empire, similar motivations underpinned the participation of other ethnic groups. 327 ) Where Maori were unwilling to contribute to the war effort, it would similarly be wrong to view this as reflecting hostility towards the government based on existing grievance. As discussed later, the development of the war itself and the government s implementation of the war effort became factors in determining Maori support for the war and the extent to which this was maintained. Among those who supported the war effort, Apirana Ngata articulated the benefits that he hoped would result from Maori participation when debating the Military Service Bill on 1 June Ngata spoke in favour of the inclusion of provisions that would enable conscription to be extended to Maori. This was a contentious issue among Maori, as explained below. Nevertheless, Ngata s views regarding the positive outcome of war service are likely to have represented something of the hopes of those Maori who had supported involvement in the war. Ngata told the House that: it will be the best thing for the Maori race that their best young men have gone to the front to fight side by side with yours. It is not going to hurt the race physically. For a time the birth-rate will not be as much as it is. I believe the race will be reinvigorated after the war. Many misunderstandings that exist at present between the two races will disappear. Men who fought side by side must understand themselves very much better for that fact. 328 Other Maori supporters of the war effort spoke of Maori involvement as an obligation under the Treaty of Waitangi, and they viewed Maori participation as an opportunity to secure greater recognition of the Treaty. In June 1915, the MP for Southern Maori, Parata, made reference to the Treaty when attempting to stimulate Maori recruitment: Rise, brothers, to this great occasion, and prove to the Empire that on our part that scrap of paper is as good now as on the day when it was signed, and we are not going to have it said against us, the Maoris of this Dominion, that that Treaty is only for times of peace and not for times of war Richard Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, , Victoria University Press, Wellington, 2004, pp See, for example, Glenford D. Howe, Race, War and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War, Oxford: James Currey, NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p Northern Advocate, 22 June 1915, p1. 96

97 Alongside the broad motivations that underlay Maori participation, it should also be noted that the individuals who volunteered possessed personal motivations that were not necessarily focussed on any long-term benefits of Maori involvement. Speaking in the House on 1 June 1916, Ngata spoke of the forces that drove many early Maori volunteers: It was the spirit of their fathers within them that called them to fight, and they went to fight. Patriotism and those other things came afterwards as excuses. I dare say it was the same in the case of those that comprised the first Expeditionary Force. After they had gone we began flag-waving and called them patriots, but it was the sheer love of adventure in them and it was the spirit of their fathers in them that moved them to go. 330 Though individual Maori volunteers had personal motivations and may not have focussed on the wider significance of Maori participation, it nevertheless seems likely that their involvement reflected something of the views that their family and tribal group held towards the war effort. As discussed later, this appears to have been the case in the Te Raki inquiry district, where it is evident that family and tribal leaders influenced recruitment. Overview of Te Raki Maori involvement Te Raki Maori volunteered for service throughout the war, though levels of recruitment and support for the war effort shifted during the course of the conflict. Details of the recruits who served with the Maori Contingent and the Pioneer Battalions were set out in Nominal Rolls that were prepared for the initial Maori Contingent and each subsequent group of reinforcements. 331 The rolls provide the names of individual recruits and the names and addresses of their next-of-kin, who were most commonly the soldier s parents. Though the rolls do not include details of recruits home addresses and tribal affiliations, the next-of-kin particulars provide a useful indication of the places where they came from. Table 4 details that 282 (about 13 per cent) of the recruits listed in the Nominal Rolls had next-of-kin residing within the Te Raki inquiry district. Almost all of the Te Raki next-of-kin lived in the northern sub-regions, with only a few residing in the Mahurangi and Gulf Islands sub-region. Alongside the Te Raki volunteers, there appears to have been substantial recruitment from other parts of Tai Tokerau. About 520 of the Maori soldiers listed in the Nominal Rolls had next of kin residing in the Northern Maori electorate. 330 NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p The Nominal Rolls are reproduced in Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, pp

98 Table 4: Volunteers for First World War Maori service units with next-of-kin residing in Te Raki inquiry district 332 Nominal Roll Te Raki Volunteers Total Number Te Raki % Date of Departure 1 st Maori Contingent Feb nd Sept rd Feb th May th (No. 2 Platoon) June th July th Maori Aug 1916 Reinforcement 8 th Sept th Oct th Nov th (Rarotongans) nil n/a n/a 16 Nov th Jan th Jan th Feb th April th April th April th June th July th July st Aug nd Oct rd nil Nov th nil Nov th Dec th Feb th March th April th May th June st Aug nd Oct 1918 Total 282 2, It should be noted that the Nominal Rolls record only those Maori recruits who, from the time of their enlistment, served as members of the Maori Contingent and the Pioneer Battalions that succeeded it. Some Maori, including, it seems, Maori from the Te Raki inquiry district, initially joined 332 Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, pp Further relevant detail is provided in Chief of General Staff, War, : New Zealand Expeditionary Force, its provision and maintenance, Government Printer, Wellington, Also see Jonathan Sarich, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, 1914-c.1939, Waitangi Tribunal Unit, March 2011, Wai 898 #A29, p20, footnote 48. It is evident that the Nominal Roll of the 4 th Maori Contingent (No. 2 Platoon) is that of the Fifth Maori Draft. 98

99 European units and these individuals are therefore not recorded on the rolls. 333 While it is not possible to determine exactly how many Te Raki Maori were members of other units, it is unlikely to have been a large number. In October 1915, Pomare pressured the Minister of Defence James Allen to require all Maori to serve with the Maori Contingent. 334 Allen rejected this, but in the middle of 1917 the matter was raised again. At this time, it was reported that 40 Maori were serving with European infantry units in France. While these individuals were invited to join the Pioneer Battalion, only eight choose to do so. Maori members of European units in England were not given the option and were required to transfer to the Pioneer Battalion. 335 Research for this report has not evaluated how First World War Maori recruitment in the Te Raki inquiry district compared with levels of Maori enlistments elsewhere. However, the number of Te Raki recruits indicated in the Nominal Rolls represents a significant willingness to contribute to the war effort. During the course of the war, as detailed below, Defence Minister Allen made statements that indicated that the government was satisfied with the contribution of Maori recruits from Northland. The number of Te Raki Maori who were among those members of the Maori Contingent and Pioneer Battalions who were killed and wounded has also not been established, but Te Raki casualties were presumably consistent with overall rates. 336 According to Pugsley, of the 2,227 Maori and 458 Pacific Islanders who served in the Maori Contingent and Pioneer Battalions, 336 died on active service (12.5 per cent) and 724 were wounded (27.0 per cent). 337 Initial recruitment As detailed above, the Maori Contingent Committee indicated that the Northern Maori electorate would furnish about 100 of the 500 recruits required for the Contingent. Writing to Minister of Defence Allen on 18 September 1914, the committee emphasised that the district quotas were not hard and fast figures. In respect of the Northern Maori electorate, the committee suggested where the recruits might be drawn from: Kaitaia (25), 333 See, for example, Northern Advocate, 13 May 1915, p Pomare to Allen (telegram), 27 October 1915, AAYS 8638 AD /32/1, Expeditionary Force Maori Contingents N.Z.E.F, , ANZ Wellington. 335 O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, p Pugsley provides a list of those members of the Maori Contingent and Pioneer Battalions who died during the war or later as a result of their service; Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, pp Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, p81. 99

100 Ohaeawai (20), Rawene (25), Dargaville (12), Whangarei (5), and Auckland (15). 338 Following the general election held in December 1914, Tau Henare replaced Buck as the MP for Northern Maori and became involved in recruitment work within the electorate. Buck was appointed medical officer of the Maori Contingent and departed with the unit for overseas service in February Recruitment in the Northern Maori electorate initially appears to have been somewhat below the committee s expectations, with the Nominal Rolls suggesting that about 75 volunteers from the electorate were among the 518 men who formed the First Contingent. As detailed in Table 4, this included 25 men from the Te Raki inquiry district. The Second Contingent that departed in September 1915 contained a similar proportion of volunteers from the Northern Maori electorate and the Te Raki inquiry district. Of the 311 men who made up this group, about 45 appear to have been from locations within the electorate, with 18 of these coming from the inquiry district. Newspaper reports provide some evidence of Te Raki Maori views on recruitment during the first year of the war. The Northern Advocate recorded opposition to recruitment when Pomare met with Ngapuhi in early October 1914 at Waitangi. At this meeting, Ngapuhi members talked of petitioning the government not to send the Contingent away. 340 One of the speakers, Niurangi Ngapua (mother of former Northern Maori MP Hone Heke Ngapua), spoke of her loyalty, but also expressed concern at the impact that war service might have on a people who were but feeble in numbers. 341 (The Advocate suggested that the unspoken basis of this opposition was that Ngapuhi were reluctant to serve alongside other iwi.) As a result of patriotic appeals by Pomare, the paper claimed that Ngapuhi withdrew their opposition during the meeting Carroll, Ngata, Parata, Te Rangihiroa, and Pomare to Allen, 18 September 1914, AAYS 8638 AD /32/1, Expeditionary Force Maori Contingents N.Z.E.F, , ANZ Wellington. 339 M.P.K. Sorrenson, Buck, Peter Henry, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 6 January URL: Northern Advocate, 5 October 1914, p Northern Advocate, 13 May 1915, p7. The Advocate recorded Ngapuha s name to be Nuinu Rangi Ngapuha. However, Clare Savali, Ngapuha s great great granddaughter, has advised that Ngapuha was correctly known as Niurangi Ngapuha. 342 Northern Advocate, 5 October 1914, p4. 100

101 However, some reluctance clearly remained in the Northland district and among Te Raki Maori. Tribal elders, in particular, appear to have been hesitant. Reporting on 13 May 1915, the Northern Advocate recorded that further concern had been expressed at a meeting that had been held at Karetu (east of Kawakawa) a few weeks earlier. 343 The decision to recruit reinforcements for the Maori Contingent had yet to be made at this time and, according to the Advocate, a number of young Maori had applied to join European reinforcements. The paper stated that tribal elders were worried by the keenness of many young Maori to enlist. It reported that those present at the Karetu meeting had resolved to form a committee to monitor the interests of the Ngapuhi tribe. If a call for further Maori recruits was made, the committee planned to regulate applications for enlistment so that no settlement would lose all of its young men. Following the Imperial Government s request for an ongoing commitment of Maori troops, which was made in early May 1915, Allen sought the views of Archdeacon H.A. Hawkins of Auckland regarding the potential for further Maori recruitment. 344 Responding on 8 May 1915, Hawkins observed that in the Northland district there was some difference between the views of young and old: In the North of Auckland the subject has already been discussed at many meetings as it was thought possible more men might be asked for. Most of these meetings have been against sending more men the argument used being that they are all willing to defend NZ should she be attacked, but they do not wish to decrease the race by sending away their young men. But there is one hopeful thing throughout the north, and I think it applies to other parts as well, it is not the young men themselves who object. They are mostly keen to go. It is the old people who are the difficulty. 345 In response to word that the Second Contingent would be raised, some Northland Maori (predominantly Ngapuhi) petitioned the Governor, Lord Liverpool, on the matter, expressing their opposition to further recruitment of Maori troops. The petition, dated 27 July 1915, was handed to the Governor at Kaikohe. 346 It was signed by Rekene Pehi Neho and 261 others. 343 Northern Advocate, 13 May 1915, p Hawkins was a Pakeha, but had been educated at Te Aute College. Lange notes that he had close involvement with the Northland Maori community during epidemics. In September 1915, he departed with the Second Maori Contingent as chaplain. Raeburn Lange, May the People Live: A History of Maori Health Development, , Auckland University Press, Auckland, 1999, p180. Nominal Roll of the Second Maori Contingent, see Pugsley, Te Hokowhitu A Tu, p Archdeacon H.A. Hawkins to Allen, 8 May 1915, AAYS 8638 AD /32/1, Expeditionary Force Maori Contingents N.Z.E.F, , ANZ Wellington. 346 Minita Maori to Neho, 24 January 1916, ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 1, Ministerial Files Correspondence with Governor General, , ANZ Wellington; 101

102 The petitioners stated that their people could not sustain any further decline in numbers through the war effort: We are a people who are extremely few in number, a number which is surely lessening; and we, your few people, are being taken off to the war which can only hasten their extinction. 347 The petitioners also noted that Maori had not fought in the South African War, stating that the King had at this time upheld the protection of the Maori people guaranteed by the Treaty of Waitangi. Response to the petition was slow and it did not result in any change of policy. On 24 January 1916, the Native Minister, Herries, wrote to Neho, acknowledging receipt of the petition. 348 Soon after, on 29 February 1916, it was put before Cabinet, which decided that no action was required. 349 Following the departure of the Second Contingent in September 1915, Maori recruiting efforts stalled across the country, with the Maori Contingent Committee harbouring several serious concerns about the handling of the Contingent. Tensions arose in connection with the performance of the Pakeha commander and the sending home of three Maori officers. The committee was also concerned about the splitting up of the Contingent during the Gallipoli Campaign. 350 (Ngata later recalled that the Contingent lost its identity at this time. 351 ) By early March 1916, these concerns had largely been resolved and the committee s recruitment activities resumed. 352 Recruitment in the Te Raki inquiry district reached its highest level during The Nominal Rolls indicate that about 117 Maori from the inquiry district were among the eight Maori drafts that departed during the year. Te Raki Maori comprised about 20 per cent of the total number of recruits who made up these drafts. In part, this level of enlistment reflected something of the committee s strong recruitment efforts in Northland. In an interview published in the Northern Advocate on 8 March 1916, Tau Henare observed that recruitment in the Private Secretary to Official Secretary, 17 February 1916, ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 1, ANZ Wellington. 347 Petition of Rekene Pehi Neho and 261 others, undated, ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 1, ANZ Wellington. 348 Minita Maori to Neho, 24 January 1916, ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 1, ANZ Wellington. 349 Unknown writer, 29 February 1916, minute on Private Secretary to Official Secretary, 17 February 1916, ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 1, ANZ Wellington. 350 O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , pp NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , p

103 Bay of Islands was progressing well, but he noted that some reluctance had been encountered in the Hokianga. Henare stated that this reluctance, due to misunderstanding and misinformation, was held primarily among the older Ngapuhi. He claimed that, through visiting the district and talking to the men, he had been able to change their views and had secured a number of enlistments. 353 During the second half of March 1916, Pomare travelled through the district in order to stimulate further recruitment. 354 Following this trip, the Northern Advocate reported that Pomare felt that enlistments among northern Maori were quite satisfactory, with the Contingent s reformation into a single unit being a positive factor. He noted that certain recruitment difficulties in the Hokianga had been removed. 355 Image 2: Maui Pomare unveiling the country's first First World War memorial, Kaitaia, 24 March 1916 (Northwood Brothers Collection, reference 1/ G, ATL) On 23 May 1916, the New Zealand Herald reported that additional recruiting efforts were being undertaken in Northland by L.W. Parore of Dargaville. (Affiliated to Ngapuhi and Te Roroa, Louis Wellington Parore, was a licensed 353 Northern Advocate, 4 March 1916, p Pomare to Gibbon, 14 March 1916, AAYS 8638 AD /169/100, Expeditionary Force Recruiting Maoris, , ANZ Wellington. 355 Northern Advocate, 8 April 1916, p3. 103

104 interpreter and Native Land Court agent. 356 ) The Herald recorded that, owing to his efforts, recruiting was brisk. Over a two-week period, meetings had been held in Helensville and the Bay of Islands districts. At these gatherings, elder natives showed keen interest in the progress of the war. Parore stated that he was meeting with satisfactory support, but had encountered some who believed that the third article of the Treaty forbade Maori from going to war. According to the Herald, Parore succeed in convincing those who held this view that it was false and that Maori and Pakeha stood on the same footing. 357 The Herald did not discuss the reasoning that their position had been based upon. Conscription and final recruitment Table 4 shows that Te Raki recruitment began to slow towards the end of It indicates that only six recruits from the inquiry district were among the 71 volunteers who made up the last group of Maori reinforcements to depart in that year. In 1917, there appears to have been 74 Te Raki Maori volunteers among the reinforcements that departed, with a further 48 included in the reinforcements that left in 1918, before the war ended. In total, 122 of the recruits who departed in 1917 and 1918 had next of kin residing in the Te Raki inquiry district a little more than the number of such recruits who left during Though the number of Te Raki volunteers declined from the end of 1916, they often continued to make up a significant proportion of the reinforcements that departed, indicating that Maori recruitment generally diminished from around this time. The drop in the number of Te Raki recruits appears to have been influenced by two factors. First, moves to extend conscription to Maori from mid 1916 was a matter of concern for some Te Raki Maori and seems to have tempered support for the war effort, even though the introduction of conscription was aimed at Maori of other districts. Secondly, as the war dragged on, there was ongoing and deepening concern among some Te Raki Maori about the number of their men who had gone to the war and the long-terms impact of this contribution. This view obviously would have been shaped by casualty rates and an understanding that a proportion of those who departed would not return. Provision for the conscription of Maori was included in the Military Service Act 1916, which became law on 1 August The main aim of the Act was to enable conscription of the general population a power that was deemed 356 Garry Hooker and Robert Parore, Parore, Louis Wellington, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 October URL: New Zealand Herald, 23 May 1916, p8. 104

105 necessary after it became evident that recruitment requirements would not be met through voluntary enlistment. On 1 June 1916, during debate of the Bill, Ngata explained that the Maori MPs had decided that Maori should not be exempt from the proposed legislation and had called for the omission of a clause that had excluded Maori. 358 He stated that the need to maintain the Maori Contingent was the main reason for this decision and that the Maori MPs were not enthusiastic about compulsion. He further explained that, owing to a reluctance to enlist within some iwi, some tribes in other districts had asked that the broom should be applied to those who are remaining behind. 359 Among the Maori MPs who spoke on the Bill, Henare was the most reserved in his acceptance of conscription. Speaking on 31 May 1916, he told the House that he supported conscription, but did not want it applied to those who were anxious and willing to go referring to his own constituents. Unlike the other MPs, Henare attempted to explain why Maori in the Waikato and Taranaki districts had been reluctant to volunteer, suggesting that this possibly reflected ongoing grievances associated with the land confiscations of the nineteenth century. 360 During the debate, Henare raised two other issues that may also have impacted on recruitment in the inquiry district. Referring presumably to people from Dalmatia, Henare spoke of the Austrians who were residing in his electorate. He told that House that there was much concern among his constituents that these people were moving about them while their sons were away fighting. 361 (The Austro-Hungarian Empire, it should be noted, was allied to Germany and one of the powers that New Zealand was at war with.) Henare also requested that government purchasing of Maori land cease until the end of the war an issue that illustrates that support for the war was offered even though there was opposition to existing government practices and legislation. Henare told the House that: It has been said that land should be set aside for returned soldiers. We, the Native people, have land of our own, but because of the purchases of the Government I am afraid that we may be left without land NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, pp Also see Michael King, Te Puea: A life, Auckland: Reed Publishing, 4 th edition, 2006, p NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p573. Dalmatians were not conscripted for military service, but from 1917 were conscripted for Home Service. See Andrew Trlin, Now Respected: Once Despised Yugoslavs in New Zealand, Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, NZPD, 1916, vol. 175, p

106 According to Hearn, eight Crown purchases were completed in the Tokerau district in 1916, involving about 7,153 acres. Crown purchasing activities then seem to have eased: in 1917, no Crown purchases were completed, and during the following year, 1918, the Crown acquired only two areas in the Tokerau district, comprising about 1404 acres. 363 It is unclear whether Henare s request influenced Crown purchase activities in the inquiry district during the last two years of the war. Speaking in the House again on 13 July 1917, Henare turned to private purchasing of Maori land, asking that this too cease until after the war s end. He stated that men serving overseas were among those whose interests were being acquired by private purchasers. Claiming that all the soldiers were land owners, he urged the government to protect their interests, explaining that: While these men were in the firing-line some agents of land speculators had gone round with a form of application for the purchase of their land; and while they were away at the front there would be meetings of assembled owners set up, and resolutions to sell might be passed by them. He would ask, who was going to vote on behalf of the men who had gone to fight for the country and their land?... They did not ask for any land at all from the Government, but they wanted the Government to protect what they did own. 364 Henare asked the government to take note of the matter and suggested that it would be necessary to stop purchases until 12 months after the end of the conflict to ensure that the owners were present to look after their interests. In spite of the Maori contribution to the war effort, this did not happen, though the area of land sold to private interests through the meeting of owners system (set out in Part XVIII of the Native Land Act 1909) did decline significantly from about the end of Again, it is unclear whether Henare s appeal to the government was influential. In mid 1917, almost one year after the passage of the Military Service Act 1916, the government began taking steps to extend conscription to Maori, focussing firmly on Maori of the Waikato and Rohe Potae. In accordance with section 50 of the Act, a proclamation was gazetted on 26 June 1917, 363 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp NZPD, 1917, vol. 178, p392; Henare had also commented on the purchase of land by speculators in his electorate in July 1916, when speaking on a petition that had been submitted by Karaka Rutene and others of Manukau. (This appears to be a locality near Herekino Harbour). On this occasion, Henare stated that at the present time the Maori people of his district had been very badly treated by the confirmation of the sales of their lands to the land speculators of this country. NZPD, 1916, vol. 177, p AJHR, 1918, G-9, p6. AJHR, 1919, G-9, p6. Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, Graph 7.3 after p

107 formally extending provisions of the 1916 Act to Maori. 366 The proclamation did not specify where conscription would be implemented, but before it was issued Defence Minister Allen explained (in a statement made to the press) that the need for the ballot had arisen because Maori in one particular district had failed to respond to the call for men. 367 Allen, it seems, viewed the contribution made by Te Raki Maori and Maori of other districts as satisfactory and in line with government expectations. However, in spite of the message he conveyed to the press, various tribes around New Zealand protested and expressed concern that conscription would be applied to them. In response, Allen assured them that conscription was intended only for the Waikatos. 368 In the Te Raki inquiry district, the Northern Advocate reported that a meeting to discuss conscription proposals was held on 19 June 1917 at Henare s meeting room at Motatau. 369 Attended by leaders of Aupouri, Te Rarawa, Ngapuhi, and Ngati Whatua, the discussion was stated to have lasted all night and it was decided that a strong protest should be made against the introduction of conscription for the Maori people. The wording in this report suggests that the opposition did not arise simply from a concern that conscription might be applied in Northland it also seems to have been based on a general view that no Maori in any district should be forced to enlist. Reflecting this wider concern, the Northern Advocate reported on 7 July 1917 that Ngapuhi were represented alongside Waikato, Ngati Maru, and Ngati Paoa at a meeting that had been held in Auckland to discuss the conscription issue. 370 On 11 July 1917, the Advocate further reported that Maori all over the North were holding meetings in connection with moves to extend conscription to Maori. Indicating that Pakeha viewed the Te Raki Maori war effort favourably, the paper stated that Ngapuhi were taking a very magnaminous[sic] attitude in the matter, considering that nearly all the fighting men fit for active service amongst the Ngapuhi tribes have already responded voluntarily to the Empire s call; and it is only some of the disaffected tribes of the Waikato who have so far shirked their duty in this respect. The Advocate reported that, at the meetings, it had been stated that no more Ngapuhi should be allowed to go to the front because the tribe now a mere handful was less likely to recover the loss of its males than 366 P.S. O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , Political Science, vol. 19, 1967, p Northern Advocate, 16 June 1917, p Sarich, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, p Northern Advocate, 23 June 1917, p Northern Advocate, 7 July 1917, p1. 107

108 other, larger tribes. 371 As well as population concerns, it also seems likely that issues around conscription underlay this stance. In late 1917, as preparations for conscription in the Waikato and Rohe Potae proceeded, Henare pushed for one final round of recruitment in Northland. On 18 December 1917, he telegraphed Allen, advising that his people had passed a resolution to raise another platoon, which would be the last from the north. Henare stated that a recruiting officer had been sent to various parts of his district, but eligible boys had been very scarce. His people, Henare told Allen, feel the pinch and intimating perhaps that conscription should never be applied in his district he emphasised that they had been loyal to their country and the Empire and King. He stated that about 600 recruits had been sent from his electorate. 372 In reply, Allen stated that he was grateful for the contribution and earnestly hoped that northern Maori would not be called upon to add to their heavy sacrifices. 373 On 14 January 1918, Henare wrote again to Allen, stating that he was close to filling the platoon. He also requested that the Northern Boys who were presently in camp remain there until the arrival of the platoon. He asked the Defence Minister to make it quite clear that the platoon would be the final contribution from the people of his district because they could not supply any more men, they all went to the call of our Empire. 374 Replying on 25 January 1918, Allen advised Henare that it would not be possible to detain the northern Maori in camp owing to unsatisfactory recruiting among Maori generally. 375 In the Northland district, the difficulty of raising further recruits at this time is evident from a report of a meeting held at Kaikohe at the end of January 1918, when the proposal to raise a final platoon was discussed. The Northern Advocate reported continuing opposition from a number of elders, some of whom opposed the proposal on the grounds that Aupouri, Te Rarawa, Ngapuhi, and Ngati Whatua had supplied more men in proportion to their numbers than some iwi outside of the district. Concern was again also expressed about the impact that further recruiting would have on a people who were stationary, if not decreasing in numbers. Those who 371 Northern Advocate, 11 July 1917, p Henare to Allen, 18 December 1917 (telegram), AAYS 8699 AD83 1 R6/4, Maoris Recruiting as Volunteers General Correspondence and Instructions re, , ANZ Wellington. 373 Allen to Henare, 20 December 1917 (telegram), AAYS 8699 AD83 1 R6/4, , ANZ Wellington. 374 Henare to Allen, 14 January 1918, AAYS 8699 AD83 1 R6/4, , ANZ Wellington. 375 Allen to Henare, 25 January 1918, AAYS 8699 AD83 1 R6/4, , ANZ Wellington. 108

109 advocated the raising of the last platoon stated that the young men at the front should not be left unsupported and that the traditional spirit of the race would not permit of a turning back... the honour of the tribes was involved. 376 While efforts to raise further recruits in Northland continued in early 1918, important steps were being taken in connection with the government s plans to conscript Maori of the Waikato and Rohe Potae. On 6 February 1918, the enrolment of the First Division of the Maori Reserve was proclaimed and, on 14 February 1918, a further proclamation setting out the regulations governing the registers and ballots was issued. 377 Though the government only intended to enforce conscription in the Waikato and Rohe Potae, the legislation required the initial enrolment of all Maori men. On 6 February 1918, the day that the first proclamation was issued, Allen sent a telegram to Henare and Ngata, reassuring them that conscription would be applied only to the Waikatos as they have not enlisted voluntarily. 378 These developments stimulated further protest in the north and seem likely to have impacted upon local enlistments. On 14 February 1918, Nau Paraone Kawiti sent a long telegram to the Governor from Whangarei, calling for the registration of Maori to end and a return to the voluntary system. Kawiti advised that he represented the chiefs of the north. He requested the Governor to put the matter before King George if the government did not listen to his plea. He stated: Does the mana of the Treaty of Waitangi still stand or do the Government now regard it like the Germans did the treaty with Belgium as a piece of paper. By looking at the speech of Governor Brown[e] at Orakei Auckland in 1858 it will be seen he said if the enemy comes here it is I who will hold the sword to defend this land and not my Maori people and also after me no matter what Government shall be over New Zealand... We ask therefore what Chief in this land has made this new law over the Maori and by what right. We are but a small nation of Maoris in Aotearoa... if we all go as volunteers we are not slaves and we object to the Maori being forced by the Police to the Station to register as if we were Northern Advocate, 11 February 1918, p O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , p Allen to Ngata and Henare, 6 February 1918 (telegram), AAYS 8638 AD /11, Conscription Maoris under Military Service Act Correspondence, , ANZ Wellington. 379 Kawiti to Governor General, 14 February 1918 (telegram), ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 4, Ministerial Files Correspondence with Governor General, 1918, ANZ Wellington. 109

110 Kawiti s mention of Browne s speech at Orakei in 1858 appears to be a reference to the speech that the Governor made at the 1960 Kohimarama conference. In the telegram, Kawiti also spoke of the presence of so many Austrians and Germans in New Zealand, claiming that they were taking our women. In conclusion, he suggested that a meeting should be held between Maori chiefs from across the country and representatives of the government. He anticipated that, if such a meeting was arranged, volunteers would be forthcoming. In response, Defence Minister Allen emphasised that registration did not mean conscription, which would only be applied to the Waikatos, who had not done their duty. 380 He asked that Kawiti accept this assurance and assist in ensuring that the Waikato people do their fair share in helping to protect the country. Henare also expressed opposition to the efforts that were being undertaken to implement conscription, threatening to resign from his seat. 381 On 18 February 1918, having learnt of this, Allen instructed that recruiting officers should not use threats of conscription to secure Maori recruits, particularly in the case of the Northern Maoris. 382 Allen evidently believed that Northland Maori were cooperative and had made a satisfactory contribution. He suggested that the raising of Maori volunteers should be left to the Maori themselves, even though at this time the Army doubted that Pomare would be able to produce many men and considered the recruiting situation desperate. By the middle of March, there were fewer than 30 Maori in training. 383 In spite of his opposition to conscription, Henare completed his drive for a further platoon of troops. On 19 July 1918, while Maori in the Waikato and Rohe Potae were resisting conscription, Henare telegraphed Allan, advising that the final platoon from his district was complete. Henare stated unequivocally that this should be the last contribution: I think you should leave my district alone [as] they have done their Royal duty. 384 Replying on 20 July 1918, Allen expressed pleasure at the provision of the platoon, but rebutted the suggestion that there should be no further recruitment from the district. He stated that he believed that Ngapuhi would provide more men, especially now that the campaign is so serious. He expressed the hope 380 Allen to Kawiti, 18 February 1918 (telegram), ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 4, 1918, ANZ Wellington. 381 O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , p Allen to Commandant, 16 February 1918, AAYS 8638 AD /108, Establishments and Recruitment Recruiting for NZEF Maori, , ANZ Wellington. 383 O Connor, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , pp Henare to Allen, 19 July 1918 (telegram), AAYS 8638 AD /108, , ANZ Wellington. 110

111 that all families with fit sons of military age were represented. 385 A response from Henare to this communication has not been located. According to one source, Tau Henare was burdened by his involvement in recruitment for the First World War, feeling responsible for sending young Maori to their deaths. Prior to Henare s death in January 1940, he exhorted his son James to serve in the Second World War, believing that this burden could be relieved by his son s enlistment. James Henare served with the 28 th Maori Battalion, and in June 1945 was appointed the Battalion s commanding officer. 386 It should be noted that not just Maori men served overseas. In smaller numbers, Maori woman did so as well, serving as nurses. One Maori nurse of Ngapuhi descent was Ethel Watkins Taylor, who was born in Onehunga in Her mother was the grand-daughter of early Hokianga settler F.E. Maning and Moengaroa of Te Hikutu, a hapu of Ngapuhi. Having completed her training as a nurse in 1910, Watkins Taylor volunteered her services upon the outbreak of war and was among the first 50 nurses to serve overseas with the New Zealand Army Nursing Service. She served overseas for the duration of the war. 387 Home front war effort As well as the active service of Maori recruits from the inquiry district, Te Raki Maori also contributed to the war effort on the home front. The Northern Advocate, which was published in Whangarei, reported on a number of local Maori fundraising events and financial donations made in support of the war effort. 388 The money that was raised was typically contributed to one of several funds, which included the Patriotic Fund, Red Cross Fund, Wounded Soldiers Fund, and Wounded Maori Soldier s Fund. Money was also given to the YMCA and to support the Maori Contingent. While it has not been possible to quantify the total sum raised by Te Raki Maori in support of the war effort, the newspaper reports show that 385 Allen to Henare, 20 July 1918 (telegram), AAYS 8638 AD /108, , ANZ Wellington. 386 Puna McConnell, Henare, James Clendon Tau, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 May URL: Marie E. Burgess, Pritchard, Ethel, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 25 March URL: See, for example, Northern Advocate, 5 October 1914, p5; 2 November 1914, p5; 7 January 1915, p4; 11 September 1915, p3; 5 October 1915, p1, 2; 3 November 1916, p2; 30 August 1917, p2; 8 October 1917, p2; 9 October 1917, p2; 16 January 1918, p2; 22 January 1918, p3; 12 March 1918, p3. 111

112 fundraising activities continued throughout the war, alongside the enlistment of Maori recruits. Aftermath This section assesses whether, in recognition of their contribution to the national war effort, the Crown engaged more closely with Te Raki Maori in the post-war years and attempted to address issues of concern. As discussed above, it seems that a key motivation underpinning Maori involvement in the conflict was an expectation that, after the war, the Crown would show more sympathy and understanding towards Maori and that Maori would be afforded greater equality of treatment with Pakeha. It is argued here that, in the decade that followed the war, this hope was not fulfilled for Maori of the Te Raki inquiry district. Evidence presented elsewhere in this report shows that the government and officials were largely unresponsive to the concerns of Te Raki Maori after the war. Policies, legislation, and practices that disadvantaged Maori remained in place or became more entrenched. In respect of the local government electoral system, for example, the previous chapter has explained that the government did not introduce changes to enable greater Maori participation in county voting. Instead, in 1920, the rates defaulters list, which had been abolished in 1915, was reinstated. This ensured that Maori involvement in the county electoral system would be limited. Later in the report, chapter four details that in some areas of the inquiry district Maori old-age pensioners were paid reduced pension rates in the early 1920s. From the mid-1920s, without consultation with Maori, this practice became standardised. Though the government took steps to reinvigorate the ailing Maori council system following the conclusion of the war, chapter three explains that it failed to adequately support the new councils and address fundamental flaws in the system. As a result, these bodies, which had been established in 1900 with the stated aim of providing Maori with a limited form of self-government, failed to satisfy the expectations of Te Raki Maori. A further area of government action that showed the Crown to have little regard for the interests of Te Raki Maori in the post-war years concerned the implementation of the land settlement scheme for the rehabilitation of returned soldiers. The extent to which Maori were able to benefit from this scheme was a matter that directly concerned those who had served overseas. Assistance for veterans was provided for in the Discharged Soldiers Settlement Act 1915, which created a system whereby land and vocational training was made available to returned soldiers. As well as being helped onto Crown land (some of which was purchased from private interests 112

113 specifically for soldier settlement), veterans were also assisted with statefunded mortgages to acquire private freehold or leasehold land, or to repay existing mortgages. 389 While evidence concerning vocational training has not been examined, it seems that relatively few Te Raki veterans or Maori veterans generally received land under the scheme. According to Mark Derby, the scheme was not aimed at Maori veterans because it was assumed that they would have tribal land already available to them. 390 In September 1920, Henare successfully motioned that a return be laid before the House, detailing applications made by Maori in the North Auckland Land District under the 1915 Act. 391 The return, compiled by the Department of Native Affairs, showed that only 11 Maori returned soldiers in the land district had made applications for land under the 1915 Act. Of that number, six had secured a total of 1,307 acres. The Department noted, however, that it had had no means of identifying as Maori those who may have used a European name on the application forms. 392 It seems that the number of Te Raki Maori who benefitted from the scheme did not increase much in succeeding years. By 1924, about 10,500 ex-servicemen had been assisted onto the land throughout the country. Gould states that this number included only 39 Maori soldiers. These individuals were all settled on land in the North Island, though Gould does not specify where. 393 During the early years of the Second World War, Paraire Paikea Henare s successor in the Northern Maori electorate stated in parliament that Maori First World War soldiers from his district had received little land-based rehabilitation. He asked the government to ensure that Maori soldiers involved in the Second World War be given the same opportunities for rehabilitation as Pakeha servicemen. In November 1940, Paikea stated that in the Bay of Islands district he was aware of two returned Maori soldiers who had prospered after the First World War, but he understood that both had been considered for land settlement because their names were of European origin. 394 The following year, in July 1941, he again stated that 389 Ashley Gould, Soldier Settlement, in Ian McGibbon (ed.), The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military History, Oxford University Press, Auckland, 2000, Gould, Soldier Settlement, p Mark Derby, Veterans assistance, Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 15 January URL: NZPD, 1920, vol. 187, p AEBE LE /174 (347), Accounts and Papers VI Schedule of Accounts and Papers laid upon the table Session 1920 Lands, Lands and Survey Department, Maori returned soldiers, applications for land in North Auckland District, ; Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Gould, Soldier Settlement, p NZPD, 1940, vol. 258, pp

114 Maori First World War soldiers of his electorate had received little assistance from the government: Maori men who fought side by side with the pakeha during the war of did not receive equal treatment in the rehabilitation schemes that were introduced by the then Government... I was old enough after the war to realise that the Maori soldiers did not receive adequate consideration. I will make bold to say that the result of the efforts on their behalf was nil. Some of the Maori men who went away gave their all, and some came back wounded and wrecked physically, but, so far as my electorate was concerned, they received practically nothing. 395 In March 1922, about three and a half years after the end of the conflict, Te Raki Maori, during a ceremony attended by Prime Minister Massey, emphasised the contribution they had made to the national war effort and, in light of this, sought greater Crown recognition of the Treaty and called for a number of key concerns to be addressed. The ceremony, which took place on 30 March 1922, concerned the opening of a hall at Waitangi to commemorate the signing of the Treaty. The building was formally opened by the Prime Minister, as part of a visit to the North. Within the new hall, a memorial board recorded the names of some 2000 Maori who had served in the First World War. 396 The occasion was the focus of considerable preparations by Maori. 397 Henare played a key role in the organisation of the event, which was reported to have cost about 5, Newspaper reports stated that between 2,000 and 2,500 people were present. 399 According to the New Zealand Herald, half of the visitors were Pakeha. 400 Accompanying Massey, a number of other politicians were present, including Ngata, Pomare, Carroll and European electorate MPs V.H. Reed (Bay of Islands), F. Mander (Marsden), K.S. Williams (Bay of Plenty), W.S. Glenn (Rangitikei), and W.D. Stewart (Dunedin West). 401 Along with representatives of Ngapuhi, Te Rarawa, Te Aupouri, and Ngati Whatua iwi, the ceremony was also attended by Taranaki and Te Arawa representatives. 402 The Herald alleged that the number of Maori present was 395 NZPD, 1941, vol. 259, pp Auckland Star, 30 March 1922, p The Northern Advocate reported that a modern canvas town with everything thoroughly up-to-date had been set up. Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p New Zealand Herald, 30 March 1922, p Auckland Star, 30 March 1922, p8. Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p New Zealand Herald, 30 March 1922, p Auckland Star, 30 March 1922, p New Zealand Herald, 30 March 1922, p6. 114

115 less than organisers had hoped for. Some 3,000 had been expected, but not more than 1,000 arrived. One of the reasons given for this was that Maori had little available money at this time. It was also thought that the influence of Ratana had stopped many from attending. The prophet, it was stated, considered that too much money was being wasted, though more broadreaching considerations were probably also at play. As explained later in this chapter, Ratana initially shunned engagement with the government and looked to secure change through other avenues. 403 The official opening of the hall was preceded by a customary Maori welcome to visitors, speeches, and a luncheon. Later, after the formalities had concluded, a deputation of Maori met with the Prime Minister and put forward a number of specific issues of concern. The Northern Advocate reported in some detail upon the oration that preceded the opening of the hall. The paper detailed that speeches were made by Wiremu Rikihana ( representative of the Ngapuhi tribe ), Mita Taupopoki (of Arawa affiliation and representing the whole of the Southern Natives ) 404, Riri Maihi Kawiti ( of Waiomio ), Ngakuru Pene Haare, Le Te Tai ( Chief of Hokianga ), Ngata, Pomare, Reed, and Massey. The Maori speakers emphasised the ongoing significance of the Treaty and spoke of the contribution that Maori had made during the recent war. In recognition of both, they called upon Massey to listen to their concerns and respond appropriately. 405 Of the Maori speakers from the North, the Hokianga chief whose name was recorded in the Advocate as Le Te Tai spoke especially about the Maori war contribution. Appealing to Massey, he stated: My sons laid down their lives on the field of battle. You did not ask me to go. I went on my own accord because of my allegiance sworn to the Queen. I pray that all the promises of the Treaty and any others you can make will be granted to us this day. Why should it not be so as you are our parent and can grant them. I pay my homage to you... As we have helped beat the Germans give us our share. We have lost our sons at the war. 406 Ngata, speaking immediately afterwards, drew attention to Te Tai s statement regarding the voluntary nature of the Maori contribution to the war. He commented that: 403 New Zealand Herald, 30 March 1922, p Peter Waaka, Taupopoki, Mita, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 20 December Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p3. 115

116 The most eloquent witness that that ancient bargain [the Treaty] had been in the best interest of the Native race was the fact that during the most strenuous time in the experience of the British Empire the Natives went forth willingly, not under compulsion, to take their share as citizens of the British Empire. That did not mean that the Natives had no grievances. They had grievances and they had them today, but there was an old saying among the Natives, Just between us, which meant that their domestic differences could be settled by themselves when the nation was not in danger. 407 If anything more could be advanced to Maori under the Treaty, the present occasion was, Ngata stated, Mr Massey s chance. Following Ngata, and before formally opening the hall, Massey spoke of both the Treaty, which made two races one, and the Maori contribution to the war effort. He acknowledged that Maori had served without compulsion and proved themselves to be some of the best soldiers in the forces. They had, Massey stated, earned their place as citizens of the British Empire. In respect of the specific requests that were to be made later, he told the gathering that: His reply in all sincerity was that if there was any direction in which it was necessary to place the Natives in the same position and give them the same privileges as the Europeans those requests would be granted, and those privileges given. All that he asked was this, that as the Native race stood side by side in the war and assisted in fighting the battles so he hoped they would stand by their side now and help to develop this grand little country which belonged to them equally with the Europeans. 408 The newspaper reports indicate that only Northern Maoris met with Massey during the meeting that followed the opening of the hall opening. 409 Led by Henare, the deputation made a number of specific requests. Several of these requests concerned laws and policies relating to Maori land and land development: The deputation endorsed the principles of the Native Trustees Act 1920, but stated that, in the administration of the Act, efforts should be made to provide loan monies to Maori to enable them to develop their lands, as many were unable to secure financial assistance. 407 Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p New Zealand Herald, 30 March 1922, p6. Also, earlier in the day, Mita Taupopoki had referred to issues that would later be put to the Prime Minister by the Ngapuhi people. Northern Advocate, 31 March 1922, p3. 116

117 Rates should not be levied on unproductive Maori land unless under lease or where the owners had been assisted by the Native Trustee to develop such lands, enabling them to pay rates. Taxation of Maori land held under lease was oppressive, with up to 70 per cent of the annual revenue sometimes absorbed by tax requirements. 410 All land vested in the Tokerau District Maori Land Board should be revested in the Maori owners so that the power to utilise the land lay with the owners. In view of the limited area of land remaining in Maori ownership, Crown and private purchase of such land should cease. The deputation also made requests regarding three other matters: The power to collect tax for Maori-owned dogs should be restored to the Maori councils. Maori rights to fisheries and the foreshore should be protected. These rights had been usurped by the Marine Department. Consideration should be given to the ownership of lake beds. Replying to the deputation, Massey stated that he was sympathetic towards the leaders aspiration that their people should hold and farm their lands. However, he lacked specific information about the issues raised and would need to confer with Native Minister Gordon Coates. Contrary to the evidence presented above, he claimed that Maori returned soldiers had been treated exactly the same as Pakeha and he believed that some would become able farmers and useful settlers. The Land Board s handling of Maori land would, Massey promised, be looked into. In respect of the ownership of lake beds, he believed that this matter had already been satisfactorily dealt with. Massey also noted that some oyster beds had been allotted to Ngapuhi, but he believed that a committee could be formed to further address the issue. The committee would consist of himself, Henare, Pomare, and Coates. 411 In spite of the assurances made by Massey, the government failed to engage in ongoing dialogue with Northland Maori and little progress was made in the short term, at least towards addressing the issues that were raised at the Waitangi meeting. In respect of the land matters, for example, the levying of rates on unproductive Maori land continued to be a problem for Te Raki Maori for many years. 412 Also, little immediate progress was made towards 410 Auckland Star, 30 March 1922, p3. New Zealand Herald, 30 March 1922, p Auckland Star, 30 March 1922, p See, for example, Stirling, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People, p

118 revesting the land that had been vested in the Tokerau Land Board. While areas were revested from 1924 to 1927, this comprised only a relatively small proportion of the land vested in the Board. 413 In 1927, more than 115,000 acres remained vested in the Tokerau Board. 414 Land purchase also did not cease. The total area alienated annually to the Crown and private interests was already declining by the early 1920s, but it was not until the year ending 31 March 1933 that the total area of Maori land sold in the Tokerau District fell to a very low level, involving less than 1,000 acres. 415 With regard to the general land development aims expressed at the Waitangi meeting, it would be several years before the government, through Ngata s work, initiated a substantial programme. As detailed later, Judge Acheson initiated some land development work after assuming his role in the Tokerau District in However, this work was rather limited in scale and focused on lands at Te Kao, outside the inquiry district. The government was also largely unresponsive to the requests that were made at Waitangi in respect of the matters that did not relate to land. As explained in chapter three, the government did not restore Maori council powers to collect the dog tax, even though the new councils lacked a reliable source of funding, undermining their ability to operate effectively. Some limited progress appears to have been made in connection with the reservation of oyster beds. This work, as Massey noted, had already begun. Later, chapter three details that oyster beds were reserved for Maori use in Whangaruru Harbour in 1913 and in the Bay of Islands in Chapter three also notes that in 1925, three years after the meeting with Massey, Maori gained control over oyster fisheries within an area of mudflats in Whangarei Harbour part of an area endowed in the Whangarei Harbour Board. With assistance from Henare, local Maori entered into an agreement with the Harbour Board, securing powers of management over the area. In spite of the arrangement regarding the Whangarei mudflats area, progress towards greater Maori involvement in the management of oyster fisheries remained piecemeal. The committee that Massey had suggested to look into the matter was never formed. In at least one place, Te Raki Maori also sought more control over Toheroa fisheries, achieving only limited success. In 1924, the people of Mitimiti in the Northern Hokianga, supported by Henare, engaged with the Marine Department with the aim of gaining power to manage Toheroa in their area. While a broad agreement involving the 413 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p357 and Graph 3.1 after p AJHR, 1927, G-9, p AJHR, 1933, G-9, p2. Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, Graph 7.4 after p

119 establishment of a local Maori management committee was reached, this initial progress stalled, with protracted negotiations regarding the committee s powers ensuing until the early 1950s. During this time, the role of the committee was reduced to nominating honorary fisheries officers, who were then formally appointed by the Department. 416 In respect of the ownership of lake beds, Massey had told the Waitangi meeting that he believed the issue had already been satisfactorily dealt with. In making this comment, Massey likely referred to developments concerning the efforts of Te Arawa to secure ownership of the lakes at Rotorua. In 1920, Te Arawa had decided to negotiate an out-of-court, cash-based settlement of their claims concerning the lakes. During the course of the protracted negotiations that followed, Te Arawa adopting a pragmatic approach to the situation had relinquished claims to ownership of the lakes. 417 Contrary to Massey s view on the matter, Te Raki Maori evidently believed that the issue of lake bed ownership had not ended with the Te Arawa settlement. As explained later in this chapter, the issue would be tested in a significant case regarding Lake Omapere, heard by Judge Acheson in The Te Arawa settlement, it should be noted, was one of several settlements that the Crown negotiated with iwi in the post-war period to address historical grievances concerning land and other resources. 418 In spite of the limitations of the redress provided, the settlements gave formal recognition to concerns that had been the focus of many years of lobbying, which in light of the Maori war effort the government could no longer overlook. Native Minister Gordon Coates, who became Prime Minister in 1925, and Ngata, who was widely viewed as the unofficial Native Minister, were influential in advancing the settlements that were reached at this time. 419 Te Raki Maori did not have historical land grievances addressed in the settlements that were reached at this time. A number of petitions concerning Northland lands were, however, considered by the Sim Commission, which was established in 1926 with the main aim of investigating issues relating to the confiscation of lands under the New Zealand Settlements Act In addition to questions regarding such confiscations (which did not occur in Northland), the commission was required to look at 56 petitions made by 416 Atholl Anderson, Judith Binney, and Aroha Harris, Tangata Whenua: An Illustrated History, Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, 2014, pp While officials and politicians had feared that a court determination of ownership might have gone against the Crown, any such ruling could have been negated by legislation. Te Arawa knew that, in the end, a political settlement was necessary. Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp Anderson, Binney, and Harris, Tangata Whenua, pp Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp

120 Maori concerning other land issues. 420 Among the petitions were 15 that concerned lands in the North Auckland land district. 421 In its report, the commission dealt briefly with the North Auckland petitions, presenting some discussion of historical events. It did not recommend that redress was necessary in any of the cases. 422 Historical land issues nevertheless remained alive for Te Raki Maori. In October 1928, Henare told the House that he was pleased that legislation to give effect to the Sim Commission report was being introduced. However, he observed that the report was inconclusive in so far as the interests of my district are concerned, and he hoped that the government would set up another commission to inquire into the issues that prevailed in his district: No confiscation of land has taken place in my district at the present time. The only trouble we have is in connection with the purchases of land from the Maori made by representatives of the Government. These land-purchase officers used to buy small areas, but after some years such acquisitions expanded into large areas... I think that in the interests of justice an inquiry into these matters should be held; and when that inquiry takes place I hope that the opportunity thus provided will enable all those natives concerned to submit evidence in substantiation of their claims. 423 The government, however, took no immediate action to address the historical land grievances of Tokerau Maori. As explained later, Judge Acheson, during his tenure as Native Land Court judge of the Tokerau District, became involved in the investigation of petitions concerning historical grievances, but the government was unresponsive to his findings. It was not until after the Second World War, in the face of significant petitioning from Northland Maori, that a commission of inquiry was finally established to enquire into outstanding Tokerau land claims. 424 The Myers Commission, set up in 1946, examined several petitions concerning the operation of the Crown s surplus lands policy in the North and also a petition concerning the Crown s 1859 purchase of the Mokau block. 425 In reports released in 1948, the commission 420 AJHR, 1928, G-7, pp O Malley explains that the Ngapuhi grievances inquired into by the Sim Commission were the tenths promised at the time of the pre-1865 Crown purchases. See Vincent O Malley, Northland Crown Purchases, , CFRT, July 2006, Wai 1040, #A6, pp AJHR, 1928, G-7, pp NZPD, 1928, vol. 219, p Garry Hooker, Paikea, Tapihana Paraire, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 30 November URL: The land, or parts of the land, referred to as Mokau, has a number of other names, including Manginangina, Takapau and Motukauri. Peter McBurney, Public Works & Other Takings, c , CFRT, July 2007, #A13, p

121 recommended that compensation be paid in respect of the surplus lands, but not the Mokau block. 426 The Tai Tokerau Maori Trust Board was established in connection with the payment of the redress recommended by the commission. 427 Ratana Movement, Emergence of the Ratana religious and political movement As detailed in several biographical sources, the Ratana movement emerged from the religious teachings of its founder, the prophet Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana, who resided near Turakina in the Whanganui district. 428 In late 1918, continuing a prophetic tradition in Maori society, Ratana experienced a series of visions and what he believed to be divine communications. He soon began to practice healing through prayer and over the next few years his reputation as a healer grew rapidly. A settlement, which became known as Ratana Pa, developed at the place where he lived. Through his teachings and healing, Ratana became the focus of a widespread religious revival, mainly among Maori. From the outset, Ratana spoke of a mission to unite the Maori people. He therefore presented a new form of leadership, which departed from traditional tribalism. Hill observes that Ratana s ambitions for a non-tribal movement contrasted with the policies and approach that were being promoted by Apirana Ngata, who in the 1920s continued the work that the Young Maori Party had begun in the 1890s. While Ngata and the other members of the Young Maori Party Carroll, Pomare, and Buck had initially also looked beyond traditional tribal structures, they had increasingly turned to reinvigorating tribally based solutions to address the problems that Maori faced. 429 As detailed earlier, Ratana appealed especially to the elements of Maori society that were most marginalised. This is reflected in the name given to the prophet s followers the morehu, a word that was translated to mean 426 AJHR, 1948, G-2 and G-8. For further detail of these developments, see O Malley, Northland Crown Purchases, , pp Anderson, Binney, and Harris, Tangata Whenua, p See, for example, Angela Ballara, Ratana, Tahupotiki Wiremu, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 30 October URL: Also see: Keith Newman, Ratana: the Prophet, Raupo (Penguin Book Group), Wellington, 2009; J. McLeod Henderson, Ratana: the Man, the Church, the Political Movement, A.H. & A.W. Reed (in association with the Polynesian Society), Wellington, Richard Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, , Victoria University Press, Wellington, 2004, p

122 the remnants or survivors of tribes, common people, often landless Maori. 430 Understanding the socio-economic plight that the majority of Maori faced, Ratana quickly came to voice the concerns of the poorest and most dispossessed, particularly the many subsistence farmers and contract labourers and their families. 431 These people, in turn, were especially responsive to the new form of leadership that Ratana offered. Hill comments that ordinary Maori who were disillusioned with daily existence under a mix of capitalism and tribalism found, in Ratanism, a leadership that they felt was in touch with the reality of their everyday lives. 432 In 1921 and 1922, Ratana travelled throughout the North and South Islands, holding numerous meetings that saw many conversions to his teachings. In some places, more than half of the Maori population agreed to follow Ratana. 433 In June 1921, the prophet travelled through Northland, accompanied by an entourage of supporters. 434 The records of the Health Department s Maori Hygiene Division include a map that shows the settlements that Ratana visited on this journey. As shown in Figure 5, it details that, within the Te Raki inquiry district, the prophet visited Otaika (near Whangarei Harbour), Kaikohe, Te Rawhiti (in the Bay of Islands), and Matangirau (near Whangaroa Harbour). 435 At Kaikohe, hundreds of Maori turned out and, impressed at Ratana s message and healing, began adopting the name morehu. 436 Around this time, Henare Toka of Ngati Whatua also travelled through the North on Ratana s instruction, further spreading the prophet s teachings. Toka visited at least 30 settlements in the Te Raki inquiry district, including a number in the vicinity of Rawene, Kaikohe, and Whangarei. 437 Alongside Ratana s charismatic leadership, local-level organisers (such as Toka) played a central role in the growth and success of the Ratana movement Orange, A Kind of Equality, p33; J. McLeod Henderson, The Ratana Movement, in J.G.A. Pocock (ed.), The Maori and New Zealand Politics, Blackwood and Janet Paul, Auckland, 1965, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Ballara, Ratana, Tahupotiki Wiremu, accessed 1 April URL: Newman, Ratana: The Prophet, pp Map showing settlements visited by Ratana and Toka, 31 January 1922, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3242), Maori Health Councils Ngati Whatua, , ANZ Wellington. 436 Newman, Ratana: The Prophet, p Map showing settlements visited by Ratana and Toka, 31 January 1922, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3242), Maori Health Councils Ngati Whatua, , ANZ Wellington. 438 Love, Policies of Frustration, p

123 Figure 5: Settlements visited by T.W. Ratana and W.H. Toka, June Looking to address the temporal needs of the growing number of followers, the Ratana movement while retaining its religious foundations soon developed an overt political dimension. Dissatisfied with the work of Maui Pomare, the member for Western Maori, Ratana allowed his son, Haami Tokouru, to contest the seat as an independent candidate in the Based on map in ADBZ H (alt. no. 3242), Maori Health Councils Ngati Whatua, , ANZ Wellington. 123

124 general election. Though unsuccessful, Ratana polled well, demonstrating a significant level of support for the movement s political aspirations. Following the election, T.W. Ratana resolved that the movement would eventually hold all of the Maori electorates, which he referred to as the four quarters. 440 In the North, Ratana s influence was boosted by Paraire Paikea, who was a leading member of the movement from 1924 until his death in Of Te Uri o Hau and Ngati Whatua descent, Paikea had trained and worked as a Methodist minister before he became attracted to Ratana s teachings. He soon assumed a prominent organisational role within the movement. In 1924, for example, he was responsible for liaison with the movement's district and local committees. By May 1927, he was living with his family in Ratana Pa, where he became increasingly involved in Ratana s political endeavours. 442 The prophet himself continued to visit Northland. He travelled through the district in mid 1927, for example, visiting some settlements in the Te Raki inquiry district, including Mangamuka and Utakura in the Hokianga. 443 At this time, Ratana estimated (and Ngata agreed) that nationally there were 21,500 followers of the movement, amounting to about one-third of the Maori population. Official figures suggested that only about one-fifth of the Maori population were adherents, but these may not have included those Ratana supporters who retained tribal links. Regardless of the actual number, there was clearly a great deal of support for the movement within Maoridom. 444 With its rejection of tribalism and its focus on the marginalised, the government and tribal elites for different reasons viewed the widelysupported Ratana movement with suspicion. Throughout the 1920s, Ratana resisted engagement with the government and his followers observed a policy of non-cooperation with government administrative agencies. 445 This was a source of concern in official quarters and amongst Ngata and his supporters. As discussed in chapter three, Ratana adherents rejected the Maori council system that Buck reinvigorated from within the Health Department after the 440 Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Angela Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 April URL: Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, accessed 1 April URL: Webster to Menzies, 1 July 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 444 Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, p

125 First World War. Followers of Ratana also largely rejected the land consolidation and development schemes that Ngata began to introduce in the late 1920s. 446 Instead, Ratana called for the Treaty of Waitangi to be upheld, employing the Treaty as a symbol for resolving Maori grievances. In 1924, Ratana leaders attempted to put these issues before the King in England. 447 Ratana s focus on recognition of the Treaty is likely to have appealed particularly to Maori of Northland, where the Treaty had been first signed. Image 3: Ratana Church, Mangamuka, Hokianga, c.1948 (JR Cole, reference 1/ F, Alexander Turnbull Library) Towards the end of the 1920s, Ratana s stance of independence shifted as he increasingly looked to engage with the Crown through the parliamentary electoral system, viewing this as the most effective means of bettering the position of Maori. The movement s longstanding alliance with Labour later became a central feature of its electoral success. The background of this alliance is therefore outlined here in some detail because of its ultimate importance for the political relationship between the hapu and iwi of the Te Raki inquiry district and the Crown. Formalised after Labour gained power in 1935, the alliance arose from some important common grounds of policy and a willingness to cooperate for mutual benefit. 446 Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp

126 Maori, Ratana, and Labour For the Labour Party, the relationship with Ratana emerged from a general effort to engage more closely with Maori. In the decade following its formation in 1916, Labour struggled to attract Maori votes. In 1924, looking to address this situation, the Party made contact with Rangi Mawhete, who lived in the Manawatu district and had stood as an independent candidate in the Western Maori electorate. 448 Mawhete, who was attracted to the principles espoused by Labour, particularly that of equality between peoples, organised the first meeting between Maori and Labour, which was held in December 1924 at Parewanui Pa (near Bulls). At this meeting, the Labour representatives, who included Party leader Harry Holland, promised reforms relating to Maori land and to electoral law, as well as economic development initiatives. They also invited a Maori delegation to attend Labour s 1925 annual conference. 449 Prior to the conference, Mawhete organised a Labour Maori advisory committee, securing representatives from all areas except the Waikato and King Country (where Pomare, the sitting member for Western Maori was well supported). Ripi Wihongi was chosen to represent Ngapuhi on the advisory committee. 450 At the 1925 Labour conference, held ahead of the general election of that year, representatives of the Maori advisory committee formed a subcommittee with senior Labour Party representatives. The subcommittee in turn developed a document that was later endorsed as the basis for Labour s Maori policies. 451 These policies, which were reconfirmed prior to the 1928 election, consisted of four main points: on being elected, Labour would appoint a Royal Commission to investigate land claims that had arisen in connection with the Treaty of Waitangi; it would set up a Native Council to advise it on Maori affairs; it would reform electoral law (a matter discussed in greater detail in chapter one); and, finally, a Labour Government would initiate an inquiry into the rating of Native land. 452 Though translated into Maori, these policies did not result in any immediate electoral success for Labour, and the Party continued to win little support from Maori. In both the 1925 and 1928 election, Labour s unofficial and official candidates did poorly, including in the Northern Maori seat. 453 Ratana candidates, on the other hand, continued to perform well, although 448 Claudia Orange, Mawhete, Rangiputangatahi, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 April URL: Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p31, Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp36-37,

127 they still failed to return MPs. Ahead of the 1928 election, Ratana increasingly focused on temporal matters had decided to field one candidate in each of the four Maori electorates. 454 The election saw Eruera Tirikatene miss out on the Southern Maori seat by just one vote, while Paikea polled second of seven candidates in his first attempt to unseat Tau Henare in Northern Maori. 455 These results countered comments from some quarters, which suggested that support for the Ratana movement was declining. 456 Like other political parties, Labour had from the mid 1920s as part of its efforts to engage with Maori shown an interest in developing a relationship with Ratana. Holland and several other prominent Party members visited Ratana Pa. The movement s strategists, however, preferred to try and capture the four quarters as independents, without affiliation to a Pakeha organisation. 457 In the 1928 election, the three main points of Ratana policy were ratification of the Treaty of Waitangi, the settlement of grievances, and mana Maori motuhake (meaning, according to Ratana, separate prestige or identity for the Maori people). 458 These policies shared some common ground with those espoused by Labour, and Ratana showed an interest in the Party s objectives, attending its 1928 conference. 459 The policy similarities between Ratana and Labour, the latter s failure to attract Maori votes, and the failure of Ratana to secure a seat by 1931 encouraged further talks between the parties. 460 Before that year s general election, a Labour offer to endorse Ratana candidates was declined, but Ratana suggested that a successful candidate might support Labour in Parliament. 461 According to Orange, much of the credit for this deal belonged to Labour s Rangi Mawhete, who had fairly close connections with Ratana. 462 Mawhete helped to bridge the differences between non-ratana Maori 454 Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp39-40; Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p AJHR, 1929, H-33, p Ratana Movement Less Enthusiasm, Evening Post, 6 July 1928, p11; Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp33-35, Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, p43. When Haami Tokouru Ratana contested the Western Maori by-election for the Ratana Party after Maui Pomare s death in 1930, he was comfortably defeated by Reform s Taite te Tomo; Evening Post, 9 October 1930, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Ballara, in her biography of Paraire Paikea, claims that Labour did endorse the Ratana candidates ahead of the 1931 election, see Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, accessed 1 April Orange, A Kind of Equality, p

128 members of the Party and the movement s followers. 463 Paikea was among those who led the negotiations on the Ratana side. 464 The Ratana candidates, however, again failed to secure a seat in In the Northern Maori electorate, Paikea made no advance against Henare s majority. 465 Negotiations between Ratana and Labour nevertheless continued. In April 1932, Paikea acted as interpreter when Holland visited Ratana Pa. 466 Electoral success for the Ratana movement finally came in a by-election held later in that year, when Tirikatene finally took the Southern Maori seat. 467 Soon after Tirikatene s success, during a conference of Maori Labour members and supporters, Ratana assured the Party that it would have the full cooperation of the Ratana movement. At the same conference, according to Orange, the key policies that had been developed prior to the 1925 election were reconfirmed and expanded upon. 468 Illustrating the strengthening relationship between Labour and Ratana, Party whips sponsored Tirikatene when he was sworn in as a of the House of Representatives. 469 Between his by-election success in June 1932 and the general election of November 1935, Tirikatene was the only opposition Maori member. Though he remained a Ratana representative, Tirikatene consistently supported Labour in the House. 470 He regularly found himself acting as the mouthpiece for Maori dissatisfaction with government policy. In his maiden speech, Tirikatene stated that his policy was to stand for the rights and privileges of the whole Maori race, as embodied in the Treaty of Waitangi a stance that he regularly reiterated in the House. 471 In November 1932, Tirikatene tabled a petition that called for the Treaty to be made statutory: That the Treaty of Waitangi be embodied in the Statute Book of the Dominion of New Zealand, of the Dominions of the British Commonwealth and of the British Government respectively, in order that all may know that the Treaty of Waitangi is operative, also to preserve the ties of brotherhood between Pakeha and Maori for all time Orange, Mawhete, Rangiputangatahi, accessed 1 April Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, accessed 1 April AJHR, , H-33, p Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, accessed 1 April AJHR, , H-33, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp NZPD, 1932, vol. 233, p Petition of T.W. Ratana and others, cited in Newman, Ratana: The Prophet, pp

129 The petition was signed by the majority of the Maori population. The Native Affairs Committee, to which it was referred, recorded it to be in the name of T.W. Ratana and 45,000 others. 473 A newspaper report claimed that, when placed on a set of scales, the seven books of signatures and a copy of the Treaty that was presented to the House with the petition weighed 7.2 kg (16 lb). 474 (In spite of the strength of support that the petition represented, some 13 years would pass before the Native Affairs Committee finally reported upon it. In October 1945, the petition was eventually referred to the government with the recommendation that in recognition of the services given by Maori during the two world wars copies of the Treaty be hung in all schools and Maori meeting places. 475 ) Though Labour experienced a significant upswing in support across the country, which saw the Party gain power, Ratana candidates secured only one additional Maori seat in the election of The prophet s son, Haami Tokouru Ratana, finally took Western Maori. In Northern Maori, Paikea was again comfortably defeated by Henare. Orange suggests that Labour s attacks on Native Minister Apirana Ngata and the Native Department s administration of land development schemes was an important factor behind the limited electoral progress of the Labour-affiliated Ratana candidates. 476 During the 1935 election campaign, however, Labour leader Michael Joseph Savage had promised equal treatment for Maori and Pakeha, especially in policies to promote equality of economic opportunity. 477 Following the 1935 election, the first Labour caucus voted to admit the two Ratana members. A few days later, Tirikatene and Ratana joined the Labour Party, further strengthening the Ratana-Labour relationship. 478 As detailed in the previous chapter, the Northern Maori seat finally fell to Paikea in 1938, and in 1943 four years after the death of T.W. Ratana the last of the four quarters was captured when Tiaka Omana defeated Apirana Ngata in the Eastern Maori seat. 479 Following Ratana s death in 1939, Paikea became the movement s political leader, inheriting the title of Piri Wira Tua. Paikea held this position for four years, until his death 473 AJHR, 1945, I-3, p Newman, Ratana: The Prophet, p AJHR, 1945, I-3, p Though Labour leaders stated that their criticisms were focussed on the bureaucracy, not the Maori people, some Maori felt that the Party s attacks had been aimed at them as much as the Government. This was, for example, especially the case for Maori who were involved in the land development schemes; Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, p

130 Hi son, Tapihana Paraire Paikea, was subsequently elected MP for Northern Maori and held the seat for 20 years, until his death in Ratana members of Labour would go on to hold the Maori electorates for many years until 1963 for the Eastern Maori electorate, 1980 for Northern Maori, and 1996 for the Western and Southern Maori electorates. During the 65 years that are the focus of this report, Labour held power from 1935 to 1949, 1957 to 1960, and 1972 to Ratana and the early years of the First Labour Government, Prior to the 1935 election, as noted above, Savage had promised equal treatment for Maori and Pakeha, especially in policies concerning economic opportunity. Over the previous decade, the Labour Party had also maintained that it would address historic Maori land grievances. Further, in January 1936, not long after Labour s election success, Savage stated during an address given at Orakei that the government would uphold both the letter and spirit of the Treaty. Reiterating the assurance that he had made during the election campaign, Savage also stated that the government would implement equality of status between Maori and Pakeha. Hill suggests that a key expectation that the Ratana movement held when Labour entered office was the hope that Maori would secure greater control in the development and implementation of policies that concerned their people. 481 This aspiration, linked to the second article of the Treaty, was a core Ratana aim. As part of the newly-elected government, the Ratana MPs looked to establish a greater Maori role in decision making. According to Orange, they sought to achieve this through incorporation in Government, rather than separate government. 482 In April 1936, the alliance between Ratana and the Labour Party was formally cemented during a meeting between Ratana and Savage, held in the Parliament buildings. At this meeting Ratana gave symbolic gifts to Savage and reminded the Prime Minister of earlier promises that had been made to help the Maori people. Paikea, who had become a member of the Labour Party earlier in April, again acted as interpreter. 483 The following month, in May 1936, Ratana following Paikea s lead declared himself and his family to be members of the Labour Party Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, accessed 1 April Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Ballara, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, accessed 1 April Newman, Ratana: The Prophet, pp

131 It is estimated that when Labour assumed office in 1935 there were some 40,000 Ratana followers nearly half of Maoridom. 485 Though allied to the Ratana movement, Labour looked also to recognise its non-ratana Maori members after the election. In March 1936, Mawhete was appointed a member of the Legislative Council. 486 (Along with the two Ratana MPs, he was also admitted to the Labour caucus, though did not possess voting rights.) Following the election, a Maori Organising Committee with Paikea as secretary, encouraged the formation of Maori branch committees throughout the country. 487 Through these committees, more than 9,000 Maori joined the party by the end of In spite of this activity and the cementing of Labour s alliance with Ratana, the new government to the disappointment of its Maori supporters gave little attention to Maori policy initiatives. Savage, who was Native Minister, was under a heavy workload and focused on other key areas of policy. He began leaving Maori policy in the hands of Frank Langstone, Minister of Lands. 489 Orange argues that, along with competing priorities, the government s lack of action reflected that it did not have clear ideas about how the general policy promises that had been made to Maori might be implemented. 490 Illustrating this, the government s early Maori policies were focussed on land development. Though this work was based on a somewhat different model from that which had been employed by Ngata, Ratana leadership looked upon it with reservations as it remained focussed on subtribal groupings and would benefit only some Maori. 491 At the end of Labour s first year in office, there was a growing Maori disillusionment over the government s lack of progress and consultation on key issues. A failure to include Maori in decision making processes was demonstrated in September 1936 when a conference of key officials and experts in health, education, and housing was held without any Maori representation. In response, the Maori Organising Committee held a three day conference in October 1936, which was attended by 200 delegates from all over the country. Speaking to the gathering, Savage indicated that the 485 Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p164. The Maori Organising Committee was succeeded, in 1937, by the Maori Advisory Committee. 488 Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp

132 government s main aim was to address Maori inequality, which would be achieved through welfare reforms. 492 The Prime Minister s statements included little that would encourage Maori to believe that they would gain greater control over Maori policy making. The conference delegates made it clear that they wanted proposed social security and other advances to be on Maori terms and within a Maori context. 493 While a range of policy issues was discussed, two proposals that emerged from the conference were of a particularly wide-reaching nature. These proposals were based on long-standing Ratana policies. First, it was proposed that all past statutes should be reviewed in light of the relationship embodied in the Treaty and that an awareness of this relationship should inform the development of all future statutes. 494 Secondly, a reshaping of Maori involvement in government was called for. This would involve the creation of a new, separate Maori administrative wing that would be led by a Board composed of parliamentary representatives and officials of both races. 495 In this proposal, Orange states, the conference wished to secure a real voice in Government for the Maori people. 496 The recommendations of the conference were rejected, and increasingly Maori had little choice but to view the Labour Government s main benefit as being its commitment to formal equality for Maori and Pakeha in the developing welfare state. The new regime continued to be widely supported by Maoridom and, according to one source, Labour branch committees became established in almost every Maori settlement in the country. 497 The Maori Organising Committee, with Paikea as secretary, led efforts to expand the Party s local support base and its success in achieving this was no doubt important to Paikea and Omana s eventual electoral success. As discussed in chapter five, Paikea s organisational abilities would be further demonstrated during his leadership of the Maori War Effort Organisation. While the Party s alliance with Ratana and the activities of Paikea and others significantly underpinned Labour s growing support among Maori, any distinctive Ratana influence within the Government became subsumed within what Hill describes as the requirements of the powerful government machine. 498 In spite of the Maori Organising Committee s success, the Party moved quickly to ensure that future Maori committees were not top heavy 492 Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, 2004, p

133 with Ratana members. The Maori Advisory Committee that replaced the Organising Committee in 1937 was restructured to include a majority of Pakeha members. 499 As discussed in chapter four, Labour was slow to fulfil its promise of formal equality between Maori and Pakeha in respect of the developing state welfare system. Though all references to Maori were removed in the Social Security Act 1938, it was several years before the practice of paying Maori reduced rates for certain benefits finally ended. With regard to the reform of Maori electoral law, chapter one has explained that the introduction of the secret ballot for Maori electorates in 1937 marked a significant step. However, calls for reform of other features of the Maori voting system were not addressed for many years. Alongside general policy measures from which Maori benefitted, and moves to provide greater equality of treatment, the Labour Government also eventually extended policies aimed specifically at Maori, though generally it did not favour separatist activities. 500 In 1937, responding to tribal pressure, it began to consider the settlement of further historical Treaty claims. 501 During the same year, the Native Department, which had a strong influence on the development of policy concerning Maori, also began to provide some limited housing assistance. 502 The Department s main focus, however, remained on land development, though by the late 1930s there was a growing awareness that land policy could not by itself address Maori economic problems. 503 Paikea was among those who expressed concern about the limitations of land development as a means of addressing the economic needs of Maori. 504 Also, as explained in the next section, Judge Acheson raised concerns about the way that land development schemes were implemented in Northland, and it became one of the points of dispute that led to the eventual breakdown in the judge s relationship with officials and government ministers. 499 Newman, Ratana: The Prophet, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp84-98, Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p

134 Native Land Court Judge Frank Acheson Acheson s work in the North Acheson was born in Riverton, Southland, in He joined the civil service as a clerical cadet in 1903, and in 1914, after studying law at Victoria University, he joined the Native Department as a clerk to the Native Land Purchase Board. Four years later he was promoted to the post of native land purchase officer and would spend much of his time in Hawke s Bay and Wanganui. In 1919, aged just 32, he was appointed judge of the Native Land Court and president of the Maori Land Board in the Aotea (Taranaki- Wanganui) district. In April 1924, he moved to take up these positions in the Tokerau district. This was the commencement of a lengthy association with the north and its people. Aware of the desperate poverty that Maori communities Northland faced in the 1920s, Acheson was determined to use his positions as Native Land Court judge and Land Board president to ameliorate the poor living conditions of Northland Maori. 506 Taking up his roles in the Tokerau District, he believed this could only be achieved by establishing long-term development schemes, through which Maori would be encouraged to develop their remaining tribal lands. Acheson s efforts in this direction which preceded the introduction of Ngata s government development schemes in Northland were focused on the establishment of a development scheme at Te Kao, north of the inquiry district. By 1930, a significant proportion of the Tokerau Land Board s funds were tied up in this scheme. 507 Boast observes that by the 1930s, through the gradual expansion of Land Boards administrative functions, the Land Court judge-land Board presidents had become powerful figures in their districts. He identifies Acheson (and also Judge Harvey at Rotorua) to be an activist judge-president, who ended up presiding over a complex commercial and land-management empire. 508 Viewing the use of remaining tribal lands as central to any future improvement of the economic position of Northland Maori, Acheson, from the outset of his tenure in the North, sought to protect Maori ownership of their remaining land interests. According to Hearn, Acheson s appointment in the North marked a major shift in the role that the Tokerau Land Board 505 John Acheson and Richard Boast, Acheson, Frank Oswald Victor, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 6 August URL: Acheson and Boast, Acheson, Frank Oswald Victor, accessed 6 August Acheson and Boast, Acheson, Frank Oswald Victor, accessed 6 August Richard Boast, Buying the Land, Selling the Land, Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2008, p

135 played in alienating Maori land. He states that, up until this time, the evidence strongly suggests that the Board actively facilitated and expedited the transfer of land from Maori to settler, even in the face of Maori pleas and growing evidence of landlessness. In contrast, it seems that Acheson went to considerable lengths to consult and try to protect the interests of beneficial owners. 509 Image 4: Native Land Court Judge Frank Acheson (Private collection. URL: Acheson maintained this approach throughout his time in the North. Hearn provides details of a notable case from the mid-1930s, where Acheson refused to confirm the alienation of Hauai 2G3 on the grounds that the land was the vendors only papakainga area. (Hauai is a coastal area near Te Rawhiti on the south-east side of the Bay of Islands.) The purchaser contested Acheson s decision and, after a petition was lodged, legislation that enabled appeal in the Supreme Court was passed. 510 Following Supreme Court proceedings, the alienation was eventually confirmed in September Acheson emphatically opposed these developments, describing the proceedings to be: 509 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp

136 one of the most dangerous things that have ever happened in the history of Native Lands of N.Z. The way is now open to review the hundreds of cases where, in various districts, confirmation of alienations has been refused on the ground that alienations were contrary to the interests of the Natives alienating. 511 Acheson received little support from the Native Department. As discussed further below, the Judge s relationship with the Department was, for a number of reasons, under considerable strain by this time. In a later case, which further illustrates Acheson s efforts to protect Maori land interests, the Judge in 1939 refused to consent to a land exchange proposal at Te Rawhiti, where the Education Department sought a new Native School site. In this case, Acheson s decision was based on the grounds that the exchange areas were not equal and that the exchange would see the owners lose an important area of beach frontage. When the Director of Education suggested use of the Public Works Act, Acheson unequivocally expressed the view that such action would be inappropriate, claiming that it had been many years since Maori land in the North had been compulsorily taken under the Act against the wishes of owners residing on the block. After looking further into requirements at Te Rawhiti, the Education Department discovered there was no need for a new school. 512 Acheson showed further concern for protecting Maori interests when dealing with the alienation of timber, which was a valuable commercial resource on some remaining Maori lands. He ensured that the value of milling timber was appropriately recognised when the Board leased areas of Maori land. 513 Further, when handling the alienation of cutting rights, he required that the timber be valued through detailed appraisal undertaken by the State Forest Service. According to Hearn, Acheson challenged agreements for the sale of timber, where, in the Judge s view, they protected the grantees at the expense of the grantors. 514 It is notable that Acheson also exercised discretion when charging Court costs, showing an understanding of the impact that such costs could have and again reflecting an awareness of the economic circumstances of Northland Maori. Hearn states that Acheson, acting under regulation 180 of the Native Land Court Regulations, commonly waived succession and other 511 Acheson to Registrar, Auckland, 11 April 1936, BAAl A j 5022A, Tai Tokerau alienation file Hauai 2G3, , ANZ Auckland, cited in Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp

137 fees. When questioned about the practice after the Tokerau Native Land Court was audited in 1930, Acheson s response was simply that the natives of North Auckland were, financially, poorer than many others in New Zealand. 515 Writing to the Auditor-General in May 1930, the Under Secretary of the Native Department could only hope that, now that the matter had been drawn to Acheson s attention, he would be more careful. The Under Secretary noted, however, that it was entirely up to the Judge as to whether or not fees were charged. 516 Acheson was also involved in the investigation of some historical land grievances, and he generally reported in support of petitions lodged by Northland Maori regarding past alienations. In respect of petitions concerning the 1859 Mokau block purchase, lodged in 1935, Acheson reported, for example, that the sale had been an unconscionable bargain. 517 However, when forwarding Acheson s report to parliament, Chief Judge Shepherd warned that if the Mokau purchase was overturned it would give rise to many similar claims. He recommended that no action be taken and the government assented to that view. 518 As detailed earlier, the Myers Commission reported in 1948 on the Mokau block purchase, recommending that payment of compensation to owners was not required. The Commission s report reviewed Acheson s investigation and disagreed substantially with his findings, expressing the view that the judge had misdirected himself as to the onus of proof. 519 Another historical investigation concerned the more recent alienation of Mangakowharo block. In a 1927 petition, the owners of this block sought compensation from the government for the value of timber that had been upon the land when it had been sold to private interests in (It was alleged that the government valuation that the price had been based upon did not take the value of the timber into consideration.) Investigating the case in 1932, Acheson reported in favour of the petition. However, Treasury opposed Acheson s finding, suggesting that his position on the matter was based on sentiment, rather than careful analysis. 520 According to Hearn, Treasury s view of Acheson s report was advanced without evidence and 515 Audit Inspector to Auditor-General, 12 March 1930, A5 14/7/2, ANZ Wellington, cited in Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p AJHR, 1941, G-6, p8. As detailed earlier, the land, or parts of the land, referred to as Mokau, has a number of other names, including Manginangina, Takapau and Motukauri. Peter McBurney, Public Works & Other Takings, c , CFRT, July 2007, #A13, p AJHR, 1941, G-6, pp1-2. McBurney, Public Works & Other Takings, c , pp AJHR, 1948, G-2, p Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp

138 needs to be seen within the context of a protracted dispute that had by this time developed between Treasury and the Judge. This involved a range of matters, including the Te Kao development scheme and loans that Treasury had provided for the development of several Maori land blocks. 521 Outside the inquiry district, Acheson also played an important role in the long-running Orakei case at Auckland. Following petitions from Maori, he conducted an inquiry into the Orakei block and reported that it should have been protected from alienation. Acheson also suggested that representatives of Ngati Whatua and the Crown should meet to resolve the matter, without officials present. His recommendations, however, were effectively overruled by Chief Judge R.N. Jones when forwarding Acheson s report to parliament in The government took no action in response to the report. 522 In respect of his Land Court decisions, Acheson s biographers observe that his judicial decisions were often innovative, and sometimes caused alarm in official circles. 523 Of particular note, Acheson was involved in a series of cases relating to Maori claims to the foreshore and lakebeds, which were strongly opposed by the Crown. (As detailed earlier, Northland Maori had raised the issue of lakebed ownership when they met with Massey in March 1922.) Within the inquiry district, Acheson presided over one case concerning an area of foreshore. This case involved the Ngakororo mudflats in the Whakarapa river estuary (an arm of the northern Hokianga Harbour), near Panguru. Another case, outside of the inquiry district, involved an area of mudflats in the Herekino harbour (north of Hokianga). The key question raised in these cases was whether the Native Land Court could issue titles to the foreshore. In his decisions, both delivered in 1941, Acheson contended that the Court did have this power. 524 The judgements were appealed by the Crown to the Native Appellate Court, which looked to reach compromise solutions. 525 Acheson also heard an application made by Maori for the ownership of the bed of Lake Omapere, near Kaikohe. In this case, heard in 1929, the Crown argued that Maori customary ownership of the lake did not amount to the exclusive ownership required to issue a freehold order and, even it did, there 521 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp Acheson and Boast, Acheson, Frank Oswald Victor, accessed 6 August Acheson and Boast, Acheson, Frank Oswald Victor, accessed 6 August Richard Boast, The Foreshore, Rangahaua Whanui National Theme Q, Waitangi Tribunal, November 1996 (first release), pp While the Appellate Court viewed application for title to the foreshore like any other area of customary land, it set out a fairly high standard of proof for proving ownership reliable proof of continuous use and occupation; Richard Boast, Foreshore and Seabed, LexisNexis, Wellington, 2005, pp

139 was no statutory basis to make such a claim anyway. 526 In his judgement, Acheson ruled that the bed of the lake was still owned by Maori. He found that Maori customary law recognised the ownership of lakes and that in 1840 the lake had been the property of Ngapuhi, whose rights were protected by the Treaty of Waitangi. 527 The Crown to the frustration of Maori maintained an application for appeal for many years, but it was never prosecuted. 528 Maori had clearly welcomed Acheson s decision in the Omapere case. This is evident from a letter sent to the judge, dated 17 March Signed by Ngapuhi, the letter refers both to the Omapere decision and Acheson s involvement in land development work: Oh the honourable Judge Acheson words fail me to describe my feelings regarding your bravery and perseverance, and your great affection for your Maori people also your gameness in leaving the carved canoes of your Pakeha people floating where they are. You have come out to steer the canoe of your Maori people, namely Omapere Lake. The paddle used by you is the carved one made by the tupunas in the year 1840, called the Treaty of Waitangi. This canoe is now floating on the broad sea of Kiwa. Thus we have named you, Judge Rahiri Atihana, of Ngapuhi... [Rahiri was Ngapuhi s founding ancestor.] I refer also to... your strength and stoutheartedness in directing your Maori people what they should do in order that their residue lands would be used to the best advantage and their living conditions improved even unto their descendants after them as well as their spiritual well-being. 529 Further evidence of support for Acheson among Northland Maori is evident in correspondence written in August It appears that some Te Raki Maori had become concerned that Acheson would be moved from their district. Maori appealed to Apirana Ngata, the Native Minister, to reconsider the decision. Herepete Rapihana, from Pukepoto, near Kaitaia, wrote to Ngata, stating: Some of the work he [Acheson] has been doing in the Tokerau Native Land Court are [sic] not yet completed. For that reason let him complete them. 526 New Zealand Herald, 20 June 1929, p Auckland Star, 21 June 1929, p New Zealand Herald, 27 May 1936, p17. Boast, Foreshore and Seabed, pp Ben White, Inland Waterways: Lakes, Rangihaua Whanui National Theme Q, Waitangi Tribunal, March 1998 (first release), pp Ngapuhi to Acheson, 17 March 1930, Acheson Papers, MSS & Archives 96-1 folder 1.2, Special Collections, Auckland University Library. 139

140 He is a good judge. He has an even temper. He does not quarrel with the applicants who appear before him like other judges who have been here. His decisions in contested cases have been just and have never been questioned. His judgments have been fair so that none of them has been appealed against. No appeal has been lodged against his judgments by any member of the Te Rarawa, Aupouri, and Ngati-Kahu tribes. The appeals which are being dealt with now have been against the decisions of former Judges. 530 Rapihana s letter was accompanied by a number of signatures in support of Acheson. Ngawati Reihana from Omanaia, Hokianga, wrote to Ngata in a similar vein: We the Tribes of the Tai-Tokerau for the first time in our history have had working amongst us a man of such character. This man was to us like a father. He was a very candid man. He considered Maori matters brought before him conscientiously. Though he was a pakeha he considered Maori questions from a Maori standpoint. He was a man whom we considered suitable for the Maori people. We have a large number of matters now before the Native Land Court. Some of them are old matters and ought to be completed, so as to enable us to concentrate all the energies on farming operations. We respectfully request that all matters brought before this Judge should be completed by him. 531 Just with Rapihana s letter, Reihana s was supported by nine pages of signatures from fellow petitioners. And, similarly, Mare Tawhai from Waima, stated in correspondence to the MP for Kaipara, JG Coates: Mr Acheson has done more than anybody else to restore confidence amongst the Maoris in the North in Native Land Court matters, and everybody old and young respect him for his strict impartiality and his willingness to give a helping hand at all times. In view of the fact that several prominent cases have yet to be dealt with by the Native Land Court, we ask that Mr Acheson should not be transferred elsewhere until at least those cases are disposed of. We realise that in most of the cases where the issue has been fought between the Maoris and the Crown, the decisions have gone against the Crown, and we feel that in making this request we are asking the Crown to do the big thing, 530 Herepete Rapihana to Apirana Ngata, 3 August 1930, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1: Acheson: Frank Oswald Victor, , ANZ, Wellington. 531 Ngawati Reihana and others to Apirana Ngata, Native Minister, 14 August 1930, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1: , ANZ, Wellington. 140

141 and to retain for these Big Matches a Referee in which we have every confidence. We are one in our request, from Tamaki to Spirit s Bay, that Mr Acheson be retained for the present. 532 In response to a request from Coates for further information, Ngata stated that there is no intention of a change in the District Judges at the moment. 533 Breakdown in relations with officials and government ministers In 1928, the government elected to proceed with large-scale consolidation of Maori land interests in Tokerau, as a preliminary to introducing land development schemes. While Acheson seems to have been anxious to assist with this work, Ngata, writing in March 1928, held reservations on whether Acheson could work as part of a team: I expect we shall have much trouble with Acheson before long. He will begin by trying to run the special [consolidation] staff to do the work that he wants in the order that suits him, and thus upset our plans. For instance he wants Cooper to undertake one of his tinpot schemes in the Mangonui County, when the latter must concentrate on the Bay of Islands, the hub of the northern problem... Then again Acheson is holding his Courts and therefore using files and minute books the data sources in fact when these are required for the preparation of data lists... He does not seem disposed to play with the team, and is probably incapable of such play. The man ought to be whipped away to hold special Courts somewhere else. 534 Around this time, Ngata also expressed his reservations about Acheson in a letter to Buck. Referring to the consolidation work, Ngata stated that: At this juncture it is good to have a tactful and resourceful U.S [Under- Secretary] like Judge Jones to oil the machinery. He works the Public Service Commissioner, and quietly influences the office staffs. Our greatest trouble in the North was with Judge Acheson and the Auckland Court staff Mare Tawhai, Waima, to JG Coates, 18 August 1930, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1: Acheson: , ANZ, Wellington. 533 Ngata to Coates (as MP for Kaipara), 3 September 1930, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1: Acheson: , ANZ, Wellington. 534 Native Minister to unknown, 9 March 1928, MA I 29/1, ANZ Wellington, cited in Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Native Minister Apirana Ngata to Peter Buck, 9 February 1928 in MPK Sorrenson (ed.), Na To Hoa Aroha: From Your Dear Friend: the correspondence between Sir Apirana Ngata and Sir Peter Buck, , volume 1, Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1986, p

142 Acheson firmly believed that consolidation should take precedence over land development, and he understood that Maori had been promised that this process would be completed within two years. However, it became clear as the 1930s progressed that the Native Department favoured development (including housing) over consolidation and that it was allocating resources accordingly. 536 An ongoing and increasingly bitter dispute developed between Acheson and the Native Department. In spite of the Department s position, Acheson continued to call for greater resources for consolidation work, and he pointed out cases where problems and disputes were arising among Maori as a result of the lack of work in this area. 537 In September 1935, ON Campbell, Native Department Under Secretary, sent a memorandum to JH Robertson, the Court Registrar, commenting on what he perceived as Maori being given conflicting advice, which he claimed was leading to much confusion regarding the work of the Court, the Tokerau Land Board and the Native Department. Campbell suggested simplifying the lines of communication between the different administrations. He stated that Maori knew well the working of the Court system but were less certain regarding land settlement organisation, and he therefore suggested that Maori contact their local Field Supervisor in the first instance. Campbell added that Land Court judges should refer all Maori farming matters to the Department to avoid conflicting information being given to Maori. 538 He maintained that: If the authority of the Supervisor is undermined or not fully maintained, and supported by the Department, the Natives will be left in a state of uncertainty as to whom they are to rely on and our control will be weakened and we will get no response. 539 This memorandum was, as per Campbell s request, passed on to Acheson, who seemingly took its contents personally. In response, Acheson objected to the manner in which the communiqué was delivered: through a subordinate rather than directly to the Judge. He considered it derogatory to the Court to choose this method of delivery. On the contents of Campbell s memo he was equally forceful, describing it as a direct attack upon him. 540 He questioned how Campbell could claim to know how Tokerau Maori felt 536 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp , ON Campbell, Native Department under-secretary to JH Robertson, Court Registrar, 17 September 1935, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, Acheson Papers, University of Auckland. 539 ON Campbell, Native Department under-secretary to JH Robertson, Court Registrar, 17 September 1935, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, University of Auckland. 540 Judge Acheson to ON Campbell, Native Department under-secretary, 30 September 1935, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, University of Auckland. 142

143 given that their daily lives were unknown to him. The Tokerau Natives are not one people all thinking alike, he stated: Every section is different of ancestry and in type, with a varying mental outlook The Department does not appreciate the fact that through ten difficult years I have kept the turbulent Northern Natives in an atmosphere of comparative calm and content. The slightest inquiry from the Consolidation Officers or the recognised Maori leaders would have made clear to you whose influence it is that has made things run smoothly in the North. Perhaps testing whether these difficulties might be addressed by the new Labour Government, Acheson wrote at the beginning of 1936 to Michael Savage, the newly-elected Prime Minister and self-appointed Native Minister, offering his service and assistance whenever it was required. In response, Savage wrote: I fully recognise the responsibility of the trust thus imposed in me and it will be my earnest endeavour, with the co-operation of the Maori Race and their Leaders and all those who are concerned with their welfare to do everything possible to ameliorate their condition physically, intellectually and economically. 541 The change of government did not see any improvement in the relationship between Acheson and the Native Department. The Judge s dealings with Robertson were especially strained. By 1938 it appears that the relationship between Acheson on the one side and Robertson and the Native Department on the other had become irreparable. Robertson noted in a letter to the Native Affairs Under Secretary in Wellington that in the large portion of the work of the Auckland Office in which Judge Acheson is not concerned no friction has developed and smooth administration has been achieved. 542 On 6 May 1938, Frank Langstone, writing to Acheson on behalf of Prime Minister and Native Minister Savage, stated that it was of paramount importance that executive officers of any Department should co-operate and pull together. 543 He continued that in view of the state of affairs existing between the Registrar and yourself, I must inform you that there will need to be an alteration in the personnel of the officers at Auckland I will not tolerate a state of affairs in the Department where loyalty and co-operation 541 MJ Savage, Native Minister to Acheson, 16 January 1936, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 542 JH Robertson to Under-Secretary, Native Affairs, 12 May 1938, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 543 Langstone assisted Savage with the Native Affairs portfolio and became Native Minster on Savage s death in

144 are not the watch-words of the officers activities. 544 Langstone continued by stating that the operations of the Tokerau Maori Land Board make a sorry story. He asserted that had wiser judgment prevailed and more judicious investment of funds existed, the position of the Tokerau Board to-day would have been much better. Langstone concluded by expressing his disappointment that he was required to write a letter in that tone and that this would be placed on the official record of the Native Department. 545 Responding to Langstone s assertion that the Tokerau District Maori Land Board was a sorry story, Acheson stated that he was amazed... at this charge. He then launched into explanations of the good work Maori had undertaken throughout the district: In my opinion, and I say it with respect, you have gravely exceeded the Ministerial privilege of your high office as a Minister of the Crown in threatening a Judge of the Native Land Court with removal from his post without proper Inquiry and without any facts to prove the charges you make against him. 546 Acheson concluded that he had no option but to take constitutional steps which were open to him; these being an appeal to the Prime Minister and Cabinet; a writ in the Supreme Court; and a petition to parliament. Three days later, Acheson again wrote to Langstone, stating that: the root of all this trouble for yourself, Sir, and for the entirely innocent Panguru Association, and for the Tokerau Board can be found in the burning and unseemly desire of the Tokerau Registrar, after many failures, to find at least one matter on which his superior officer, the Judge of the District, might be shown to be seriously at fault as the Registrar hoped and thought. 547 By the late 1930s, Acheson was displaying increasing signs of frustration with the Native Department and, in particular, the Registrar, Robertson. With a general election planned for 1941, Acheson announced his desire to stand for parliament. However, as had occurred during the First World War, general elections were postponed, initially for one year. This was extended to two years after the formation of the War Administration in In his 544 Frank Langstone to Judge Acheson, 6 May 1938, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 545 Frank Langstone to Judge Acheson, 6 May 1938, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1, ANZ, Wellington. 546 Acheson to Langstone (Acting Native Minister), 20 May 1938, p3, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 547 Acheson to Langstone, 23 May 1938, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 548 Atkinson, Adventures in Democracy, p

145 letter to the Native Minister in June 1939, less than three months before war s declaration, Acheson stated: I feel it essential for me to seek on the Floor of the House an adequate opportunity to prove to the Government and to Parliament and to the people of New Zealand that, in high places in the Native Department and the Public Service Commissioner s Office, there is at present a very definite anti-maori element highly inimical to the welfare and happiness of the Maoris, and therefore to the maintenance of cordial relations between the two Races. I am genuinely apprehensive, Sir, that the cold and hard officialdom so often in evidence these days and so hostile to the theory and the practice of equal treatment for Maoris, will drive into dangerous underground channels the bitter resentment which all classes of the Race in all districts have felt in growing measure since the Commission proceedings of 1934 resentment not directed at the Government. it will be most unfortunate for the future security and harmony of life in New Zealand if the Maoris, with their rapidly expanding numbers are not quickly relieved of a Departmental administration which humiliates them, scarifies their finer feelings and which is now attacking the status and independence of the Native Land Court in an effort to take away the protection which for generations past the Maoris have prized so much. Now, at the age of 51, he concluded, it is clear I must wait no longer if I am to carry out the ideal which I have, namely, to join with others of good will towards the Maori in preparing the way for the slow but inevitable fusion of the two Races on terms of real equality which will prevent racial troubles arising such as have afflicted other Countries. 549 Though this election was postponed, Acheson reiterated in August 1941 his intention to stand and contest the Rotorua seat as an independent national candidate. 550 In the meantime, relations with the Auckland Registrar and his office deteriorated further. In January 1938, Acheson wrote to the Under Secretary, Campbell, outlining a list of incidents in which Robertson had allegedly acted unprofessionally and behaved poorly including insubordination towards Acheson, making disparaging and derogatory remarks about Maori and obstructing Native Land Court work. 551 Campbell proposed an official inquiry, which Acheson readily accepted. Acheson stated that his own duty in this case was the preservation of the status and rights 549 Acheson to Native Minister, 7 June 1939, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2: Acheson: Frank Oswald Victor, , ANZ, Wellington. 550 Dominion, 27 August Judge Acheson to under-secretary, Native Department, 24 January 1938, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.2.2, Acheson Papers, University of Auckland. 145

146 of the Native Land Court and to protect Tokerau Maori who were suffering severely from the Department s administration and unable to get the real benefit of the Government s humane policy. 552 Acheson requested that the inquiry be held by a Cabinet Minister (he suggested the Attorney-General or Deputy Prime Minister who were at that time Rex Mason and Peter Fraser respectively) assisted by two other MPs. Acheson concluded by stating: In my opinion I shall have no difficulty whatever in showing that the publiclyannounced and laudably-helpful policy of the Government is, to the detriment of the welfare of the Maori people and the relations between the two Races, being continually held up and largely nullified by the Department s indecision, procrastination and worse in vital matters affecting the Tokerau and other Districts [strikethrough in original]. 553 In November 1938, Acheson was informed he would need to lay specific charges, which he did. He laid a total of 27 charges against Robertson including charges of insubordination, insulting behaviour, obstruction of Court work and the Department s administration in Tokerau. Acheson also made comments concerning salary increases (one of 100 and then a further 50) that had been paid to Robertson when, according to Acheson, it was either Acheson himself or two highly capable officers, Bell and Mills, who had taken over much of Robertson s work: He gets the pay while they do a big portion of the work. 554 Acheson did not receive his wish that the inquiry being presided over by a Cabinet Minister. Instead, it was heard by Sir Francis Frazer, President of the Court of Arbitration and Compensation Court, on behalf of the Public Service Commissioner. The inquiry commenced on 20 February 1939 and ran for several weeks into March. It is not known who was called to appear to support Acheson s charges, and little is known about the inquiry itself apart from the decision. On 17 March, in correspondence to an unnamed recipient, Native Department Under Secretary Campbell, who it seems had attended some of the inquiry, outlined Robertson s duties as many and wide-ranging. As a portent to the inquiry s decision, Campbell stated that the breakdown of communication that had developed in the north had been expertly handled by Robertson. Though Campbell acknowledged that the Native Department 552 Judge Acheson to under-secretary, Native Department, 31 March 1938, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.2.2, University of Auckland. 553 Judge Acheson to under-secretary, Native Department, 31 March 1938, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.2.2, University of Auckland. 554 Judge Acheson to under-secretary, 22 December 1938, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, Acheson Papers, University of Auckland, p5. 146

147 was not perfect due, in part, to a lack of experienced officers, he did make clear that the Department had a vital role to play: The Maori today finds himself at a very critical stage in his history. His land assets have very largely been disposed of and he must now of necessity rely on his personal efforts for his livelihood. In other words, he must now enter into competition with the Pakeha in his struggle for his daily bread. It is our job to assist him in every way possible to establish himself, as a fully responsible citizen. If we fail, one can very easily foresee a real and undesirable racial problem arising. It is therefore of the greatest importance that authority should speak to him with one voice. This seems to me to be our greatest difficulty here we are not speaking with one voice and the Maori is being thoroughly confused [underlining in original]. 555 Campbell acknowledged that Acheson possessed a desire to assist Maori, but it seems to me that consciously or unconsciously he is critical of the department and makes this evident to the Maori. This is disastrous to the administration and most confusing to the Maori and I am afraid that this is the foundation of our main existing difficulties in the Tokerau District. 556 Campbell concluded the correspondence by stating that the Native Department Head Office had a high opinion of Robertson s tact and ability and nothing has transpired during the course of this Inquiry to shake this opinion. 557 On 31 May of that year, Thomas Mark, the Public Service Commissioner, wrote to Robertson informing him of Frazer s decision. Mark stated that he was completely satisfied with the Registrar s behaviour; indeed, he believed Robertson was entitled to commendation for your competent administration and for your loyal adherence to your duty in the face of unusual and great difficulties. 558 I regret to observe, he continued, that from the evidence and report it is obvious Judge Acheson has chosen to exercise his influence with the Natives in a way not helpful either to yourself 555 ON Campbell to unknown, re Inquiry JH Robertson, 17 March 1939, Box 7, Item 3.3a.2.4, Acheson Papers, University of Auckland. 556 ON Campbell to unknown, re Inquiry JH Robertson, 17 March 1939, Box 7, Item 3.3a.2.4, University of Auckland. 557 ON Campbell to unknown, re Inquiry JH Robertson, 17 March 1939, Box 7, Item 3.3a.2.4, University of Auckland. 558 Thomas Mark, Public Service Commissioner to JH Robertson, 31 May 1939, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, University of Auckland. 147

148 or the Department and that he has displayed arrogance and offensiveness toward you. I have had no hesitation in coming to the conclusion that you were not to blame for the differences between Judge Acheson and yourself. 559 Robertson was fully exonerated in the inquiry, though Mark concluded by reminding Robertson that it was essential that judicial, executive and administrative officers of the Native Department spoke to Maori with one voice. He advised the Registrar that any further difficulties he encountered with Acheson should be promptly reported to the Head of Department. It is worth noting here that the letter, sourced from Acheson s papers deposited at the University of Auckland, contain annotations (presumably Acheson s own) stating: a typical example of official white-washing, re-open whole matter as soon as independent and impartial investigation can be secured through Parliament. 560 It appears that relations between Acheson and Robertson never improved after the inquiry. In 1941, for example, a Native Department memorandum suggested the use of existing departmental vehicles instead of hiring special cars for judges use. Acheson issued a curt response: I will not allow anyone, least of all this Registrar, to foist this type of travel upon me contrary to my wishes, and my rights. 561 Campbell, in writing to the Native Minister, stated that correspondence between Acheson and Native Department officials was couched in hysterical and critical language, leading Campbell to suggest that it was impossible for Acheson to work in harmony with anyone with whom he shares any responsibility. He concluded that: I have discussed the position with the Solicitor-General [Henry Havelock Cornish] and the Chief Judge [Shepherd] and we are all of the opinion that some urgent action is necessary and we are all agreed, as mentioned above, that it is too much to expect that the Judge will ever co-operate with anyone exercising any authority over matters in which he is connected. 562 Two months later Acheson was summoned to Wellington to explain his behaviour to Mason and Acting Prime Minister Walter Nash. In a memorandum to Under Secretary Campbell, setting out what was discussed, Mason recorded that: 559 Thomas Mark, Public Service Commissioner to JH Robertson, 31 May 1939, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, University of Auckland. 560 Thomas Mark, Public Service Commissioner to JH Robertson, 31 May 1939, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, University of Auckland. 561 ON Campbell, Under-Secretary Native Department to Native Minister, 24 October 1941, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 562 ON Campbell, US, Native Department to Native Minister, 24 Oct 1941, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 148

149 Judge Acheson promised the Prime Minister, as he promised me, that he would not write another letter like that written to you on 6 th October, but beyond that his promise of harmonious co-operation seemed so slight as to make it difficult to say that it amounted to anything material. 563 By 1943 it was clear that Acheson s time as a Native Land Court judge was drawing to a close. Writing to George Shepherd, the Chief Judge of the Native Land Court, Campbell quoted correspondence received from the Chief Surveyor of Auckland regarding decisions of the Native Appellate Court. The Chief Surveyor stated: It is noted that in the six appeals, five Crown and one Native, against the decisions of Judge Acheson all were allowed and the judgment of the Lower Court annulled. This, together with the contra recommendation of the Chief Judge to the Native Minister upon Judge Acheson s report relative to the Maunganui Block and other petitions forces me to the conclusion that the judicial administration of the Tokerau District is a matter for serious consideration by the proper authority and that the result of these appeals should be brought to its notice. 564 Written over the letter Shepherd commented that: [Acheson] appears to be wholly pro-maori in his outlook and inclinations. 565 Unfortunately, the other observations Shepherd made are illegible. However, the implication of this statement suggests that Acheson was considered to be acting improperly and not in keeping with what was expected of someone in his position as a Native Land Court judge. Retirement In March 1943, a chain of correspondence commenced which, it appears, led to Acheson s enforced retirement at the end of that year. Shepherd informed Rex Mason that: Judge Acheson will complete 40 years of service on the 7 th December next when he will be entitled to retire on a full pension It appears to me, under all the circumstances, that consideration should now be given to the question if his usefulness to the Department Memorandum from Native Minister(?) to Under-Secretary, Native Department, 18 November 1941, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 564 ON Campbell, Under-Secretary, to Chief Judge Native Land Court, 14 January 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 565 ON Campbell, Under-Secretary, to Chief Judge Native Land Court, 14 January 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 566 GP Shepherd to Rex Mason, 16 March 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 149

150 The following day, Mason wrote to Campbell: The Chief Judge s remarks as to whether Judge Acheson s services warrant his continuance in office lend emphasis to the recent complaints as to his inability to weigh considerations between the Crown and Natives. Please have these Crown cases examined by someone who can say whether they show inability to judge in such cases. Are there earlier similar cases? If so, put them all together. To whom can you submit them? Do the Crown have office sufficiently detached? 567 Two days later Native Land Court Chief Judge Shepherd informed Mason that: Judge Acheson for some years past has been the cause of much disharmony in the Department s administration and, because of this, one feels that efficiency would be generally promoted if opportunity were taken to recommend His Excellency to determine Judge Acheson s term of office as and from the 6 th December 1943, with three months leave of absence on retirement from 7 th September By November 1943 preparations had been made to retire Acheson at the end of that year. After Acheson applied for special leave to prepare for his electoral campaign to contest the Rotorua seat, Mason seized the opportunity to expedite Acheson s exit from his Native Land Court role. Mason explained that if Acheson was successful in his quest for a political life he would be required to relinquish his judicial tenure anyway. It is apparent that Acheson was fully cognisant of the moves to force him out of his post. On 9 November, he wrote three letters to senior ministers setting out his position. First, he wrote to Walter Nash who was acting Prime Minister during Peter Fraser s enforced stay in hospital where he was recuperating from surgery. 569 Acheson requested that he be given a further 12 months to complete his work as a Native Land Court judge, after which he would happily retire. He explained that he wished to complete consolidation matters and leave the many-sided Te Kao Scheme as a shining example to all the Tribes. He once again accused Native Department 567 Mason, Native Minister, to Campbell, Under-Secretary, Native Affairs, 17 March 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. It is unclear to which Crown cases Mason was referring. 568 NLC Chief Judge Shepherd to Native Minister Mason, 19 March 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 569 Michael Bassett and Michael King, Tomorrow Comes the Song: a life of Peter Fraser, Auckland: Penguin, 2000, p

151 officials of defaming his character as a judge and launching political reprisals against him for attempting to stand for parliament. 570 Next, Acheson wrote to Fraser himself, reiterating his belief that the Native Department had engineered his enforced retirement. In what could be construed as a thinly-veiled threat against the Labour Government, Acheson stated: You, Sir, have treated me properly in the past, and I am anxious that nothing detrimental to your Government should result from the inevitable publicity that will result from a renewal of the Native Department s vendetta against me. 571 Acheson concluded with a Maori proverb which he translated for Fraser s benefit: Once a fire starts in the fern no man can tell where it will end. It may sweep through the whole countryside. 572 Finally, Acheson wrote to Native Minister Mason, stating that if he was successful in his endeavours to become a member of parliament he, with the support of personal friends already there, would hope to convince the government that: a racial problem will inevitably arise in New Zealand after the war is over, unless a profound change takes place in the whole outlook of the Native Department. Its present complex has already done very great harm. Its methods, largely based on.s.d. for official returns and on bossing by officialdom, are quite out of date now, and are definitely humiliating to a noble Race which has done its part in War and desires to do it in peace. 573 Acheson continued by making clear that: These gallant Te Kao people do not deserve to be left at the mercy of the Native Department. You will be assuming a heavy responsibility before God and man, Mr Mason, if you take my guidance and protection away from these Te Kao people just when they are on the verge of a great achievement Judge Acheson to Acting Prime Minister Walter Nash, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 571 Judge Acheson to Peter Fraser, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 572 Judge Acheson to Peter Fraser, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 573 Judge Acheson to Native Minister Mason, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington, p Judge Acheson to Native Minister Mason, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington, p3. 151

152 He noted that he had never trimmed my judicial sails to pick up a favouring wind contrary to my duty as a Judge. I have always carried out my duty to protect the King s Conscience in matters affecting the Maori Race. 575 In a further embittered broadside, Acheson observed that: You know that a very junior Judge [presumably this is GP Shepherd], one without the qualifications of a barrister as required by Statute, was illegally appointed Chief Judge in the place that was rightly mine was I, according to the viewpoint of Departmental officials, too strong-minded a Judge to be entrusted with the task of making recommendations to Parliament in cases where the interests of Maoris might clash with the monetary interests of the Crown? 576 A month later Acheson again wrote to Mason stating that he had not consented to his enforced retirement and that he intended to: carry on with my judicial and official duties, and to throw upon you and upon the Native Department the full responsibility for ending my work for the Tokerau Maoris. I prophesy, however, that your Ministerial support of the extremely unpopular Native Department against a trusted and respected Judge will put you entirely off-side with all the Maori people just as it did in the case of the Hon, Mr. Langstone. I can see quite plainly that the Native Department is so out of touch with the true spirit of the Maori people that it will drag you down and doom to failure any hope of you securing full cooperation and goodwill from the Tribes in your administration of the Portfolio of Native Affairs. 577 Two days later, on 16 December 1943, the Governor-General, Sir Cyril Newall, signed a document that revoked Acheson s warrant, effective from 31 December. For his part, Mason arranged a temporary replacement, with Judge Beechey taking over as judge of the Tokerau Native Land Court District and President of the Tokerau District Maori Land Board. 578 Conclusion Examining selected developments in the period between 1910 and 1939, this chapter has discussed the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the First World War, the influence of the Ratana movement within the Te Raki inquiry 575 Judge Acheson to Native Minister Mason, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington, p Judge Acheson to Native Minister Mason, 9 November 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington, p Judge Acheson to Native Minister Mason, 14 December 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington, pp ON Campbell, Under-Secretary of Native Affairs to Registrar, Auckland, 22 December 1943, AAMK W3112 Box1 23/2/1/pt2, , ANZ, Wellington. 152

153 district, and the work of Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson. It has argued that Te Raki Maori involvement in the First World War and the Ratana movement represented different strategies of engaging with the Crown, both of which sought to secure greater Crown awareness of, and responsiveness to, Te Raki Maori concerns. On the other hand, Acheson, a Pakeha, looked to advance the interests of Te Raki Maori through his judicial role within the Crown government system. During the First World War, the main way that Te Raki Maori contributed to the war effort was through the provision of volunteers for overseas service. While Te Raki Maori did not universally support the war effort, evidence concerning recruitment indicates that, overall, there was a strong willingness to contribute to the war effort. Of those who served in the Maori Contingent and later Pioneer Battalions, some 282 (about 13 per cent) had next of kin residing in the inquiry district. It is likely that a small number of Te Raki Maori also served in European units. Though no comparison has been made with Maori recruitment in other districts or enlistment of Pakeha, the government expressed satisfaction with the number of volunteers from the Northern Maori electorate and, reflecting this, did not look to conscript Te Raki or other Northland Maori. It has been argued that, through their involvement in the war, Te Raki Maori looked to redefine their relationship with the Crown. Alongside the personal motivations of individual volunteers, it is evident that Maori who supported the war effort hoped that their involvement would bring long term benefits, including greater recognition of issues of concern to them. During the course of the war, Te Raki Maori do not seem to have openly expressed the motivations that underpinned Maori recruitment in the inquiry district. However, when their leaders met with Prime Minister Massey in March 1922, they clearly articulated an expectation that the government, in recognition of their voluntary contribution to the war effort, should listen and respond to their concerns. The hopes of those who had anticipated a closer relationship with the Crown were not fulfilled. In the decade following the conflict, the Crown substantially failed to engage more closely with Te Raki Maori and respond to matters of importance raised by them. Evidence of this failure is presented elsewhere in the report in the chapters that deal with the national and local government electoral systems, the Maori Council system, and the payment of state welfare assistance. This chapter has noted that Maori returned servicemen did not benefit from soldier resettlement schemes, and it has also discussed at some length the extent to which the Crown responded to the concerns that Northland Maori put to Prime 153

154 Minister Massey in March Most of these were issues relating to land and land development, though some other matters were also raised issues concerning oyster fisheries, the funding of Maori councils, and lake bed ownership. Little action was taken towards addressing the various concerns put before Massey. It is evident that the main focus of the government s Maori policy in the post-war years was the settlement of historical grievances, but Te Raki Maori did not benefit from this. In 1928, the Sim Commission reported on some Northland land petitions, but did not consider that redress was warranted in any of the cases. Within this context, the Ratana movement developed as a new avenue of engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown. In the 1920s, it emerged as a Maori political force of national significance. Te Raki Maori were among the movement s widespread supporters and Northland Maori notably Paraire Paikea became involved in leadership positions within the organisation. Support for the Ratana movement in the inquiry district stemmed in part from the frustration that Te Raki Maori experienced after the First World War, when the Crown remained largely unresponsive to the concerns of Te Raki Maori. Ratana, who first toured Northland in mid-1921, appealed especially to the marginalised: those who had been widely dispossessed as a result of earlier land loss. Offering a new model of leadership, Ratana looked to replace existing forms of tribal authority, which were considered inadequate to meet the challenges that Maori faced. It has been explained that Ratana initially did not engage with the government or official bodies including the Maori Health Councils discussed in the next chapter and instead called for the Treaty of Waitangi to be upheld, a focus that is likely to have appealed particularly to Maori of Northland, where the Treaty was first signed. However, as the 1920s progressed, Ratana increasingly looked to engage with the Crown through the parliamentary system, based upon the view that this was necessary if change and improvement for the Maori people was to be achieved. Focussing on the Maori seats, the movement achieved electoral success first in Paikea s success in Northern Maori in the 1938 election meant that, at the beginning of the Second World War, three of the four seats were held by Ratana MPs. After the 1935 election, Ratana entered into a formal alliance with Labour, which shared some common policy objectives with the Ratana movement. Within the new government, the Ratana MPs (backed by the wider movement) looked to secure a stronger voice for Maori in the way that policy and legislation was developed. However, it soon became evident that hopes of a new role for Maori in government would not be fulfilled. Nevertheless, 154

155 between 1935 and 1939, the Ratana MPs were involved in some statutory advances that helped to secure greater equality of treatment for Maori, which Savage had identified as the key focus of Labour s Maori policy. The previous chapter has detailed, for example, that the secret ballot was introduced to Maori seats in The limited extent to which the Ratana MPs were able to achieve influence within the Labour Government reflected the limitations of the Maori seats, which did not provide an equal platform for Maori and Pakeha participation in decision making at the parliamentary level. While there were sympathetic elements within Labour, the needs and views of the Pakeha majority were the dominant considerations that shaped Labour s policies. This would continue beyond As for Acheson, he undertook his work in the North from within the Crowngovernment system. Within his role, he sought to advance Northland Maori concerns and address their socio-economic status a focus that contrasted with the attitude of the government, which was largely unresponsive to the concerns of Te Raki Maori, despite their commitment to and participation in the First World War. Acheson soon became involved in land development work, and he sought to provide greater protection of Maori ownership of land. He also heard title applications involving claims to areas of foreshore and lakebed. In Acheson s view, there was room for greater recognition of the Treaty in judicial decision-making; this placed Acheson, as a Pakeha Native Land Court judge, ahead of his time. In respect of his stance on the Treaty s relevance, there was common ground between Acheson and the Ratana movement, which at the same time sought to have the Treaty enshrined in legislation. Acheson also inquired into historical land grievances and reported upon petitions that Maori lodged in connection with earlier transactions. Overall, the Crown s response to Acheson limited the extent to which he was able to effectively operate to advance Te Raki Maori interests, illustrating further that the government was not focussed on addressing these concerns, especially where they conflicted with existing policies and priorities. This chapter has explained, for example, that the Crown appealed Acheson s judicial decisions that recognised the Treaty. Similarly, the government did not accept his recommendations regarding Te Raki Maori historical land grievances. This was the case both prior to and after 1935 when Labour entered office. Indeed, it appears that government tolerance of Acheson deteriorated under Labour. 155

156 While Acheson appears to have gained the respect of Northland Maori, the Crown increasingly viewed him as difficult and obstructive two perspectives that reflected different understandings and attitudes towards the Treaty and its significance to the relationship between Maori and the Crown. The government, in particular, regarded Acheson as an obstacle to its land development programme in the North. But, especially in respect of judicial matters, Acheson strove to defend his independence and, in turn, protect Maori interests. This led to clashes with Native Department officials and Native Ministers. In the end power lay with the government and it was in a position to remove him from office, and as a result Te Raki Maori lost their most committed Pakeha advocate within the Crown-government system. Later in the report it will be explained that, while Native Minister Mason was taking steps to forcibly retire Acheson, Mason was also retrenching Maori autonomy which was being exercised at that time through the Maori War Effort Organisation. This will be discussed in chapter five. 156

157 Chapter Three: Maori Councils in the Te Raki inquiry district, Introduction This chapter examines the establishment and operation of Maori Councils in the Te Raki inquiry district between 1910 and It addresses, in part, question (b) of the research commission, which requires an examination of the extent to which official initiatives that operated before and after the Second World War (such as the Maori Councils) contributed to Te Raki Maori political autonomy and rangatiratanga. In respect of these official initiatives, question (b) asks, more specifically, what central and local government powers and functions, if any, the Crown devolved to and removed from Te Raki Maori leaders and institutions. It also asks how well any such powers and functions met the expectations and aspirations of Te Raki Mori over time. The examination of the Maori Council system that is presented in this chapter also sheds light on question (c) of the commission, which was the focus of the previous chapter and concerns the ways that the Crown engaged with and responded to Te Raki Maori concerns between 1910 and The operation of the council system, it will be shown, was a matter of concern for Te Raki Maori, with some leaders seeking reforms that would enable the councils to function more successfully. The extent to which the council system served as a platform for engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown is also assessed. During the period covered by this report, up until the establishment of the Maori War Effort Organisation in 1942, the Maori Councils were the only government-affiliated Maori organisations operating within the inquiry district. The Maori Council system was established by the Liberal Government in 1900 as a response to Maori demands for greater control over decision making that concerned matters of importance to them. Set up under the Maori Councils Act 1900, the councils offered a limited form of self government and were expected to focus mainly on health and welfare reform. The exercise of council powers was restricted to kainga and pa, though the 1900 Act also included provisions relating to the management of oyster fisheries. The Maori Councils were to operate within districts that were in theory (though not always in practice) based on tribal boundaries. Figure 6 sets out the boundaries of the council districts that were established in Northland under the 1900 Act. It shows that the Pewhairangi (Bay of Islands), Hokianga, and Whangarei Maori Council districts lay largely within 157

158 the boundaries of the modern-day Te Raki inquiry district. Quite significant portions of the Wairoa and Ngati Whatua districts also lay within the inquiry district. All of these districts were gazetted in December Figure 6: Maori Council Districts and the Te Raki Inquiry District In order to enable Maori to exercise a form of collective control over their remaining lands, Maori Land Councils were also created in These councils, made up of a majority of Maori members, were set up under the Maori Land Administration Act However, they proved to be short lived 579 The districts were defined in a proclamation signed on 26 December 1900 under section 3 of the Maori Councils Act New Zealand Gazette, 1901, pp

159 and were wound up before the beginning of the period covered by this report. In 1905, the land councils were replaced by land boards dominated by government-appointed members a development that represented a fundamental shift away from the original intent of Maori collective management of land. 580 The activities of the Tokerau Land Council are examined in other casebook research. 581 There were two distinct phases to the operation of the Maori Council system, the first of which spanned the years from 1900 to The initial phase began with Maori Councils being formally established in the Te Raki inquiry district and elsewhere in the country, soon after the passage of the 1900 Act. As a result of government neglect and failure to respond to deficiencies in the system, initial Maori enthusiasm for the council system tempered. In the Te Raki inquiry district, as detailed later in the chapter, this decline began in about 1908, and by 1915 many of the inquiry district s councils appear to have been inoperative. In spite of evidence of widespread council inactivity, the council system nevertheless continued at an administrative level and some important statutory changes were introduced before the first phase of the council system ended. The second phase covers the period from 1920 to It arose from government efforts to reinvigorate the council system after the First World War in order to promote health reform in Maori communities. Statues passed in 1919 and 1920 modified the existing council system, providing for the creation of newly-named Maori Health Councils. However, many features of the original system were retained, and the new councils operated within existing council districts. The Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district were formally established in They existed until 1945, when the council system was abolished. This chapter focuses mainly on the operation of the second phase of the council system within the Te Raki inquiry district the Health Councils. As explained, the initial Maori Councils were set up at the beginning of the twentieth century and had begun to fall into decline by the end of the first decade, when the period covered by this report begins. The establishment and early development of the council system is, however, discussed in some detail as background to the closer examination of the Health Councils. In their Northland land and politics overview report, which covers the years 580 Tom Bennion, The Maori Land Court and Land Boards, 1909 to 1952, Waitangi Tribunal Rangahaua Whanui Series, 1997, pp1-2. Richard Boast, Buying the Land, Selling the Land: Governments and Maori Land in the North Island , Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2008, p220, Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, ; Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c

160 from 1860 to 1910, Armstrong and Subasic examine the first phase of the Maori Council system in the Te Raki inquiry district. 582 The discussion of the Maori council system that is presented in this chapter has significant linkages with issues discussed elsewhere in this report. It relates, for example, to issues discussed in chapter one, which explained that Te Raki Maori were for many years largely excluded from the county electoral system and, as a result, were unable to secure representation on the county councils. This chapter sheds light on the extent to which the Maori Council system provided Te Raki Maori with a viable alternative form of local government and compensated for their exclusion from the county councils and other local government bodies operating in the inquiry district. The development of the council system also links with issues discussed in chapter two. Specifically, the government s renewal of the council system after the First World War needs to be considered in light of Te Raki Maori involvement in the war and the expectations attached to this. As explained in chapter two, the government continued to be largely unresponsive to Maori concerns in the post war period. The Health Councils, however, marked a new development and potentially offered an avenue of engagement for those Te Raki Maori who sought to advance Maori interests through a closer relationship with the government. (The Ratana movement, which initially rejected engagement with the government in the post war years, represented a different approach.) The extent to which the Health Councils served to provide a closer relationship between the government and Te Raki Maori, and the extent to which the government responded to Te Raki Maori concerns about the council system, needs to be considered within this wider context. The first section of the chapter describes the development of the Maori Council system up to It examines the motivations that underlay the creation of the council system and, drawing on existing casebook research, briefly describes the operation of Maori Councils in the Te Raki inquiry district up to the beginning of the period covered by this report. It discusses the reasons why, by 1910, the councils of the inquiry district were becoming increasingly inactive. The next section looks at the operation of the council system in the inquiry district between 1910 and It presents evidence that suggests that the government, by 1912, firmly viewed the councils as vehicles for health reform, rather than Maori self-government. By 1915, it is explained, the 582 Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp

161 councils in the Te Raki inquiry district were largely inoperative. The section also describes some key statutory changes, which were to remain in place during the second phase of the council system. The chapter then goes on to look at the steps that were taken after the First World War to revitalise the Maori Council system and create the Maori Health Councils. It is explained that much of the statutory framework of the existing council system was retained, including, for example, provisions that enabled councils to make and enforce bylaws within their districts. Next, the chapter discusses the composition and initial activities of the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district. It then examines the uneasy relationship that existed during the 1920s between these councils and the adherents of the Ratana movement, who for a number of years rejected the authority of the councils. The chapter then looks at two other difficulties that the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district faced, which to a large extent were deficiencies inherited from the original Maori Council system. First, it examines the ongoing funding difficulties that the councils experienced, and then it discusses problems associated with the councils limited powers, particularly in respect of their ability to enforce bylaws. The chapter then looks at the activities of the Health Councils that operated in the inquiry district, explaining that in spite of the difficulties they faced the councils were involved in health protection and development work and sometimes also served a role in resolving local disputes. The next section of the chapter explains, however, that from around 1930 the inquiry district s Health Councils became less active. It discusses several developments around this time that added to the councils difficulties. These included the financial strain that arose during the Depression, administrative changes within the Health Department, and the loss of key, long-serving council members. The chapter concludes by looking at the councils final years and the steps that led to the abolition of the council system in Research for this chapter has focussed on evidence relating to the Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei Maori Health Councils. As noted above, these councils largely operated within the boundaries of the modernday Te Raki inquiry district. Sources that relate specifically to the Wairoa and Ngati Whatua Councils were not examined for the purposes of this report as their areas of focus mostly lay outside the boundaries of the modern-day inquiry district. 161

162 Developments to 1910 Introduced by the Liberal Government, the Maori Council system was a response to Maori demands at the end of the nineteenth century for greater autonomy to make decisions over matters of concern to them. The call for change came from the Kotahitanga movement as well as the Kingitanga and Young Maori Party. 583 The Maori Councils Act 1900 an Act to confer a Limited Measure of Self-government upon her Majesty s Subjects of the Maori Race provided statutory authority for the creation of the Maori Councils. 584 Under the Act, the country was to be divided into districts that were to be administered by councils made up of six to twelve Maori members who were elected every three years. Each council also included an official member appointed by the Governor. Typically a local European who held a government post, the official member was to help ensure that procedural requirements were followed. The Governor was also able to appoint a chief to act as an advisory councillor. Beneath the councils were village committees (komiti marae), which would attend to council functions in each kainga. The responsibilities of the Maori Councils were focused on community health and welfare, particularly sanitary reform. 585 In order to bring about change, the councils were empowered to make bylaws to regulate such things as sanitation, water supplies, liquor consumption, and to administer meeting houses, burial grounds, eel weirs, oyster beds, foreign hawkers, noxious weed control, and the registration of births, deaths, and marriages. Geographically, the Maori Councils jurisdiction to enforce bylaws was limited to kainga and pa. 586 The office of the Superintendent of Maori Councils, filled by a European official within the Native Department, was to monitor and oversee the work of the councils. The Maori Councils were closely linked to another initiative that aimed to improve the health of Maori the establishment of the position of Native Health Officer within the newly-created Department of Public Health. In 1901, Maui Pomare was appointed to the position, with the duty of overseeing Maori sanitary reform throughout the country. 587 In this role, Pomare and the Native Sanitary Inspectors who were later appointed to assist him worked closely with the Maori Councils. In 1905, Peter Buck was appointed Assistant Native Health Officer, and in 1907 was transferred to Auckland, where he was put in charge of the whole province, which included 583 Williams, Politics of the New Zealand Maori, pp Appendix III, Maori Councils Act Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p40, See section 16 of the Maori Councils Act 1900, and sections 2, 3, and 5 of the Maori Councils Amendment Act Lange, May the People Live, p

163 the Te Raki inquiry district. 588 Buck occupied this position until 1909, when he entered parliament as the member for Northern Maori. 589 Historians have offered different views regarding the government s objectives in introducing the Maori Council system. Lange acknowledges that the autonomy granted in the 1900 Act was hedged about with restrictions, but states that it would be wrong to characterise the legislation as merely a cynical ploy designed to deceive Maori and diffuse their concerns. He suggests that a range of motivations underlay the Act, including wellintentioned paternalism... and genuine humanitarianism and a sense of justice. Lange also notes the role played by the sponsor of the legislation, Native Minister James Carroll, who he characterises as a bicultural mediator. 590 Armstrong and Subasic provide another perspective, asserting that the government s prime motivation was to address the continual Maori demands for autonomy by steering them in the direction where the Government could appropriate and control it. Through the 1900 Act, they argue, the government aimed to prevent independent Maori political ambitions from gaining strength and at the same time create an instrument through which it could monitor and exercise some control over Maori political life. 591 Armstrong and Subasic also point to an assimilationist agenda, stating that the councils involvement in health and sanitary work was an integral aspect of this. 592 Northland Maori appear to have looked upon the passage of the Maori Councils Act 1900 with optimism and sought to participate in the council system at an early stage. In parliament, Northern Maori MP Hone Heke Ngapua believed that the Bill was well thought out. 593 By 1901, councils were set up within the Te Raki inquiry district, and in early 1902 they submitted their bylaws for approval. These bylaws largely reflected a set of model bylaws that had been developed by a number of Maori leaders who had been engaged by the government to do this work and were guided by the government s wishes that the councils should focus on health and welfare issues Lange, May the People Live, p Sorrenson, Buck, Peter Henry, accessed 6 January Raeburn Lange, A Limited Measure of Local Self-Government: Maori Councils, , Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series, Number 2, 2004, pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp NZPD, 1900, vol. 114, p373, cited in Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p

164 Among the bylaws, the councils assumed responsibility for the registration and taxation of dogs within Maori settlements. 595 The dog tax, which would become the councils main source of income, had been the focus of a struggle for authority between the government and Northland Maori in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. 596 The transfer of power to collect dog tax from counties to Maori Councils was a controversial decision. Armstrong and Subasic suggest that the government, by allowing Maori Councils to collect the tax, undoubtedly hoped to tone down the symbolic meaning of the tax to Maori as an instrument of oppressive Government authority... and thus avoid the combustible showdowns which had frequently occurred in the 1890s. 597 Following the passage of the Maori Councils Act 1900, Maori in the Bay of Islands looked to use council powers to secure greater control over local oyster fisheries. As detailed above, the Maori Councils Act 1900 provided that councils could make bylaws for the regulation and management of oyster beds. This included the power to make reserves. 598 In March 1901, MP Hone Heke Ngapua advised Native Minister Carroll that Bay of Islands Maori had many oyster-bearing shores that they planned to reserve under the 1900 Act. In the meantime, he asked that two islands near the mouth of the Waitangi River be protected. 599 As a result of this request, picking from the islands was declared unlawful under section 15 of the Sea-fisheries Act Officials within the Marine Department, which dealt with applications for reserves, evidently preferred to use the Sea-fisheries Act 1894 rather than the provisions of the Maori Councils Act. This may have been because the 1894 legislation was considered to be stronger and less complicated than the alternative option of establishing a reserve through the issuing of council bylaws. The 1900 Act and Maori Council system appears to have offered limited protection of Treaty fishing rights and did not enable Maori to exercise self government over fishing resources. Soon after the Maori Councils began operating, Northland Maori expressed concerns over the limitations of the legislation. Armstrong and Subasic state that the most pertinent issue was the lack of jurisdiction over criminal and 595 Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic discuss this struggle at length in chapter seven of their report; Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Section 16(10), Maori Councils Act The Maori Councils Amendment Act 1903 modified this, requiring the Governor to consider the requirements of the residents of an area before making any reservation. Section 4, Maori Councils Amendment Act Heke to Carroll, 20 March 1901 (telegram), ADOE M /7/63 part 1, Oysters Bay of Islands Native Reserve, , ANZ Wellington. 600 New Zealand Gazette, 1901, pp

165 civil matters, particularly with regard to cases between Maori themselves. 601 Funding also presented a considerable problem. Describing the Maori Councils as being notoriously under-funded, Armstrong and Subasic explain that the government paid each body 25 in 1901 and again in 1902, but then reduced these payments and, after several years, eventually stopped them. 602 The dog tax, as noted above, became the councils main source of income, with the collection of fines for breaches of bylaws also providing income. In spite of the limitations of their power and funding difficulties, the Maori Councils in Northland as in many other areas 603 appear to have contributed positively towards improvements in living conditions. The value of their work was recognised by census enumerators in James Browne, for example, enumerator for Whangarei, Hobson, and Otamatea counties, commented that the health of Maori in these areas had been exceedingly good since the previous census of 1901, and he attributed this largely to the influence of the Maori Councils in inducing the Natives to live in better houses and observe more closely the laws of health and sanitation. 604 Another enumerator, William Seon, who was responsible for the Mangonui, Hokianga, Whangaroa, and Bay of Islands counties, also observed the benefits of Maori Councils to be very apparent. Seon considered that they would prove to be a great factor in gradually preparing the way to the ultimate elevation of the Maori viz., their fusion with the white race. 605 His comments show that some officials viewed the councils as a potentially effective tool of assimilation. Armstrong and Subasic observe, however, that Northland Maori Councils resisted what they perceived to be assimilationist aspects of the Maori Council bylaws. Though the bylaws passed by the councils in 1902 required that they license tohunga, the Councils often allowed tohunga to operate and continued to tolerate tohunga even after the passage of the Tohunga Suppression Act For the government, this was a matter of dissatisfaction and tensions with the councils over the role of tohunga Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Lange, May the People Live, pp AJHR, 1906, H-26A, p7, cited in Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p AJHR, 1906, H-26A, p5, cited in Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , pp

166 On the whole, however, except in the early years of the council system, government policymakers rarely gave any attention to the councils. In spite of early Maori enthusiasm for the councils and though they appear to have played a constructive role in improving Maori health and sanitary conditions, the government did not to address shortcomings in the council system. This failure gives weight to the view that the system had been set up to meet a situation in 1900 and was not an important element in subsequent Crown policy towards Maori. 607 Armstrong and Subasic state that the government s interest in the councils diminished as it become confident that Maori political aims had been successfully defused. With regard to this, the dissolution of the Kotahitanga in 1902 would have been seen as an important turning point. 608 As a result of government neglect, Maori Councils, in most districts, were in decline or had ceased functioning by the beginning of the First World War. Armstrong and Subasic suggest that, in the Te Raki inquiry district, this decline began in about Decline of Maori Councils in Te Raki inquiry district, At the beginning of the period covered by this report, the prospect of increasingly inactive Maori Councils strengthened when the government began to withdraw support for the Maori health programme that operated within the Department of Public Health. 610 In 1909, as a cost-cutting measure, the programme was transferred to the Native Department. Two years later, it was returned to the control of the Health Department. 611 Around the same time, Pomare resigned and was not replaced, and by 1912 all the Native Sanitary Inspectors had been laid off. 612 In 1912, Buck, the MP for Northern Maori, was appointed the Maori representative on the Executive Council and in charge of Maori Councils. He served in this role briefly, until the Liberal Government s defeat in July During his time in charge of Maori Councils, Buck encouraged the councils of the Te Raki inquiry district to remain active, but he indicated that the councils should focus on health and welfare reform. It seems clear that by this time the government did not view the councils as bodies through which Maori could exercise self government. In May 1912, when addressing the first meeting of the newly-elected Whangarei Maori Council, Buck underplayed any role that the council might have as a form of self government, explaining instead that its function was to improve the 607 Lange, A Limited Measure of Local Self-Government, p Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Lange, May the People Live, p Lange, May the People Live, pp Lange, May the People Live, pp185,

167 conditions under which Maori lived, primarily through the proper sanitation of villages and dwelling places. Acknowledging that most Maori Councils lacked funds for adopting large sanitation schemes, Buck encouraged the Whangarei Maori Council to recognise as it had in the past that collection of the dog tax provided one of the best resources for raising money. 613 Though Buck s advice does not appear to have stimulated the Whangarei Maori Council and its komiti marae into greater activity, it is evident that the council s chairman, Ngawati Ruwhia, was reasonably active in carrying out health and sanitary inspection work, possibly using his own resources to do so. During the first half of 1913, the Northern Advocate reported that Ruwhia undertook inspections at various places throughout the district, particularly where disease outbreaks (primarily typhoid) had been reported. 614 In August and September 1913, during the serious epidemic of smallpox that occurred at this time, which primarily impacted upon Maori, the Hospital Board and Public Health Department sought to engage with the Whangarei Maori Council in their efforts to control the disease. Working largely through Ruwhia and H.G. Woods (who appears to have been the council s official member) the health authorities viewed the council as the most appropriate body through which to communicate with local Maori and implement control measures, which included imposing geographical restrictions of movement upon Maori. 615 It is also evident that after 1910 some of the Maori Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district continued efforts to secure greater control over oyster beds. In July 1910, the Hokianga Maori Council expressed an interest in reserving local oyster beds, but it appears that a formal request was never put forward. 616 Oyster beds were, however, set aside for Maori use in Whangaruru Harbour in 1913 and in the Bay of Islands in Again, these reserves were not created under the Maori Councils Act 1900, but instead section 17 of the Fisheries Act Efforts to secure the Bay of Islands reserve were nevertheless led by the Chairman of the Pewhairangi Maori Council, Rawiri Te Ruru, who received considerable support from MP Tau Henare. 618 The extent to which the oyster bed reserves created at this 613 Northern Advocate, 16 May 1912, p See, for example: Northern Advocate, 8 February 1913, p5; Northern Advocate, 9 April 1913, p4; Northern Advocate, 26 April 1913, p See, for example: Northern Advocate, 20 August 1913, p4; Northern Advocate, 25 August 1913, p2; Northern Advocate, 19 September 1913, p Wepiha to Carroll, 4 July 1910, ACIH MA /4536, Letter from Hone Wepiha, Chairman, Hokianga Maori Council, Horeke, asking that Pakeha be barred from stripping the Maori shellfish grounds, , ANZ Wellington. 617 New Zealand Gazette, 1913, pp New Zealand Gazette, 1915, p See, for example, Northern Advocate, 13 May 1915, p7. 167

168 time adequately recognised Maori interests and needs is unclear. 619 It is notable, however, that the oyster fishery was heavily regulated by the Marine Department, which oversaw extensive picking as part of a state-managed commercial operation. In August 1915, the Superintendent of Maori Councils, J.B. Hackworth, provided Maui Pomare with a report that detailed the extent to which Maori Councils throughout the country remained active. 620 Though he attempted to provide a positive outlook, it is evident from his report that the council system was being abandoned, particularly by Northland Maori. In respect of the Maori Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district, Hackworth described only the Hokianga Council as being wholly functional and doing really good work with an excellent chairman. (Armstrong and Subasic comment that, given the chronic lack of funding, the successful operation of the Hokianga Council is a testament to the dedication and hard work of its members. 621 ) Though the Pewhairangi Council had been very attentive to business, Hackworth had received no reports from it for some time and he felt it was going back. (In September 1920, during the process of establishing the Maori Health Councils, the chairman of the newly appointed Pewhairangi Maori Council, Hoori Tane, admitted that it had been seven or eight years since the council had met. 622 ) Hackworth also stated that he had received no reports from the Whangarei Council and he believed that the council was largely inactive. The Ngati Whatua Council, Hackworth stated, was doing no work at all. It is evident that at least one of the Maori Councils that Hackwork identified as being inactive continued to maintain members and meet the requirements relating to council membership. On 25 February 1918, the Whangarei Maori Council met to discuss the appointment of a new council, which was due to take office on 1 April By this time, the way that councils were appointed had changed. Under section 15 of the Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act 1916, council members 619 Considerable file evidence is available in respect of oyster reserves in the Te Raki inquiry district. See, in particular: AAFZ 7910 W /7/10, General Fisheries Matters Whangaruru oyster beds, native reserve, , ANZ Wellington; AAFZ 7910 W /7/20, General Fisheries Matters Special oyster fisheries for Maori Parua Bay and Whangarei Harbour, , ANZ Wellington; ADOE M /7/63 part 1, Oysters Bay of Islands Native Reserve, , ANZ Wellington. 620 Hackworth to Pomare, 6 August 1915, ACIH W1369 MAW b, Correspondence (mainly with Maori Councils), , ANZ Wellington, cited in Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Tane to Henare, 20 September 1920, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3238), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington. 623 Northern Advocate, 25 February 1918, p2. 168

169 were to be appointed by the Governor General and the number of members was reduced to eight, including the official member. The appointment of members by the Governor General replaced provisions for the election of members by the Maori population of each Maori Council district, and it has been interpreted as a further erosion of the position of the councils. 624 Establishment and administration of Maori Health Councils, By the end of the First World War, the Maori Council system was tottering. 625 This section discusses the renewal of the council system through the creation of the Maori Health Councils and describes the administrative structures within which these councils operated. The government, it is clear, reinvigorated the council system with health reform as its main aim. It was not motivated by a desire to enable Maori to exercise self-government. In his 2005 report on the Maori Health Council system, Lange explains that the establishment of the Health Councils stemmed largely from the influenza epidemic that hit New Zealand in late 1918, which gave rise to calls for the improvement of sanitary conditions in Maori settlements. He notes that the Royal Commission on the influenza epidemic recommended in its interim report, issued in April 1919, that Health Committees mentioned in the Public Health Act 1908 should be brought into operation in Maori settlements. 626 A key development in the renewal of the council system occurred in May 1919, when Buck, having returned from war service, was appointed to the position of Maori Health Officer within the Public Health Department. 627 (This role had been vacant since Pomare s departure from the department some eight years earlier.) Lange explains that Buck, who was expected to bring about improvements in Maori sanitary conditions, immediately turned to the Maori Council model as the principal means by which change should be introduced. 628 Buck soon advised the Superintendent of Maori Councils that he was anxious to work with the councils and komiti marae, and he requested information on their present position. The Superintendent advised that in most cases the councils existed only in name, but he suggested that with encouragement Maori interest in the system could be renewed. 624 Lange, A Limited Measure of Local Self-Government, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity: Maori Councils, , Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series, Number 5, 2005, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity pp Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p8. 169

170 Statutes passed in 1919 and 1920 defined and shaped the development of the Maori Health Councils, repealing and modifying parts of the existing Maori Council legislation. The Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act 1919 contained two relevant sections. First, section 16 repealed the provisions that enabled Maori Councils to collect the dog tax from Maori owners. (As explained above, this had been an important source of revenue for some councils in the Te Raki inquiry district, though the registration fees appear to have been set at a low level.) Collection of the dog tax was restored to local authorities, depriving the future Health Councils of potential income from this tax. Armstrong and Subasic note that the County Councils in Northland and elsewhere had continually demanded the government to return them the rights of dog-tax collection, and the issue had been an ongoing source of friction between Maori and County Councils. 629 As discussed later, without the dog tax, the Health Councils were left with limited sources of funding, the main one being the collection of fines from breaches of bylaws. The second relevant section of the 1919 Amendment and Adjustment Act, section 17, enabled existing Maori Councils to be declared Health Councils under the control of the Department of Health. The Health Councils would advise the District Health Officer in all matters relating to health of the Maori inhabitants of the district, and... perform such functions and duties as the District Health Officer approves or the Governor-General by regulations prescribes. 630 They continued to be able to appoint village Health Committees, which would have the power to carry out sanitary works and enforce rules and observances approved by the District Health Officer. 631 The Minister of Health could, out of moneys appropriated by parliament, pay for administration expenses and sanitary projects. 632 The Native Minister could also subsidise funds raised by Health Councils for sanitary works and for generally improving the sanitary condition of such a district. Such subsidies would be paid at a maximum rate of 1 pound for 1 pound. 633 Section 66 of the Health Act 1920 largely reiterated the provisions of section 17 of the 1919 Amendment and Adjustment Act, though Sarich identifies one notable change relating to the financial provisions. He observes that, while government monies could still be used for paying the administrative expenses of the Health Councils, it appears that any contribution could only 629 Armstrong and Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , p Section 17(a), Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act Section 17(b), Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act Section 17(c), Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act Section 17(d), Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act

171 be as a subsidy (pound for pound) rather than an outright payment. 634 Significantly, the 1920 Act, which repealed the Public Health Act 1908, also marked a major overhauling of the health administration. 635 The new Health Department that was established under the Act included a Division of Maori Hygiene, one of seven distinct administrative divisions within the Department. As detailed above, the new legislation repealed only parts of the existing Maori Council legislation. 636 The majority of council functions continued, including the power to issue bylaws that komiti marae were to enforce in their local communities. Provisions concerning the appointment of councils also remained in force. As noted earlier, section 15 of the Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act 1916 had introduced new provisions, requiring members to be appointed by the Governor. It is evident that appointments to the Maori Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district were in many cases made on the basis of nominations put forward by the council chairmen, often after hui had been held to choose a member or members. However, it seems that council chairman sometimes exercised control over who could stand in these contests. 637 At the same time, officials within the Health Department also appear to have had some influence over the appointment of councillors or, at the very least, encouraged individuals to put themselves forward for selection. In 1926, Buck, the Director of Maori Hygiene, reported that some members of councils and komiti marae were our picked men. 638 Between 1920 and 1945, the administration of the Maori Health Council system consisted of two distinct periods. Between 1920 and 1931, the system was administered by the Division of Maori Hygiene. Upon its creation, Buck assumed the role of Director of the Division and remained in this position until 1927, when Edward Ellison took over. (Like Buck, Ellison, of Ngai Tahu and Te Ati Awa descent, had also been educated at Te Aute and was an experienced medical practitioner. 639 ) As well as the Health Councils, 634 Subsections 66(5) and 66(6), Health Act 1920; Sarich, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, 1914-c.1939, pp Derek Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, , Victoria University Press, Wellington, 1999, p Maori Council Act 1900, Maori Councils Amendment Act 1903, and Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act See, for example, Webster to Menzies, 1 August 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 638 AJHR, 1926, H-31, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity p12. Sean Ellison, Ellison, Edward Pohau, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 20 January URL: 4e9/ellison-edward-pohau 171

172 the Maori Hygiene Division s responsibilities included the Maori Nurses and a small group of Native Sanitary Inspectors. (The first inspector to be appointed was Harding Leef, who lived in the Hokianga and had served with Buck as an officer in the Pioneer Battalion. 640 ) In 1931, the Division of Maori Hygiene was abolished and responsibility for the council system was transferred to regional Medical Officers of Health. 641 Though the Health Councils were under the administrative control of the Department of Health, the Native Department also played a role in their administration, reflecting that important legislative provisions of the old council system remained in force. The Native Department continued, for example, to assist in securing the Governor s approval for council appointments and for the issuing of new bylaws. Sarich also notes that requests for amendments to council legislation were often referred to the Native Department. 642 Providing an overall assessment of the structure of the new Health Council system, Hill comments that it remained centralised, with tight bureaucratic control of the supposedly semi-autonomous bodies. 643 Lange, however, notes that although their focus was more explicitly on the improvement of Maori health, the Health Councils continued to possess scope for exercising community jurisdiction over a variety of matters, including, for example, the handling of crime. 644 The following sections examine the extent to which the Health Councils that operated in the Te Raki inquiry district provided for recognition of local initiative and enabled Maori to exercise control over aspects of community life. Maori Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district In October 1920, new Maori Councils were gazetted under section 15 of the Native Land Amendment and Native Land Claims Adjustment Act This followed work undertaken by Buck, who had approached existing chairmen and other council members, seeking nominations for the appointment of new councils. 646 The new councils included some members from the existing councils. Table 5 sets out the members of the councils that 640 AJHR, 1920, H-31, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Sarich, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, 1914-c.1939, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p24, New Zealand Gazette, 1920, pp See, for example, Health Officer to the Maoris, to Teruru, 21 June 1920, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3238), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington. 172

173 were appointed for the Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei districts in October (It is unclear whether any women were among these individuals. Later evidence suggests that few, if any, women served on the Maori Health Councils. 647 ) In June 1921, the three council districts (along with 22 others) were declared to be Special Districts under section 66 of the Health Act From this time, the Maori Councils of the districts were to be known as Health Councils. Table 5: Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei Maori Councils, appointed October 1920 Council Pewhairangi Hokianga Whangarei s Hoori Tane (chairman) Teri Te Heihei Taki Hoterini Ngawati Aperahama Eru Pou (Jnr) Kerei Mihaka Ripi Wihongi William John King (official member) Hone Wepiha (chairman) Hone Hare Moa Taimoana Matene Naera Tamaho Peri Terima Teihi Puhipi Tiwini Michael Flanagan (official member) Piriniha Whareumu (chairman) Hohepa Petimana Tahi Honetana Peneha Maru Hare Peeni Taa Patira Okeroa Patimana Frank Bird (official member) Each of the Maori Health Councils that operated in the Te Raki inquiry district were served by longstanding chairmen, each of whom played a key role in the function of their councils, shouldering much of the administrative and operational work. They received no income for this work, though basic expenses, including travel costs, were met from council funds. 647 Kaa to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 28 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), Maori Health Councils general, , ANZ Wellington. 648 New Zealand Gazette, 1921, p1652; see subsections 66(1) and (2), Health Act

174 For the Pewhairangi Council, Hoori Tane served as chairman from 1920 through to his resignation in He continued as an advisory member on the council until his death in Hone Wepiha (John Webster) was chairman of the Hokianga Maori Health Council until 1932, when he was defeated in a council election. 651 Wepiha, who had served as chairman of the Hokianga Maori Council from 1908, continued to serve on the health council as an advisory member until his death in The chairman of the Whangarei Maori Health Council, Piriniha Whareumu, had also had long involvement in the original Maori Council system, having served on the Whangarei Maori Council since its establishment in 1900, eventually becoming chairman. 653 Whareumu was chairman of the council until his resignation in about He continued as an advisory member until at least In February 1921, Buck met with the newly-appointed Whangarei Council at a meeting held in Whangarei. (It is possible that he also met with other councils during this visit to the North.) Reporting on the Whangarei meeting, the Northern Advocate stated that Buck discussed various matters in connection with the health and welfare of the Maori people of the North. 656 By this time, Buck had drafted new model bylaws, which he sent to councils for approval and adoption. 657 The bylaws an effort to reorient the new councils towards a public health role were approved by the three councils and towards the end of 1921 were gazetted under the authority of the Maori Councils Act 1900 and the Health Act They were divided into twelve 649 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 23 April 1936, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3237), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington. 650 New Zealand Gazette, 1936, p1496. Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 10 November 1937, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3237), , ANZ Wellington. 651 Webster to Stubley, 8 February 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 652 Webster to Stubley, 15 November 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 22 July 1936, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3233), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 653 Northern Advocate, 25 February 1918, p2; Whareumu to Director General of Health, 29 July 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. 654 Whareumu to Tumuaki, 21 November 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington; Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 15 March 1933, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 655 New Zealand Gazette, 1936, p Northern Advocate, 22 February 1921, p See, for example, Director for Native Hygiene to Webster, 15 February 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), ANZ Wellington. 658 New Zealand Gazette, 1921, p2998. [Pewhairangi] New Zealand Gazette, 1921, pp [Whangarei] New Zealand Gazette, 1921, p2890. [Hokianga] Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p

175 major categories: General; Buildings; Drainage; Nuisances; Keeping of Animals; Privies; Infectious Diseases; Tangis, Huis and Gatherings; Watersupplies; Drunkenness; Hawkers; Smoking and Gambling. The powers to enforce the collection of fines from these bylaws were contained in section 25 of the Maori Council Act 1900, which stated that if a Maori shall refuse to pay any fine imposed or inflicted... under this Act, the Chairman of the Council is hereby empowered to proceed for recovery of the same by civil process in the Magistrate s Court. As discussed later, this action was taken at the councils expense and the provisions did not provide sufficient power for the efficient collection of fines. While working on the revision and adoption of new bylaws, Buck also looked to reinvigorate komiti marae and sought details of the komiti within each district. 659 As noted above, komiti marae played an important function within the council system, being responsible for the enforcement of bylaws, including the collection of fines when bylaws were breached. They also issued licenses and collected the fees associated with this. By September 1922, there were 24 komiti marae in the Pewhairangi Council district, 14 in the Hokianga district, and 7 in the Whangarei district. 660 In the case of the Pewhairangi Council district, the number of komiti marae fluctuated over the following two decades. In 1927, the number of komiti in this district had fallen to 16, but it later increased and in 1936 some 26 komiti were recorded. 661 In contrast, komiti marae in the Hokianga district remained relatively stable. 662 No evidence was located on the number of komiti marae that operated under the Whangarei Maori Health Council in the years after From the volume of correspondence contained in the Health Department files, it would appear that the three councils were most active during the 1920s. Some of the early correspondence relates to questions concerning council powers and clarification of the bylaws. Other correspondence includes requests for financial assistance and tested the extent to which Buck s efforts to reinvigorate the council system would provide greater support for community and individual needs. In April 1921, for example, Buck dealt with a request from the komiti marae and a women s komiti at 659 See, for example, Director for Native Hygiene to Webster, 15 February 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), ANZ Wellington. 660 Director of Maori Hygiene to Registrar General, Births, Deaths, and Marriages, 18 September 1932, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3225), Maori Health Councils general, , ANZ Wellington. 661 Director of Maori Hygiene to Under Secretary, Native Department, 20 May 1927, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3238), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington. New Zealand Gazette, 1936, p See, for example, New Zealand Gazette, 1933, p

176 Matihetihe in the Hokianga. (The exact status of the women s komiti is unclear, but it does not appear to have been a formerly designated komiti marae.) The two komiti sought assistance for the building of a house that could be used as a hospital during times of epidemic. Writing to the Director General of Health, Buck suggested that a subsidy might be offered under section 66(4) of the Health Act 1920, explaining that he had no wish to damp the ardour of these people. 663 However, in May 1921, responding to a request for further information from the Director General, Buck acknowledged that the building would only be used in times of illness, and he therefore felt that the matter should remain in abeyance until such time is more opportune for the Department to authorise the expenditure. 664 The Director General agreed with this position. 665 In July 1923, Hokianga Council chairman Hone Wepiha put further requests before Buck, questions that had been raised by the komiti marae at Whakarapa. The komiti sought to know whether, under the Maori Councils Act 1900, assistance could be offered to a man who was unable to work and had five children to keep. It also asked whether, under the same Act, loan money was available for the improvement of land. 666 In response, Buck advised Wepiha that the Maori Councils Act 1900 provided no powers for the provision of financial assistance to individuals or for advancing money for land improvement. However, he suggested other avenues for assistance, hoping that these would be of some help. 667 In March 1924, a conference of Maori Health Council chairmen from Northland was held at Whangarei. The conference discussed the addition of new bylaws and called for powers to grant marriage licences and prevent underage marriage. 668 (In addition to the bylaws established for all councils, individual councils were able to produce supplementary bylaws that would be enforceable in their districts. Section 16(19) of the Maori Council Act 1900 required these bylaws to be submitted to the Governor General for approval. They could not conflict with any existing provision of any other 663 Director of Maori Hygiene to Director General, 2 April 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 664 Director General of Health to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 19 May 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. Director of Maori Hygiene to Director General of Health, 25 May 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 665 Director General of Health to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 1 June 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 666 Wepiha to Te Rangi Hiroa, 1 July 1923, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 667 Director of Maori Hygiene to Webster, 5 July 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 668 Northern Advocate, 6 March 1924, p4, Northern Advocate, 8 March 1924, p4. Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p21,

177 Act dealing with the same subject matter.) The Whangarei conference agreed upon nine new moral welfare bylaws, which were to be added to the existing health bylaws. 669 Drafted by Buck, the new bylaws covered a range of matters, including a prohibition on bad language and a requirement that no hui or gathering was to be held without the permission of the council. They also included laws against cruelty to animals, trespass, adultery, sexual assault, fighting and theft, and a requirement that licence fees should be paid for picture shows and stores. After being approved by individual councils, the additional by laws were gazetted in early Influence of the Ratana movement Soon after the Maori Health Councils were established, the Ratana movement began to gain influence among Maori of the North. Chapter two has examined the emergence of support for the Ratana movement and its role as a form of engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown up to This section looks at the relationship between the Ratana movement and the operation of the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district. It sheds further light on how the government and officials envisaged the Health Councils role within the inquiry district, and it also provides some evidence concerning the extent to which Te Raki Maori supported the reinvigorated council system. As discussed in chapter two, the Ratana movement initially shunned engagement with the government and looked to advance Maori interests independently. Hill states that it selected the government-affiliated Health Councils as a site of contest. 671 In the Te Raki inquiry district, as detailed below, some members of the Ratana movement initially sought to gain control of councils and komiti marae. Later, followers of Ratana looked to set up their own bodies. The undermining influence of the Ratana movement was a matter of concern for Te Raki Maori who sought to work within the council system, and it was also clearly troubling to the government and Health administrators. Official concern reflected a desire to retain control of the councils and ensure that they remained focused on prescribed objectives. This stance reflected more general concerns about the Ratana movement s potentially negative impact on Maori health. Dow states that during the 1920s the Health Department s response to the Ratana movement had three main components: sanitary conditions at Ratana Pa, the impact of Ratana s beliefs on infectious disease 669 AJHR, 1924, H-31, p41; Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p New Zealand Gazette, 1927, p157 [Hokianga Maori Health Council]; New Zealand Gazette, 1927, p158 [Pewhairangi and Whangarei Maori Health Councils]. 671 Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p

178 control and cooperation with district nurses, and Ratana s influence on the work of the Health Councils. 672 Dow observes that at this time the antitohunga sentiment of the early twentieth century became focused on the activities of Ratana and his followers, though ironically Ratana himself was intolerant of tohunga. 673 Buck initially believed that the Ratana movement would not endure, suggesting to the Director General of Health in September 1921 that Ratana s mana would wane like all movements of a similar nature. 674 However, this prediction proved to be wrong and the Health Department and Maori Health Councils soon became very aware that in many districts Ratana s followers were unwilling to cooperate with them. 675 In his annual report for 1926, Buck stated: We are experiencing many difficulties owing to the Ratana movement finding its way into the working of our Councils and Village Committees. In many instances our picked men have been approached to join the Ratana committees, which are very much in evidence, and in some cases we have lost their services. It appears as if an organized attempt is being made to undermine and to usurp the duties of our Councils by the Ratana element, and I have decided the only method to adopt is to visit from time to time our Council members and Village Committees so as to rebut the Ratana propaganda. 676 In the early 1920s, some Ratana followers looked to gain a footing within the councils of the inquiry district. In December 1923, for example, the Health Department received correspondence relating to competition between Ratanaites and Non-Ratanaites over appointments to the Rawene Komiti Marae within the Hokianga district. 677 Later, in at least two council districts within the inquiry district, Ratana followers sought to establish alternative committees. In 1927, a correspondent from Kaeo, within the Pewhairangi district, asked Buck whether district and village committees set up by the Ratana movement to undertake duties similar to those of the Maori Health Council had any legal standing. In his reply, Buck stated firmly that they did not Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, pp Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, pp Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, pp Director of Maori Hygiene to Director of Health, 8 September 1921, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3226), Maori Health Councils general, , ANZ Wellington. 675 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p AJHR, 1926, H-31, p Unknown writer to Conway, 14 December 1923, minute on unknown writer to Pomare, 30 December 1923, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 678 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp

179 In the Hokianga district, Wepiha was also facing difficulties with the establishment of Ratana committees. Writing to the Superintendent of Maori Councils on 1 July 1927, the Chairman of the Hokianga Council advised that he was experiencing problems at Whirinaki, Mangamuka, and Utakura. Wepiha reported in some detail on the situation at Whirinaki, where Ratana followers refused to respect the authority of the komiti marae and had formed their own committee. He discussed a case where the alleged perpetrator of a sexual offence a Ratana follower refused to go before the Whirinaki Komiti Marae. Instead, the case was dealt with by the Ratana committee, which imposed a fine. Wepiha had travelled to Whirinaki in an attempt to have the case brought before the Hokianga Council, but the Morehu refused, stating that they had mana to deal with their own cases. Wephia claimed that Ratana had recently visited the settlement. He believed that all fines paid to the Ratana committee were to be sent to Ratana. 679 Responding on 11 July 1927, the Superintendent of Maori Councils urged Wepiha to uphold the authority of the Komiti: As to being a Morehu or Ratanaite, that is all nonsense, because whether they are Ratanaites or not, they must comply with your Council by-laws. The Superintendent told Wepiha to take action against the offender in the Magistrates Court, as it is an opportunity to make an example of him and uphold the mana of the Komiti Marae and your Council. 680 On the same day, Wepiha wrote again to the Superintendent of Maori Councils, further discussing how Ratana was undermining the authority of the Hokianga Council and its komiti marae. He stated that Ratana had told his followers that they had mana nui (greater authority) and were to ignore any summons from the council or komiti marae. Wepiha told the Superintendent that he was considering writing to Tau Henare and Allan Bell (MP for the Bay of Islands general electorate), requesting them to bring Ratana s defiance of the council system to the attention of the House of Representatives. 681 Replying a few days later, the Superintendent discouraged Wepiha from contacting Henare and Bell, predicting that they would simply advise him to exhaust the remedies available to his council. The Superintendent asserted that the Hokianga Council should use the power of the law before seeking 679 Webster to Menzies, 1 July 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 680 Hupiritene o nga Kaunihera Maori to Webster, 11 July 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 681 Webster to Menzies, 11 July 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 179

180 assistance from any other avenue. He also expressed the view that this Ratana influence is not nearly as strong as it used to be although in a few places they seem to be making a final struggle. 682 Writing on 1 August 1927, Wepiha advised the Superintendent that the Whirinaki case was to be heard by the Magistrates Court, but the offender would first be given the opportunity to go before the komiti marae. 683 The Health Department file relating to the Hokianga Maori Council appears to contain no further evidence regarding the Whirinaki case or of other instances where Ratana followers challenged the Hokianga Council or its komiti marae. Commenting on the Hokianga and Whangarei Councils in October 1929, Buck s successor, Ellison, stated that: The Ratana element... has been a difficult one for these councils but by sheer determination of these bodies a more hopeful outlook concerning that movement is dawning, and no doubt it is well on the wane in these areas. 684 In his annual reports for 1928 and 1929, Ellison stated that Ratana opposition to the council system generally remained an issue, but that he believed the difficulty was easing. 685 In his 1929 report, he observed that: We are not experiencing quite so much difficulty as last year with the Ratana element in their attempts to usurp the powers and functions of our Councils... We have in the past received passive resistance from large sections of these people, and although a deal of it still exists it is not nearly so general. 686 In 1930, Ellison reported that the Ratana element had begun to assist the councils in their work and that Ratana adherents were seeking representation within the system. 687 However, Dow states that, in private, officials remained critical of the divisive role that Ratana members played in some districts. 688 (In the early 1930s, for example, followers of Ratana and non-adherents contested for control of the Maniapoto Maori Council. 689 ) As explained in chapter two, the Ratana movement became increasingly politicised and its involvement in the Labour Government saw it play a part in setting up the new institutions that replaced the council system in Hupiritene o nga Kaunihera Maori to Webster, 14 July 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 683 Webster to Menzies, 1 August 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 684 Director of Maori Hygiene to Native Minister, 22 October 1929, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 685 AJHR, 1928, H-31, p37; AJHR, 1929, H-31, p AJHR, 1929, H-31, p AJHR, 1929, H-31, p Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, p Sarich, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, 1914-c.1939, pp

181 Funding difficulties One of the main difficulties that Maori Health Councils faced in the Te Raki district was a lack of adequate funding. As discussed above, this had been a significant issue for the earlier Maori Councils, and the available secondary sources state that it generally continued to be a major problem for the Health Councils. 690 Money was required to meet administrative and operational costs, including travel costs (especially those of the chairmen, who sought to maintain contact with and assist komiti marae). There were also expenses involved in taking cases to the Magistrates Court to recover unpaid or contested fines action that was necessary if a council s authority was to be maintained. Councils also required income if they wished to undertake water supply and sanitary works and similar improvements. As detailed earlier, government subsidies were available for such work, but the Health Councils were required to make a significant contribution to any project. The ability to successfully carry out works that benefitted local communities was undoubtedly something that would encourage local support for the council system. The collection of fines from breaches of bylaws was the main source of income available to Health Councils. It has been noted above that in 1919 the right to collect dog tax from Maori was returned to local authorities, removing an important source of revenue. From the early 1920s, councils across the country made numerous requests for the dog tax to be restored to them. 691 Understanding the financial difficulties that the councils faced, Buck and Ellison repeatedly sought to bring this about, primarily through approaches to the Native Minister. However, these efforts were unsuccessful, with the response typically being that local authorities would not accept any change and that the earlier Maori Councils had failed in their administration of the tax. In the mid-1920s, some councils entered into arrangements whereby they began collecting dog tax on behalf of local authorities on a commission basis. 692 Buck and Ellison both promoted this as an option that would enable councils to address their financial difficulties. In January 1931, Ellison wrote letters on the subject to Wepiha and Whareumu (chairman of the Whangarei Council), advising how one council was benefitting from this 690 Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, p153; Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, pp ; Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p

182 approach and suggesting that their councils explore the matter. 693 It is unclear whether the chairmen contacted the local authorities within their districts, but it appears that neither council became involved in collecting the dog tax on commission. During the 1930s, Maori Health Councils including those in Northland continued to unsuccessfully call for the restoration of their right to collect the dog tax. 694 In 1938, for example, the issue was again raised when a conference of Northland councils met to voice their concerns about the rumoured abolition of the council system. Expressing their disappointment that inadequate funding prevented them from meeting to develop uniform policies, delegates proposed the right to collect dog tax be restored. 695 As with earlier calls, this plea was rejected. Summarising the dog tax issue, Dow observes that it symbolised the financial ailments of the council system and the inability of the Health Department to provide adequate funding for this important attempt at self-help and limited self-government. 696 In the early 1920s, the Northland councils had considered another source of funding raising money through community basket socials. (As detailed in the section on Te Raki Maori and the First World War, these events had been used by Maori to raise funds for the war effort.) On 21 February 1922, Buck wrote to the Director General of Health, advising that a number of Health Councils in the North Auckland district had requested permission to hold basket socials as a means of augmenting their funds. Buck explained that, as the socials were held in Maori settlements, the councils wished to conduct the sales themselves without incurring the costs involved in hiring a Pakeha auctioneer or securing an auctioneer s licence from a local body. Noting that the dog tax had been removed from the councils, he requested that the Minister of Internal Affairs be approached about the matter. 697 The Department of Internal Affairs rejected the proposal, explaining simply that a similar request had been made in 1919 and the Department s position on the matter had not changed Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Webster, 30 January 1931, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Whareumu, 28 January 1931, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. 694 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, pp Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, p Director of Maori Hygiene to Director General of Health, 21 February 1921, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3225), , ANZ Wellington. 698 Deputy Director General of Health to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 11 March 1922, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3225), , ANZ Wellington. 182

183 Given their limited sources of revenue, it is unsurprising that the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district struggled financially and generally had to operate with quite limited funds. English language material concerning the Whangarei and Hokianga Councils includes evidence of the funding difficulties faced by these councils as well their requests for financial assistance. The Pewhairangi Council also appears to have faced funding problems, though evidence relating to the financial position of this council is limited. The available sources indicate that the Whangarei and Hokianga Councils were experiencing financial pressures by the mid-1920s. In September 1925, the Northern Advocate published a letter concerning the issue written by Piriniha Whareumu, chairman of the Whangarei Council. In this letter, Whareumu spoke of the costs associated with his role, especially those incurred in connection with the considerable travel that he was required to undertake. Whareumu stated that he met these expenses from his own pocket and, unless some provision was made for the payment of such costs, he intended to resign. 699 In a report prepared for the Under Secretary of the Native Department, Buck pointed out certain inaccuracies in the statements set out in Whareumu s letter, noting particularly that travel expenses had always been paid to Whareumu and other council members out of the Whangarei Council s funds. (He suggested that the letter, which was possibly a translation, misrepresented Whareumu, being engineered in another direction altogether.) Buck acknowledged the hard work undertaken by Whareumu, noting that the council district was a very difficult one owing to so many factions, and he asked whether something more might be done to pay members of the council for their services over and above their actual expenses. Buck noted that the Whangarei Council was not very financial and it is difficult to carry on as we would like. He pointed out that he had previously suggested that 500 should be voted annually to enable struggling councils to carry on. 700 No such support was made available and requests for financial assistance appear to have been consistently declined. In 1928, for example, Wepiha unsuccessfully sought money to prop up the Hokianga Council. Writing to the Superintendent of Maori Councils in February 1928, Wepiha stated that the council s funds were seriously depleted the lowest since he had joined 699 Northern Advocate, 2 September 1925, p Director of Maori Hygiene to Under Secretary, Native Department, 22 October 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. 183

184 the Maori Council in He explained that, over the previous year, the council had been required to take some cases before the Magistrates Court and had not yet received the fines. More cases needed to be taken, but the council was unable to proceed owing to a lack of funds. 701 Ellison regretfully advised Wepiha that nothing could presently be done to assist the council with its financial troubles. 702 Later, in July 1928, Wepiha asked for specific assistance to enable him to travel to kainga where the people wished to see him, claiming that he would not be able to do this work unless Ellison was able to arrange some funding. 703 The Director of Maori Hygiene was again unable to offer any assistance. 704 In 1929, both Whareumu and Wepiha again made calls for some financial support. In January 1929, Whareumu wrote to the Minister of Native Affairs, Apirana Ngata, appealing for some assistance to ensure that his council remained active. Stating that the Whangarei Council was one of the many Maori Councils without funds for functioning and at present like a kuri mate [sick dog], Whareumu requested a sum of at least 50. He stated that the councils were of great use in cases of sickness and where there was local raruraru in kainga. 705 At this time, Whareumu also wrote to the Superintendent of Maori Councils, seeking assistance for the recovery of two unpaid fines that amounted to 5. Explaining that his council was without funds to take any further action, Whareumu requested 3 to assist with legal expenses and suggested, as a first step, that the Superintendent appeal directly to the defendants. 706 Whareumu s letters were referred to the Health Department. The Director General of Health then prepared a report for the Minister of Health on the requests for assistance made by the Whangarei Council chairman. In this report, the Director General discussed the Health Council system generally, explaining that the councils sources of funding were restricted, with only five sources of funding available: 1. Issue of hawkers licenses 701 Wepiha to Menzies, 13 February 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 702 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Webster, 2 March 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 703 Wepiha to Ellison, 2 July 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 704 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Webster, 13 July 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 705 Whareumu to Ngata, 18 January 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 706 Whareumu to President, Maori Councils, 18 January 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 184

185 2. Issue of billiard saloon licenses 3. Issue of shop licenses 4. Issue of picture licenses 5. Fines for breaches of bylaws The Director General explained that the first four sources of revenue varied across districts but at best provided negligible income, which meant that most councils were dependent on fines for breaches of bylaws. In spite of this difficulty, he emphasised that the councils served a number of important functions, including a role in countering the pernicious effect of Ratanism and in maintaining law and order, particularly with regard to the supply of liquor. He also stated that the councils had, to varying degrees, materially assisted in the improvement of housing and sanitary conditions, and that they were the consultative machinery for subsidy applications. Nevertheless, the Director General stated that he would not hastily grant Whareumu s application for a grant of 50 and suggested that consideration of the matter be deferred until an upcoming conference of councils that was to be held at Ngaruawahia. 707 The Health Minister accepted this recommendation and Ngata was advised accordingly. 708 As detailed below, no significant changes were introduced following the Maori Councils conference, which was held in March Whareumu renewed his call for a grant of 50 in September 1929, explaining that he was unable to travel to several settlements to settle troubles because his council was without funds. 709 Ellison once again advised that it would not be possible to provide a grant, stating that new legislation would need to be introduced and that there was no immediate prospect of this. He suggested that the kainga that requested help from Whareumu should meet the cost of his travel, noting that this was the usual procedure in other council districts. 710 In October 1929, Wepiha also again requested financial assistance, though on this occasion he appealed to Ngata. 711 Commenting on the request, Ellison advised the Native Minister that the Hokianga Council functions fully, is very enthusiastic and is deserving of any help that can be granted. 707 Director General of Health to Minister of Health, 13 February 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 708 Minister of Health to Minister of Native Affairs, 13 February 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 709 Whareumu to Director, Maori Councils, 7 September 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 710 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Woods, 11 September 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 711 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Native Minister, 15 October 1929, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 185

186 He recommended that 25 be granted to the council. Ellison also suggested that the same amount be granted to the Whangarei Council, which was desperately in need of funds. Ellison believed that any money paid to the Whangarei Council would be highly appreciated and utilised in the best possible way. 712 Further justifying his recommendation, Ellison explained that the chairmen and members of the councils and the komiti marae received no remuneration for their services other than the refund of actual expenses. He emphasised that the Hokianga Council was an ideal one, functions fully and deserving of assistance and that the same remarks applied to the Whangarei Council. He noted that the Whangarei Council had had a very difficult row to hoe owing to their being so many factions operating in their district. 713 No evidence has been located to indicate that any funding grants were made to the Hokianga and Whangarei Councils in accordance with Ellison s recommendation, and the financial difficulties of these and other councils appear to have deepened during the severe economic depression that began around this time. 714 In January 1931, Whareumu reported once more on the Whangarei Council s financial difficulties, advising that it had been unable to take any cases to Court owing to a lack of funds. Despondently, he told Ellison that: It appears to me that the Maori Council has now served its purpose and it would be far better if the Maoris were subject to the Pakeha acts where there is money to take matters to court. 715 In reply, Ellison disagreed with this view, claiming that the majority of councils in the North Island were very active and doing good work. However, he accepted that the Whangarei Council s lack of funds would no doubt bring about a certain amount of lethargy. It was in this letter that Ellison suggested that the Whangarei Council might explore the possibility of collecting dog tax on behalf of the local authorities. As noted above, no evidence has been located to indicate that the council became involved in collecting the dog tax. In November 1931, the Chairman of the Pewhairangi Maori Health Council, Hoori Tane, commented on the financial difficulties faced by his council in a 712 Director, Divisions of Maori Hygiene, to Native Minister, 15 October 1929, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 713 Director of Maori Hygiene to Native Minister, 22 October 1929, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 714 In June 1932, for example, the bank balance of the Hokianga Council was 2 8s. The Pewhairangi Council was in a stronger financial position at this time, with a bank balance of 14 8s 7d in April 1932; Bank of New Zealand statement (Kohukohu), 30 June 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. Bank of New Zealand statement (Kaikohe), 12 April 1932, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3236), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington. 715 Whareumu to Ellison, 17 January 1931, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 186

187 report to the Director General of Health, which was translated from Te Reo. (By this time, as detailed above, the Division of Maori Hygiene had been abolished.) Detailing that his council had about 15 in the bank, Tane stated that it was carrying on satisfactorily, but he noted that there was a lack of finance to take cases to Court and meet council meeting expenses. 716 A year later, the impact of the Depression on council finances is apparent in correspondence exchanged between Wepiha, chairman of the Hokianga Council, and a Health Department official in October Writing on 3 October 1932, Wepiha advised that not one of his members had been able to send money from their komiti marae: Each Komiti has had a lot of fines but cannot collect any money as there is no money they say. Wepiha believed that each settlement owed between 10 and Responding on 25 October 1932, the official, Stubley, acknowledged that all councils were struggling to recover fines at this time, being in the same fix. 718 Enforcement and jurisdiction issues Alongside their financial difficulties, the Maori Health Councils also experienced problems relating to the limited extent of their powers and uncertainties regarding their jurisdiction. One of the main issues, which was connected to the councils funding challenges, was that the councils lacked statutory power to enforce the fines imposed for breaches of bylaws. As discussed in the previous section, the collection of fines for breaches of bylaws was the most important source of council income. If individuals disputed or refused to pay fines to komiti marae, then councils if they wished to recover the fines were required to take civil action in the Magistrates Court as set out in section 25 of the Maori Councils Act If a council pursued this option it needed to have sufficient funds to meet the Court costs, though these could be recovered through the awarding of costs if a case was successful. Uncertainties regarding the geographical limits of the areas where council bylaws applied and the extent to which Europeans were subject to the bylaws were further issues that consumed the time and money of councils and hampered the extent to which they were able to operate effectively. Within individual kainga, the successful operation of councils clearly required the support of a sufficient proportion of community members and a 716 Tane to Director General of Health, 9 November 1931, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3236), Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington. 717 Webster to Stubley, 3 October 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 718 Stubley to Webster, 25 October 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 187

188 functional komiti marae. In some instances, this was not the case and the council struggled to ensure that bylaws were observed and that fines were imposed and collected for any breaches. This situation appears to have existed, for example, at Te Horo within the Whangarei Council district. In June 1925, the Native School teacher at Te Horo, Hugh Goldsbury, informed Buck of the difficulties faced by the local member of the Whangarei Maori Health Council. It is possible that the people of Te Horo were adherents of Ratana, though Goldsbury did not comment on this. He stated that In Te Horo we have a member of the Whangarei District Maori Council. He does his very best to carry out his duties, and if he knows that the Maoris here are breaking laws or regulations he warns them and tries to put them right. Very often he is taken no notice of and the Maoris many of them have a most decided grudge against him, and he often gets nothing but abuse for trying to do his duty. Their argument it is You are a Maori, why do you stand up for the pakehas against us. Come and do as we do and if it is wrong, take no notice of it. He stands up bravely and puts the Council s side. The local village committee does nothing to help him [and] if anything joins in with the opposition. 719 In such situations, it was obviously difficult for councils to assert their authority. In settlements where there was an active and functional komiti marae, greater attention was paid to the observance of council bylaws and it was not uncommon for fines to be imposed for breaches of bylaws. However, individuals sometimes refused or perhaps were unable to pay these fines, and in these cases as noted above councils needed to take action in the Magistrates Court if they wished to enforce the fines. The expense of this process could be prohibitive. In February 1928, as detailed in the previous section, Wepiha, the chairman of the Hokianga Council, advised the Superintendent of Maori Councils that his council was unable to take cases to Court owing to a lack of funds. 720 Similarly, in January 1929 and again in January 1931, Whareumu also reported that the Whangarei Council was unable to take Court action owing to financial restraints. 721 Neither council appears to have received any monetary assistance from the government. In February 1929, however, the Superintendent of Maori Councils wrote to two 719 Goldsbury to Buck, 1 June 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. 720 Wepiha to Menzies, 13 February 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. 721 Whareumu to President, Maori Councils, 18 January 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. Whareumu to Ellison, 17 January 1931, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 188

189 individuals that owed money to the Whangarei Council, appealing that they pay their fines. 722 It is unclear whether these efforts were successful. As noted above, the collection of fines appears to have become particularly difficult during the Depression and no doubt had a serious impact on the financial situation of many councils. The inability of people to pay fines and of councils to take legal action during this time may have led to a certain ongoing complacency. In May 1933, the new chairman of the Hokianga Council, Tua Heperi (who had taken over the role from Wepiha in December 1932), wrote to the Director General of Health regarding unpaid fines in his district. Referring to a great deal of slackness on part of defaulters, Heperi explained that fines worth 300 were owing when he took office. He commented that the defaulters did not seem to have any fear in the Council. While Heperi understood that it was possible to take cases to Court, no money was available for this. He therefore asked for advice as to the next best means. 723 In reply, the Director General set out the various relevant statutory provisions and suggested that the Hokianga Council take one or two of the most serious cases to Court to make people understand that the council had mana. He believed that if this action was taken many of the outstanding fines would come to hand. 724 Councils also faced issues relating to the geographical limits of their jurisdiction, specifically in respect of what constituted a kainga and where the boundaries of kainga lay. As detailed earlier, councils could enforce bylaws only within kainga and pa. 725 In at least one instance, difficulties were encountered when a council sought to impose fines on Maori in locations that lay outside traditional kainga. In February 1927, the Whangarei Maori Health Council unsuccessfully took Court action to recover a fine imposed upon a Maori for illegal consumption of alcohol. (Five individuals had been originally been fined, but action was taken against only one as a test case.) The case was dismissed because the offence had taken place in a public works camp and the Magistrate did not believe that any 722 Tumuaki o nga Kaunihera to Wihonga, 11 February 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. Tumuaki o nga Kaunihera to Wilson, 11 February 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 723 Heperi to Watt, 23 May 1933, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3233), Maori Health Councils Hokianga, , ANZ Wellington. Director General of Health to Heperi, 31 May 1933, H /7 (alt. no. 3233), , ANZ Wellington. 724 Director General of Health to Heperi, 31 May 1933, H /7 (alt. no. 3233), , ANZ Wellington. 725 See section 16 of the Maori Councils Act 1900, and sections 2, 3, and 5 of the Maori Councils Amendment Act

190 collection of Maori residences could be designated a kainga. The council was required to pay costs of 11 15s 6d. 726 Issues concerning the definition of kainga also arose in at least one case where a council sought to assert its authority over a Pakeha. The case concerned the Hokianga Council. Writing to Buck in September 1925, Wepiha reported upon a situation that had arisen after a Pakeha had moved into Mangamuka, with Maori living all round him. The new arrival had set up a store, billiard room, shearing sheds, and sheep dip. The komiti marae approached the man about keeping the billiard room clean and having a toilet installed, but he was uncooperative. Wepiha sought advice from Buck as to how the situation should be handled. 727 On behalf of the Hokianga Council, Buck sought to have several villages, including Waimamaku, formally declared kainga under section 6 of the Maori Council Amendment Act He believed this was the best way to demark and remove any doubts about the extent of the Hokianga Council s jurisdiction. The Under Secretary of the Native Department, however, was alarmed at this proposal and, writing to Buck in September 1926, asserted that the Governor General could never be asked to approve of the boundaries of a Maori Kainga or village as containing thousands of acres. He believed that section 6 of the Act was only intended to settle disputes as to the actual boundaries, not to create Maori Kaingas. 729 In response, Buck explained why he sought to have the kainga declared: The trouble is we have white people who live in the Maori kaingas openly defying our by-laws and to bring these people before the Court, it appears necessary to me to have this matter attended to vide Section 6 Amended Act, Buck accepted advice from the Under Secretary that the original declaration of the Hokianga Council district gave the council sufficient power and that it was not necessary to have kainga declared under the 1903 Amendment 726 Dominion, 10 February 1927, clipping in ACIH W1369 MAW /3/25, Whangarei Maori Council bylaws, , ANZ Wellington. See also [Woods] to Superintendent of Maori Councils, 20 June 1928, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington; Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Woods, 29 June 1928, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 727 Wepiha to Te Rangi Hiroa, 30 September 1925, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 728 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, pp Under Secretary, Native Department, to Director of Maori Hygiene, 29 September 1926, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 730 Director of Maori Hygiene to Under Secretary, Native Department, 1 October 1926, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 190

191 Act. 731 In October 1926, he advised Wepiha of this position and suggested that the Hokianga Council proceed to take action in the Mangamuku case after additional bylaws had been gazetted. 732 As detailed above, the additional bylaws were published in the Gazette in early It appears that the Hokianga Council did not take action in this case, but issues concerning the council s jurisdiction arose again in 1930 in another case involving a Pakeha. The situation emerged when Renata Kauere[?], the Chairman of the komiti marae at Otaua, Punakitere, alleged that a Pakeha, a Mr Renwick, who managed the Kohatutaka Estate, had cast the carcasses of some dead dogs into a stream, contaminating the people s drinking water. 734 (In fact, it appears that men employed by Renwick had put the dogs in the stream. 735 ) Kauere stated that Renwick was asked to remove the dogs in accordance with the council s bylaws, but though he promised to do this, the dogs were not removed. The komiti marae then employed men to do the work at a cost of 1 17s 6d. When the council sought to recover the costs, Renwick refused to pay speaking in the presence of many people and... in strong language. 736 Ellison suggested that the Medical Officer of Health should back up the council and take action against Renwick under section 61 or section 67(1)(w) of the Health Act However, the Medical Officer of Health did not support this view, arguing that: A Village Committee or even a Maori Council is not a Local Authority under the Health Act. The only Local Authority would be the County Council of the County in which this Maori settlement is located. Had the Village Committee worked through our Inspector who is Sanitary Inspector for the County Council, the County Council could have called upon Mr Renwick to remove the carcasses and in the event of his failure to do so, have taken proceedings 731 Under Secretary, Native Affairs, to Director of Maori Hygiene, 9 October 1926, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 732 Director of Maori Hygiene to Webster, 20 October 1926, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), ANZ Wellington; Director of Maori Hygiene to Webster, 21 October 1926, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 733 New Zealand Gazette, 1927, p Kauere to Ellison, 27 January 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington; Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Director General, 11 February 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 735 Wepiha to Ellison, 11 April 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 736 Kauere to Ellison, 27 January 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Director General, 11 February 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 737 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Director General, 11 February 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 191

192 against him in the Magistrates Court. As, however, the Village Committee acted on its own and removed the carcasses, I fear that it has no legal claim to recover the cost. 738 The Hokianga Council decided to take the case to the Magistrates Court, where it was dealt with on 10 April Reporting to Ellison, Wepiha stated that when the case came up, a discussion was held between Renwick s solicitor, the Magistrate, and himself. Renwick s solicitor stated that the council could not sue a Pakeha. The Magistrate accepted this and challenged Wepiha to prove otherwise. The case was dismissed. 739 In March 1930, before the case had come before the Court, the Crown Law Office provided Ellison with legal advice on issues concerning the case, including whether councils could take action against Pakeha under their bylaws. Referring to section 66(4) of the Health Act 1920, the Crown Solicitor stated that valid Health Council bylaws were binding on all persons irrespective of whether they or European or Maori within the definition of the Native Land Act In June 1930, almost two months after the case had been dismissed in the Magistrates Court, Ellison wrote to Wepiha, providing details of the Crown Solicitor s advice. 741 By this time however, more than six months had passed since the Renwick incident, and it was therefore too late to take proceedings. Wepiha decided to drop any thought of further action, though he believed he had given Renwick a fright. 742 The Hokianga Council encountered further difficulties when attempting to enforce its authority over Pakeha. In February 1932, Wepiha reported a problem with a Pakeha who refused to comply with the council s bylaw that required storekeepers in a kainga to pay a 2 licence fee. 743 In November 1936, Henry Leef, who appears to have been a member of the Panguru Komiti Marae, similarly sought advice on the council s power to collect licences from Pakeha storekeepers, noting that there were several at Panguru who refused to pay Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 11 March 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 739 Wepiha to Ellison, 11 April 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 740 Crown Solicitor to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 31 March 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 741 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Webster, 5 June 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 742 Wepiha to Ellison, 15 July 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 743 Webster to Stubley, 8 February 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 744 Leef to Minister for Justice, 3 November 1936, ACIH W1369 MAW /3/7, Hokianga Maori Council bylaws, , ANZ Wellington. 192

193 The failure of Europeans to pay licence fees was no doubt resented by Maori who owned or wished to become involved in shop-keeping ventures and who were under greater pressure to pay the fees. Writing to the Native Minister in April 1938, Henry Keppa of Takahiwai (near Ruakaka and within the Whangarei Council district) asked that he be exempted from the annual 2 fee or that he pay a reduced sum. Keppa explained that he wished to trade only about 10 worth of goods and could not afford the fee. He stated that Pakeha shopkeepers who came to his settlement to sell and deliver goods did not have to pay anything. 745 The Native Minister was unable to assist Keppa. He indicated that the Pakeha may have been paying fees to the local authority: I have to inform you that the law has laid it down that such license fees must be paid to the Maori Council of the district in the same manner as storekeepers and hawkers are compelled to pay license fees to the local body of the district concerned. 746 Maori Health Council activities The financial problems that the Health Councils faced and the difficulties associated with their limited jurisdiction meant that they did not provide an effective and resilient platform for Maori to exercise greater control over their affairs. The Health Councils limitations as vehicles for providing more autonomy to Maori largely mirrored those of the earlier Maori Councils, reflecting that the two systems shared many important features. However, in spite of these limitations, the Health Councils like the earlier Maori Councils nevertheless served some useful functions, particularly during the 1920s, when they appear to have been most active. Unsurprisingly, given their focus, the main area where the Health Councils benefitted the communities that they served was in matters that concerned the protection and improvement of Maori health. Drawing on the annual reports of the Maori Hygiene Division, Lange comments that the Health Councils undoubtedly performed valuable functions in the area of local community health development. 747 In the Te Raki inquiry district, the chairmen of the Health Councils played an important role in monitoring the health of people in their district and seeking advice and assistance when this was necessary. In January 1927, for example, Wepiha reported upon cases of haki haki (school sores) among Maori and Pakeha students at an Education Board school within his 745 Keppa to Minister of Native Affairs, 13 April 1938, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 746 Native Minister to Keppa, 20 April 1938, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 747 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p

194 district. 748 He enquired about the assistance that would be available for the children and was advised that he should contact the district nurse. 749 Another example concerns the Whangarei district. In February 1932, Whareumu reported that cases of venereal disease had appeared in a settlement. 750 It was arranged that an officer of the Health Department would call upon Whareumu and obtain further particulars. Treatment in Whangarei Hospital was suggested as a possible course of action. 751 As well as reporting upon and seeking assistance for diseases, council chairmen on a number of occasions also raised issues regarding environmental contamination, particularly the pollution of water supplies used by Maori. As detailed above, the Hokianga Council sought to deal with one of these cases independently (the Renwick case), but in other instances the assistance and advice of Health Department officials was often sought. This partly reflected that Pakeha were usually involved and also that the source of contamination sometimes lay outside kainga. In January 1925, for example, Whareumu contacted the Superintendent of Maori Councils regarding an allegation that sewerage from the Wilson s Cement power station was discharging into a creek near Titoki, which was used by Maori downstream. 752 Buck followed up the matter with the company and by March 1925 a solution to the problem had been reached. 753 Two years later, in July 1927, Health officials followed up on another report from Whareumu that concerned the discharge of waste from a boiling down works into the Wharekiri Stream Wepiha to Menzies, 28 January 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 749 Director of Maori Hygiene to Webster, 1 February 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 750 Whareumu to Native Doctor, Wellington, 6 February 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. Stubley to McKibbin, 8 February 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 751 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 10 February 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 752 Whareumu to Hupiritene o nga Kaunihera Maori, 29 January 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), Maori Health Councils Whangarei, , ANZ Wellington. 753 Director of Maori Hygiene to Manager, Electric Power Station, Titoki, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), , ANZ Wellington; Superintendent, Wilsons (NZ) Portland Cement Limited Hydro-Electric Department, to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 5 February 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), , ANZ Wellington; Director of Maori Hygiene to Superintendent, Electric Power Station, 9 February 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), , ANZ Wellington; Superintendent, Wilsons (NZ) Portland Cement Limited Hydro-Electric Department, to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 24 February 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), , ANZ Wellington; Director of Maori Hygiene to Superintendent, Electric Power Station, 18 March 1925, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3239), , ANZ Wellington. 754 Unknown writer to Shera, 21 July 1927, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 194

195 Wepiha reported upon similar issues in the Hokianga district, prompting action from Health officials. In January 1928, Wepiha wrote to Ellison about two separate cases concerning the activities of Pakeha at Mangamuka and Omanaia. 755 Ellison forwarded the letters to the district Medical Officer of Health for investigation. 756 In March 1928, after inspection work had been undertaken, the Medical Officer of Health wrote to Ellison about the cases and also expressed his views on the role of the Hokianga Council and Division of Maori Hygiene: These matters will be dealt with by myself through the Hokianga County Council which is the Local Authority. The Maori Council has no jurisdiction in these matters. As far as I am aware the Maori Council is more or less advisory and can only deal with Maoris. Any matter which the Maori Council draws attention to which is outside its jurisdiction is dealt with from this office and I would suggest that you instruct these Councils when they have cause for complaint to make their complaint to this office. 757 These comments show that, even among senior officials of the Health Department, the councils powers were misunderstood and that there was a lack of support for their work and the role of the Division of Maori Hygiene. In reply to the Medical Officer of Health, Ellison stated that: I regret I cannot agree with you when you state the Council has no jurisdiction and that their powers appear to be advisory only. Reference to the Maori Council Act and Amendments and a perusal of the regulations will show them to be Statutory with powers to enforce same before a Stipendary [sic] Magistrate if necessary, where many similar cases have already been taken with success. The villages of Mangamuka and Omanaia are Maori Kaingas within the meaning of the Act and the Komiti Marae and the Council have full jurisdiction within these boundaries. However, in this instance the Chairman complained to this Division and I passed same on to your Office immediately believing it to be a matter for investigation before recommending action by the Council. I regret that I cannot instruct these bodies to submit their complaints direct to you as being 755 Wepiha to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 6 January 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington; Webster to Ellison, 27 January 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 756 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Medical Officer of Health, Auckland, 12 January 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington; Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Medical Officer of Health, Auckland, 2 February 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 757 Medical Officer of Health to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 6 March 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 195

196 under my direct supervision enables me to determine whether complaints are frivolous and thus cause you unnecessary investigation. Further the correspondence with these bodies is couched in their own language and translation can be carried out far better in this office and thus you are supplied with the translated details which should facilitate matters for your office. 758 Working with the Division of Maori Hygiene, the Councils and komiti marae helped to improve sanitary and general living conditions in some places. Efforts to encourage observance of the bylaws were part of this work. In his annual report for 1925, Buck observed that: The improvement of sanitary conditions in the settlements has become a routine matter. Proper latrine accommodation in the individual houses and in connection with the tribal meeting-houses has received practical attention during the past year. The pollution of water-supplies has thus been protected. The by-laws dealing with this subject have been enforced with good results. 759 In some kainga, improvements were significant. On 30 July 1923, Native Sanitary Inspector Leef reported on developments at Mangamuka: During my first inspection this was one of the most backward settlement[s] in Hokianga having nikau and parling[?] huts with ground floors. Having a live committee to work with they have now got eight new houses completed, with four more in progress. Three of the above houses have six rooms lined throughout; and the inhabitants of settlement are keen to go ahead. 760 It is unclear how this work was funded. It is possible that the community met the cost itself. (Leef noted that dairying was the main industry at Mangamuka and that some individuals had recently begun working for the Public Works Department.) Owing to their restricted finances, the Health Councils had little money to put towards sanitary and water supply projects. Moreover, though both the Native and Health Departments were able to subsidise these projects, government finance for Maori Council works was, according to Lange, acquired with difficulty. 761 Dow notes that the Division of Maori Hygiene operated on a tight budget, receiving only a small proportion of the Health budget Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Chesson, Medical Officer of Health, 12 March 1928, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 759 AJHR, 1925, H-31, p Leef to Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, 30 July 1923, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 761 Raeburn Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, pp

197 In spite of these funding restrictions, the available evidence provides details of a few projects (all water supply initiatives) undertaken within kainga of the Te Raki inquiry district. These works may have helped to enhance Maori views of the councils and their worth, though obviously this would more clearly have been the case if funding had been available for a greater number of projects. In his 1924 annual report, Buck included details of a water supply project at Waitangi that received a subsidy of In 1926, two projects in the Pewhairangi Council district were noted. These works cost 75 and were carried out without a subsidy. 764 File evidence also shows that in 1927 the Native Minister granted 15 towards the cost of a water supply project at Toetoe settlement within the Whangarei Council district. 765 The total cost of this project was 37 10s. 766 As well as their role in improving health and living conditions, the councils largely through the actions of their chairmen sometimes played a role in settling local disputes. This presumably would have only been possible in kainga where there was a certain measure of support and respect for the council. In some instances, the councils role in handling disputes may have removed the need for police involvement. Indeed, it appears that on some occasions the police sought help from council chairmen to resolve problems in Maori communities. When calling for greater funding, the chairman of the Whangarei Council, Whareumu, emphasised that the settling of disputes was among his many duties. In 1925, he stated that: My duties as chairman include not only making inspections in the interests of health, but I am frequently called away long distances to intervene in troubles of many kinds, ranging from fencing disputes to family differences, and to settle cases of unreported deaths, births and marriages, etc, in the native villages. 767 Later, in 1929, Whareumu told Ngata that his council was of great use where there was local raruraru in kainga. 768 In the Hokianga Council 763 AJHR, 1924, H-31, p AJHR, 1926, H-31, p Under Secretary, Native Department, to Director of Maori Hygiene, 6 June 1927, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. The file correspondence concerning this grant refers to Toatoa. This appears to be a misspelling of Toetoe, a settlement near Whangarei. 766 Director of Maori Hygiene to [schedule of Toatoa water supply grant], 23 June 1927, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 767 Northern Advocate, 2 September 1925, p Whareumu to Ngata, 18 January 1929, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 197

198 district, Wepiha also sometimes reported of travelling to kainga in order to deal with disputes. Reporting to the Superintendent of Maori Councils in July 1927, Wepiha provided details of some trouble at Lower Waihou, which had taken him two days to deal with. Describing the events, he stated that a man had been knocked out and a woman badly handled by the crowd. The police asked the council to investigate and, after two days the offending parties pleaded guilty. Fines totalling 25 11s were issued to 17 individuals. 769 The Whangarei Council was also involved in efforts to secure and manage oyster reserves on behalf of local Maori. In the mid 1920s, with support from MP Tau Henare, Whangarei Maori sought to gain control over the oyster fisheries within part of an area of tidal mudflats that had been endowed in the Whangarei Harbour Board. The Board was agreeable to this, and following a request form the Marine Department the Whangarei Maori Council appointed a committee to manage the area. 770 In July 1925, an agreement between the committee and Harbour Board was ratified at a meeting of Whangarei Maori. 771 Decline in Maori Health Council activity, From the early 1930s, the Maori Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district became increasingly inactive, reflecting a general trend. In his annual report for 1930, Ellison implicitly acknowledged that in some places the system was beginning to falter, commenting that only a number of these councils still continue to do useful work. 772 The decline of the Health Councils was to a large extent the result of the ongoing strain of their financial difficulties, which as noted above deepened during the Depression. The government failed to address the problems that were inherent in the Health Council system, and following the abolition of the Division of Maori Hygiene in 1931 the Health Department s support of the councils generally diminished. In the Te Raki inquiry district, the situation was exacerbated by the loss of key personal the long-standing chairmen of the Pewhairangi, Whangarei, and Hokianga Councils. Facing these challenges, the inquiry district s Health Councils unsurprisingly struggled to operate successfully and remain relevant to their people. 769 Webster to Menzies, 1 July 1927, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 770 Northern Advocate, 12 March 1925, p Northern Advocate, 21 July 1925, clipping in AAFZ 7910 W /7/20, General Fisheries Matters Special oyster fisheries for Maori Parua Bay and Whangarei Harbour, , ANZ Wellington. 772 AJHR, 1930, H-31, p

199 In March 1929, the operation of the Health Councils had been discussed at a conference of councils held in Ngaruawahia. Though the conference made a number of recommendations that highlighted the fundamental weakness of the system, the government failed to respond and take steps to address the various problems. While it is unclear whether representatives from the councils of the Te Raki inquiry district attended the conference, many of the issues raised were relevant to these councils. Afterwards, the chairman of the conference communicated its recommendations to the newly appointed Native Minister, Apirana Ngata. He claimed that the council system the power and authority to conduct our maraes was highly valued by a large majority of Maoris throughout the Dominion, who were concerned that the councils had almost ceased to be an effective instrument in the regeneration of the Maori Race. The conference chairman advised Ngata that, in general terms, it had been unanimously resolved to recommend that the Maori Councils Act and By- Laws be consolidated and revised to meet all present requirements. He also set out a number of specific recommendations. These included a request for sufficient finance to enable the spirit and intention of the Act to be properly administered, to pay 1 to 1 subsidies for sanitation and water supply projects, to pay the travels costs for quarterly council meetings, and to convene an annual conference of council representatives. The conference also called for the limits of kainga to be defined as well as the extent to which Europeans were subject to the authority of councils. Further, it was recommended that a scheme of health insurance be inaugurated. 773 As Lange explains, the government s response to the conference recommendations was disappointing to those who sought changes in the council system. 774 In August 1930, when commenting on the conference submission, the Under Secretary of the Native Department agreed that the legislation and bylaws were in need of review, but he did not believe there was any particular urgency in this respect. 775 The Under Secretary did not consider there was any need for subsidy provisions to be extended and he suggested that councils could raise their own funds by means of a tenement tax authorised under the Maori Councils Act The suggestion of a 773 Pitt to Ngata, 18 March 1929, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 774 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Under Secretary, Native Department, to Native Minister, 12 August 1929, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 776 Provision for a tenement tax was provided in section 24 of the 1900 Act. However, it had been recognised as a dead letter from the earliest days of the Maori Councils. Councils had been officially discouraged from using the provision and no statutory machinery for its implementation had ever been established. Lange, A Limited Measure of Local Self- 199

200 medical insurance scheme was dismissed as impracticable. The Native Minister appears to have accepted these comments, and a copy of the Under Secretary s memorandum was sent to the conference chairman. 777 In November 1930, Ellison pressed the Native Minister to further consider the conference recommendations before these matters became relegated to the limbo of things forgotten. 778 (More than a year passed before a response was provided by the Native Department. 779 ) In his annual report for 1930, Ellison also called for change, lamenting that Maori Health Councils had no income other than fines and suggesting that the dog tax be restored. 780 A few months later, in March 1931, Ellison took up the position of Chief Medical Officer in Rarotonga. The Department of Heath then initiated a review of the Health Councils. Writing in June 1931, the Minister of Health sought Native Minister Ngata s views on future policy concerning the council system, which granted a restricted measure of self-government. 781 Ngata commented that the matter of funding was the central issue. He believed that unless adequate finance was provided, there was not much point in livening up these bodies. Ngata did not suggest that the Native Department could assume a greater role in administering and funding the council system. He was evidently content for control of the councils to remain with the Health Department and emphasised their health function, stating that: In the event of an outbreak of disease it would be easy to requisition the assistance of the Council of any district affected. 782 It is clear that the Native Minister and Native Department did not view the effective operation of the Health Councils to be a high priority at this time. Within the Health Department, the council system appears to have generally received less attention following Ellison s resignation and the abolition of the Division of Maori Hygiene. Dow explains that after Buck s departure the Division became subject to the red tape ethos of the wider Department, into Government, pp45-46; Jonathan Sarich, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, 1914-c.1939, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Ellison to Under Secretary, Native Department, 13 November 1930, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 779 The Native Department did not respond to Ellison s November 1930 communication until October 1931, after Ellison had left his position. The eventual reply, a brief memo, advised that a response had not been given in 1930 as the changes could only be made by amending the legislation, which was not possible then or at the present time of writing; Under Secretary, Native Department, to Director General of Health, 21 October 1931, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, , ANZ Wellington. 780 AJHR, 1930, H-31, p Minister of Health to Minister of Native Affairs, 23 June 1921, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3224), , ANZ Wellington. 782 Ngata to Minister of Health, 29 June 1931, minute on Minister of Health to Minister of Native Affairs, 23 June 1921, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3224), , ANZ Wellington. 200

201 which it was inevitably integrated. 783 Following the Division s demise towards the end of 1931, the Health Councils became the administrative responsibility of the Medical Officers of Health. The councils of the Te Raki inquiry district came under the administration of the Medical Officer of Health based at Whangarei. Lange observes that, while the Health Department maintained the administrative apparatus of the council system for the next decade or so, effective liaison with individual Councils depended on initiatives taken by individual Council leaders and Health Department officers. 784 In May 1933, when advising the Medical Officers of Health as to how they should act in respect of the councils, the Director General of Health stated that speaking generally, it is the policy of the government not to force the pace in connection with Maori Councils administration. He noted, however, that where Maori were inclined to adopt measures of self government available through the council system, the Medical Officer of Health should give them whatever encouragement and assistance you can. 785 Lange notes that the election of the Labour Government in 1935 saw no discernible difference to political or bureaucratic attitudes to the Health Councils. 786 With the transfer of administrative responsibility to the Medical Officers of Health, council chairmen and members found themselves dealing primarily with Pakeha officials, individuals whose understanding of Maori language and culture obviously did not match that of Buck and Ellison. This is illustrated, for example, in the Pakeha officials need for all Te Reo correspondence to be translated, both inwards and outwards letters. A lack of connection with these officials may partly explain why communication from Maori regarding the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district diminished after the abolition of the Division of Maori Hygiene. This is evident from an examination of the Health Department files that concern the Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei Councils. From the early 1930s, the correspondence in these files is increasingly dominated by compulsory financial reporting and the appointment and gazetting of councils and komiti marae Dow, Maori Health and Government Policy, pp Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Director General of Health to Medical Officers of Health, 3 May 1933, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 786 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p This shift is evident in the following files: ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3236), , ANZ Wellington; ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington; ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3233), , ANZ Wellington. 201

202 It is likely that this decline in communication also reflects that the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district faced with ongoing financial difficulties and with little prospect that shortcomings in the council system would be addressed appear to have become increasingly inactive in the early 1930s. In August 1932, for example, the Chairman of the Whangarei Council, Whareumu, reported that he was experiencing difficulties in obtaining a quorum at council meetings. 788 Showing some concern about this situation, the Director General of Health suggested to the Medical Officer of Health that he meet with Whareumu and the Whangarei Council to help with the appointment of new members and to discuss any general matters. 789 In response, the Medical Officer of Health commented that: All the Councils in this district are in need of similar assistance and steps are being considered with a view to reviving interest particularly among the younger generation who do not seem to have stepped into the shoes of their elders. 790 The Medical Officer of Health stated that he would take action to assist Whareumu and intended to contact the chairmen of the other councils in his district. The Director General approved this proposal, noting that lately the Maori Councils have been more or less neglected. He stated that the majority of councils in the Northland district had always been active, especially the Hokianga Council, with the Mangonui and Pewhairangi Councils being next most active. The once active Whangarei Council had become more or less lethargic due chiefly to lack of funds. 791 In April 1933, the chairman of the Pewhairangi Council, Hoori Tane, also reported wavering support for the council system within his district. He noted problems with recovering fines and also observed that some of the komiti marae in his district were becoming very lethargic. In one place the people did not want a komiti marae, while the inhabitants of another place asserted the council was of no use to them. 792 In spite of this, and showing that the decline of activity within councils was not necessarily a steady progression, a new komiti marae was established the following year within the Pewhairangi Council district at Parahirahi. In a letter to the Director 788 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 12 August 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 789 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 12 August 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 790 Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 17 August 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 791 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 20 August 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 792 Tane, translated letter to unknown recipient, 24 April 1933, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3236), , ANZ Wellington. 202

203 General of Health, the Medical Officer of Health explained that this place was where the Ngawha Springs were situated. There had been considerable difficulty in enforcing the cleanliness of privy accommodation, and other matters at the Springs, which were frequented by a large and growing number of people, Pakeha and Maori. The Medical Officer of Health believed that the establishment of the komiti marae would assist greatly... should future nuisances occur. 793 As noted earlier, the long standing Chairmen of the Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei Councils began to give up their leadership positions from the early 1930s. In about 1932, both Wepiha and Whareumu stopped serving as chairmen. 794 (Wepiha was voted out, while Whareumu resigned.) In 1936, Tane also stepped down. 795 These men had played an important role in each council and their departure is linked to the decline of council activity. Officials recognised the importance of their contributions and the significant workload that they shouldered. 796 It should be noted that Wepiha, Whareumu, and Tane all continued to serve for a while as advisory members of their respective councils and in these positions further contributed to council work. 797 Though struggling to remain active, the Te Raki Maori Health Councils adopted some additional bylaws in 1932 and an existing bylaw was modified in The bylaws introduced in 1932 banned the manufacture and consumption of home brew within kainga or any other land or place occupied by a Maori. They also banned the supply of home brew to any Maori. The bylaws stemmed from a request made by Wepiha, and it seems that Whareumu also raised issues concerning home brew consumption. Writing to the Health Department in February 1932, the Hokianga chairman explained that Maori men had learnt to make home brew in public works camps and had continued to make beer after returning home, giving rise to 793 Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 19 March 1934, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3237), , ANZ Wellington. 794 Webster to Stubley, 15 November 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington; Whareumu to Tumuaki, 21 November 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington; Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 15 March 1933, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 795 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 23 April 1936, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3237), , ANZ Wellington. 796 See, for example: Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health, 20 August 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 797 See, for example: Pirihi and Whareumu to Native Minister, 28 July 1936, ACIH W1369 MAW /3/25, Whangarei Maori Council bylaws, , ANZ Wellington. 203

204 problems of drunkenness. 798 Following council approval, the additional bylaws were gazetted for the Hokianga district in April They were then submitted to the Pewhairangi and Whangarei Councils for consideration. 800 Additional bylaws for these districts were gazetted in September Further bylaw change was introduced in 1936, this time a modification of one of the bylaws that had been adopted in The bylaw in question concerned where bodies were to lie in state during tangi. It forbade corpses to be positioned in front of any meeting house or in the courtyard (marae) thereof. Bodies were able to lie in state at some other spot, which was to be indicated by the chairmen of the komiti marae. 802 This bylaw proved to be an ongoing source of controversy for the councils of the Te Raki inquiry district. From an early stage, opposition to the bylaw was expressed. 803 In the Pewhairangi and Hokianga districts, it appears that people commonly broke the bylaw and were prepared to be fined to enable them to continue the practice of placing corpses in meeting houses. It is unclear if the bylaw was enforced in the Whangarei district. In letters to Wepiha, both Buck and Ellison emphasised that fines should be imposed to protect the mana of the Hokianga Council. 804 Writing in July 1930, Ellison supported Wepiha s stance in respect of the bylaw and noted that the Pewhairangi Council was similarly imposing fines. He stated that: The northern people are the only natives who place the tupapaku inside the house and although we may have a little difficulty in altering their customs we will insist on the By-law dealing with this matter being upheld and the mana of the Kaunihera and Komiti Maraes respected. 805 In the early 1930s, opposition to the bylaw became more pronounced. At this time, the depressed financial circumstances possibly prevented people from paying the fine that enabled bodies to be placed in the meeting house. 798 Webster to Stubley, 18 February 1932, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 799 New Zealand Gazette, 1932, p Director General of Health to Tane, 11 May 1932, ADBZ H /8 (alt. no. 3236), Director General of Health to Whareumu, 2 May 1932, ADBZ H /9 (alt. no. 3240), , ANZ Wellington. 801 New Zealand Gazette, 1932, p1977; New Zealand Gazette, 1932, p See bylaw 7. New Zealand Gazette, 1921, p2998; [Pewhairangi] New Zealand Gazette, 1921, p2890; [Hokianga] New Zealand Gazette, 1921, pp [Whangarei] 803 See, for example: Wepiha to Te Rangi Hiroa, 6 October 1921, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington. 804 Director of Maori Hygiene to Webster, 28 September 1922, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3234), , ANZ Wellington; Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Webster, 22 July 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 805 Director, Division of Maori Hygiene, to Webster, 22 July 1930, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 204

205 In April 1933, the new chairman of the Hokianga Council, Tua Heperi, called for the bylaw to be changed. Writing to the Health Department, he stated that all council members wanted the bylaw repealed. He believed that enforcement of the bylaw had caused much ill feeling towards the Hokianga Council and was responsible for alot of slackness through out the district to support the council. 806 Around the same time, calls for change also came from the Pewhairangi district. In July 1933, Hoore Reweti, who was not a council member, wrote to Ngata on the subject. 807 A petition concerning the matter was lodged with Tau Henare in August The petitions alleged that the fines were forcing people to place corpses in private dwellings, creating an unintended health risk. 809 Writing to the Health Department in January 1935, Reweti stated that: I have been to quite a few deaths about Otira, Waiomio, and Karetu, and the conditions have been shocking. The corpse and the Natives, as many as the room would hold have been couped [sic] for at least two nights, and the majority having to sleep on the ground under the trees. 810 From early 1935, the Health Department began taking steps to revise the controversial bylaw. 811 Working closely with Henare, the Department worked on drafting a new bylaw, which in July 1935 was informally approved by a combined meeting of councils held in Kaikohe. 812 Individual councils then formally adopted the revised bylaw, and in March 1936 it was gazetted. 813 The new bylaw provided that a corpse could lie in state within a meeting house or the veranda of a meeting house provided that certain conditions were observed. The coffin lid was to remain in place, though could be removed for the time being whilst a tangi is in progress. Other conditions related to sleeping and consuming food where a body was lying in state. 806 Heperi to Stubley, 6 April 1933, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3235), , ANZ Wellington. 807 Reweti to Ngata, 17 July 1933, ACIH W1369 MAW /3/15, Pewhairangi Maori Council bylaws, , ANZ Wellington. 808 Reweti to Maori Health Inspector, 15 January 1935, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 809 Director General of Health to Medical Officer of Health (circular letter), 27 September 1934, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 810 Reweti to Maori Health Inspector, 15 January 1935, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 811 Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 16 January 1935, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 812 Medical Officer of Health to Director General of Health, 13 July 1935, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 813 New Zealand Gazette, 1936, pp

206 Final years and abolition, By the late 1930s, the Maori Health Council system was continuing to struggle and many councils including those of the Te Raki inquiry district were becoming increasingly inoperative. Revitalisation of the system was considered from various quarters, but no changes were introduced and the councils were eventually abolished with the passage of the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act As noted above, the election of the Labour Government did not see any discernible change of policy towards the Maori Health Councils. However, the councils and their continuing existence were periodically discussed by officials within the Health and Native Affairs Departments, the Ministers of Health and Native Affairs, and also members of the public and Maori who were involved in the council system. In February 1936, for example, the Director General of Health told his new Minister, Peter Fraser, that the councils were not generally satisfactory and pointed to their lack of funding as the main problem. He doubted whether they were worth retaining in their existing form, but noted that ways of improving them could be looked into. 814 The Director General then sought the views of the Medical Officers of Health as to whether the councils should be transferred to the Native Department. The consensus of opinion was that their transfer would do no harm since a lack of finance would limit the councils activities irrespective of which department administered them. 815 The Medical Officer of Health in Whangarei believed that, without an income, their value is very doubtful and it is questionable whether their continuation in the present form is worthwhile. 816 Health officials believed that, with improved sources of funding, the councils could operate far more effectively and provide a real benefit to Maori. In late 1937, this view was communicated to the Fraser, who recommended that the Health and Native Departments should meet to discuss how the existing council legislation might be improved. At the resulting meeting, which was held in February 1938, it was suggested that council powers could be transferred to komiti marae. 817 Once again, the views of the Medical Officers of Health were sought. Writing in August 1938, the Medical Officer of Health at Whangarei again expressed little enthusiasm for the council system, 814 Director General of Health to Minister of Health, 14 February 1936, ADBZ H /1 (alt. no ), Maori Hygiene General, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, to Director General of Health, 10 November 1936, ADBZ H /1 (alt. no ), Maori Hygiene General, , ANZ Wellington, cited in Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p

207 though he felt that there must be some local Maori controlling authority. He believed that komiti marae should take over from the councils, especially if such village committee had a pakeha member of the right type. 818 As well as offering his own comments on the council system, the Medical Officer of Health in Whangarei had also sought reports from his field staff district nurses and health inspectors and he forwarded these to Head Office. The weight of opinion expressed in these reports supported the view that the council system was of limited value in its existing form. 819 Reporting on the situation in Whangaroa County, for example, District Nurse H.M. Scott stated that these bodies are not doing their work... with the exception of Matauri Bay. Scott claimed that the men involved in the council system drank to excess and were generally not an example to their people. She believed that members of komiti marae were afraid to exercise their authority because they believed they would make enemies of the other residents of their settlements. 820 Writing from Whangarei, District Nurse C. Smedley felt that the local council was not carrying out its duties at all. She noted that only four of the settlements in her district had komiti marae, though three of these were fairly active. Smedley thought that the councils should be abolished and their powers should be transferred to komiti marae, which should be formed in each settlement The Medical Officer of Health commented disparagingly on the Council members he had come into contact with. My own opinion from experience limited to interviews with, and correspondence from members of various Maori Councils is that most of the Councillors become puffed up with self importance, talk a lot, write a lot and do nothing. Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, to Director General of Health, 29 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 819 Garden to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 25 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Merlet to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 25 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Scott to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 25 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Reid to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 25 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Parker to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 26 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Ker to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 27 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Kaa to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 28 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Rickman to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 29 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Senior Inspector to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 29 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington; Wilson to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, September 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 820 Scott to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 25 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 821 Smedley to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 8 September 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 207

208 The District Nurse at Kaikohe, E. Kaa, who was herself Maori, offered further suggestions as to how the Health Council system could be improved. Kaa provided few observations regarding how the system was currently operating in her district, but seemed to believe it had the potential to play a more closely connect Maori with the various branches of government administration: In view of the complicated nature of life among the Maoris to-day, I consider that the Maori Councils should be retained. These bodies, with the assistance of Village Committees, should form an important link between all Government Departments, but in the past have not been utilised to the extent that they could have been. Kaa recommended that a Welfare Officer be appointed to act as a liaison officer between Maori and Pakeha and to also serve in an advisory capacity to the Maori Councils and komiti marae. The welfare officer, ideally a Pakeha with thorough knowledge of the Maori world, would see that the meetings were held monthly, instead of as present. Kaa emphasised the importance of retaining both councils and komiti marae, explaining that because the latter were confined to the members of Maori families (presumably closely related whanau) it was extremely difficult for them to decide their own problems without referring to the Maori Council. Kaa s other recommendations included a suggestion that all District Nurses should be members of councils ex officio, giving the Nurses authority to attend meetings when health matters were discussed. She also thought that Maori women should be eligible for election, which indicates that, up until this time, councils and komiti marae had not included any women amongst their members. Kaa also believed that conferences of council members should be held, such conferences being essential and beneficial to the social prestige of the Maori. 822 It is evident that around this time those involved with the Maori Councils of Northland became aware that the future of the council system was being considered. In November 1938, at the invitation of the Medical Officer of Health, a meeting of councils was held at the Kaikohe Court House. Except for the Wairoa Maori Council, all the councils of the North Auckland Health District were represented by their chairman or other members. Opposition to the abolition of the councils was expressed in strong terms. Representing the Pewhairangi Council, Hami Maioha stated that the Maori Councils Act had been formulated at the request of Maori to carry out in some measure, the spirit of the Treaty of Waitangi. Delegates argued that the councils should 822 Kaa to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 28 August 1938, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 208

209 be strengthened and given access to more funding, including, again, the power to collect dog tax. 823 A similar call for improved funding was made a few months later, in March 1939, when Whangarei Maori Council representatives held a public meeting at Whangarei, which was also attended by the Medical Officer of Health and church representatives. 824 In the end, the Department of Native Affairs led efforts to introduce change to the council system. Lange explains that by 1940 the Department was becoming the main administrative entity to which the councils related a role it had exercised between 1900 and 1920 in respect of the original Maori Councils. 825 Not strongly convinced that the Maori Health Councils were useful in health administration, the Health Department did not resist this change. The Native Department s new interest reflected a changing focus in its activities and a growing interest in matters other than land. Lange notes that some of the Department s district offices were beginning to involve themselves in welfare matters and by 1940 had appointed officials to undertake welfare work. 826 The Native Department s changing interests mirrored a growing national concern about the extent to which Maori communities were struggling to cope with changing social conditions. Problems with the consumption of alcohol were a particular concern. In May 1940, for example, Archbishop of Aotearoa F.A. Bennett and the Maori synod of the Anglican Diocese of Auckland expressed concerns about Maori alcohol abuse and, in connection with this, supported revitalisation of the council system. 827 In June 1940, a Magistrate in Northland commented that in some matters the Maori Councils in his district assisted positively in the administration of law and order among Maori, citing the control of alcohol as one aspect of this. Contrasting with the views expressed two years earlier by the Health Department field staff, the Magistrate stated that in some districts the Councils have dealt with the offence of taking intoxicating liquor into the Kaingas with excellent results. Speaking generally of the councils, he reported that in parts of his district they were functioning with some success, but in other parts they were languishing Minutes of Meeting of Combined Maori Councils held on 23 November 1938 at Kaikohe Court House, ADBZ H (alt. no. 3223), , ANZ Wellington. 824 Northern Advocate, 25 March 1939, clipping filed in ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 825 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p46; also see AJHR, 1939, G-9, p Bennett to Prime Minister, 15 May 1940, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 828 Ferner to Under Secretary, Justice, 25 June 1940, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, ANZ Wellington. 209

210 Around this time, the Native Department began planning for the introduction of a new Maori Councils Act. In a memo written in July 1940, the Under Secretary urged the Minister of Native Affairs to take action, arguing that the councils could be powerful instruments for the physical and moral well-being of the Maori people provided they carry out the wide powers which the Act confers upon them. 829 By January 1941, a draft Bill had been prepared. The Bill provided for a number of significant modifications to the existing system. A wider source of funding would be available to the councils, specifically government subsidies and grants as well as contributions from the Native Trustee, the Maori Lands Boards, and local bodies. Government agencies would be more closely involved with individual councils, which would include three official members (representatives of the Native Affairs, Health and Police Departments) in addition to five Maori members. The Bill also provided for the introduction of new bylaws and a warden system, which had been trialled in Rotorua with the aim of controlling alcohol problems. 830 The Under Secretary of the Native Department believed that, in general, the Bill would facilitate greater cooperation between Maori and relevant Departments, but would also preserve for Maori the right, of which they are very jealous, to a large share of the administration of their own communal affairs. 831 While Native Affairs Minister Frank Langstone approved of the direction of the Bill, he stalled its progress, believing that revision of the council system should, owing to the amount of work involved, be deferred until after the war. 832 In the meantime, the Maori Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district seem to have remained largely ineffective. In July 1940, Paikea told the House of Representatives that most of the councils in his Northern Maori electorate were inoperative through lack of funds. 833 The councils that operated in the Te Raki inquiry district were clearly experiencing difficulties. In April 1939, members of the Hokianga Council were accused of incompetence and corruption, which led the Medical Officer of Health to believe there was sufficient evidence to justify an audit of the council books. 834 In October 1939, the Hokianga Council had less than 2 in the 829 Under Secretary, Native Department, to Native Minister, 16 July 1940, ADBZ H (alt. no ), Maori Councils general, , ANZ Wellington. 830 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Under Secretary, Native Department, to Native Minister, 27 January 1941, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, , ANZ Wellington. 832 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p NZPD, 1940, vol. 257, p Pehi to Minister of Health, 3 April 1939, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3233), , ANZ Wellington. Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, to Director General of Health, 11 May 1939, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3233), , ANZ Wellington. 210

211 bank. 835 Ongoing financial problems were also reported from the Whangarei Council. In April 1941, the council s official member reported to the Native Minister that travel costs were preventing council members from attending meetings. 836 He suggested that funding be made available for quarterly meetings, but was informed that no such assistance was available. 837 The Pewhairangi Council was perhaps the most inactive. Between September 1940 and August 1942, the council did not meet, owing largely to the chairman being absent in Auckland for much of this period. 838 In July 1941, the Pewhairangi Council s held 3 1s 5d in its bank account. 839 Alongside the Native Department s moves to renew and revitalise the council system, Maori were developing a new form of community organisation as part of their contribution to New Zealand s involvement in the Second World War. As discussed in chapter five, the Maori War Effort Organisation (MWEO) spontaneously arose as a network of committees, which were moulded into a system that was promoted by the Maori MPs. Approved by the government in 1941 and formalised in 1942, the MWEO grew rapidly and presented a new model through which Maori could exercise some control over their affairs. With a focus that widened from purely war effort concerns, Lange states that Maori viewed the MWEO s active and Maori-led role in community affairs as an alternative to leadership by the Pakehadominated and paternalistic Native Department. 840 Efforts to progress the Maori Councils Bill were renewed after Rex Mason became Native Minister in March By mid 1943, following further delays, the Bill was in its final form and made available for comment. However, it did not proceed, largely as a result of opposition from the MWEO 835 Director of Accounts, General Post Office, to Director General of Health, 9 October 1939, ADBZ H /7 (alt. no. 3233), , ANZ Wellington. 836 Fraser to Native Minister, 5 April 1941, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 837 Langstone to Under Secretary, Native Department, 8 May 1941, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, , ANZ Wellington; Under Secretary, Native Department, to Native Minister, 21 May 1941, minute on Langstone to Under Secretary, Native Department, 8 May 1941, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 1, , ANZ Wellington. 838 Director General of Health to Under Secretary, Native Department, 3 October 1941, ACIH W1369 MAW /3/15, Pewhairangi Maori Council bylaws, , ANZ Wellington; Maioha to Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, 27 October 1941, ADBZ H /8, Maori Health Councils Pewhairangi, , ANZ Wellington; Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, to Director General of Health, 2 July 1942, ADBZ H /8, , ANZ Wellington; Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, to Director General of Health, 10 August 1942, ADBZ H /8, , ANZ Wellington. 839 Director of Accounts, General Post Office, to Director General of Health, 18 July 1941, ADBZ H /8, , ANZ Wellington. 840 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p

212 and the Maori MPs, who viewed the proposed legislation as an effort by the Native Department to maintain control over post-war Maori institutions and resist MWEO encroachments into areas once controlled by the Department. 841 Lange explains that discussions regarding the post-war structure eventually resulted in a complex series of compromises that saw some of the MWEO s proposals embodied in the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act As explained in chapter six, the 1945 Act proved to be a disappointment to those who had sought an autonomous Maori welfare and development organisation. Lange states that to a large extent the Native Department s proposals, based on a continuation of the council system in a new form, had prevailed. 843 In September 1945, following a request from the Chairman of the Licensing Commission, the Director General of Health wrote to the Medical Officers of Health, asking for information on the activities of Maori Health Councils. 844 The Medical Officer of Health at Whangarei reported that with few exceptions the Maori Councils and Village Committee are not active in this district. He detailed that while the Hokianga Council was reasonably active, the other councils were not exercising their normal functions. (The Hokianga Council was one of only four councils in the country that were reported to be active. 845 ) The Medical Officer of Health further stated that in a number of settlements tribal committees (within the MWEO structure) had been set up and these appeared to exert more influence than komiti marae. 846 The Maori Social and Advancement Act 1945, enacted in December 1945, provided for the abolition of the Maori Councils and komiti marae as from 1 April When the Pewhairangi, Hokianga, and Whangarei Councils were wound up, they possessed funds amounting to just In 1952, this money was eventually distributed to tribal executives established under the 1945 Act Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, p Under Secretary, Native Department, to Director General of Health, 13 September 1945, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 2, Maori councils General, , ANZ Wellington. 845 Lange, In an Advisory Capacity, pp Medical Officer of Health, Whangarei, to Director General of Health, 2 October 1945, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 2, , ANZ Wellington. 847 Hearn, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945, p Under Secretary, Maori Affairs, to Minister of Maori Affairs, 21 March 1952, ACIH W1369 MAW /3 part 2, , ANZ Wellington. The money was distributed in accordance with section 50(2) of the 1945 Act. 212

213 Conclusion Focussing mainly on the Health Councils that were established after the First World War, this chapter has discussed the operation of Maori Councils in the Te Raki inquiry district between 1910 and In particular, it has examined the extent to which the council system satisfied the needs and expectations of Te Raki Maori through enhancing rangatiratanga and Maori autonomy. The discussion has included an examination of the extent to which the government responded to Maori concerns about the council system, and it has commented, more generally, on whether the Maori Councils of the inquiry district provided a platform for engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown. The preamble of the Maori Councils Act 1900 which remained at the centre of the statutory regime that applied to the councils up until their abolition in 1945 stated explicitly that the Act was intended to confer upon Maori only a Limited Measure of Local Self-government. Council powers were, accordingly, restricted and, while the legislation enabled councils to make bylaws, these were only to concern matters that related primarily to health and welfare issues. During both phases of the council system, the government focused on the role of councils as vehicles for health and welfare reform, underplaying any potential the system had to provide for greater Maori autonomy. In May 1912, for example, when meeting with the Whangarei Maori Council, the Minister in charge of Maori Councils, Buck, emphasised that the council s function was to improve the conditions under which Maori lived. During the second phase of the council system, the focus on health and welfare reform became even more entrenched, with the Health Councils operating largely under the administrative control of the Department of Health. Not only were council powers restricted with regard to the matters over which councils could exercise authority, but the geographical areas within which these powers could be exercised were also limited, being confined almost exclusively to kainga and pa. The ability of councils to manage and reserve oysters fisheries was an exception. However, while oyster beds were reserved for Maori in the Te Raki inquiry district, the Marine Department created the reserves under fisheries legislation rather than the 1900 Act, suggesting that officials did not view the council system as providing a sufficiently strong and workable framework to ensure the protection of Maori fisheries interests. 213

214 Central government powers were not devolved upon the Maori Councils, but their ability to make and enforce bylaws meant that the council system mirrored aspects of the system of local government under which the counties and boroughs of the inquiry district operated. But given their restricted powers and the limited areas within which these could be exercised, the council system fell well short of providing Te Raki Maori with an equivalent alternative system of local government. As explained in chapter one, Te Raki Maori were largely excluded from participating in the county electoral system, even though the counties possessed significant powers and were able to make decisions of direct concern to Maori. Compounding the shortcomings associated with the circumscribed nature of council powers, the Maori Council system was characterised by operational problems that made it difficult for councils to function effectively. A key issue, which emerged at an early stage, concerned the funding of the councils. Though necessary for any form of local government to operate successfully, the government did not ensure that the Maori Councils were provided with sufficient and reliable sources of funding. The councils position contrasted with that of the Pakeha-dominated county councils, which were able to levy rates from property owners. Funding difficulties contributed significantly to the decline of council activity in the inquiry district during the first phase of the council system. This process, it has been explained, was already underway at the beginning of the period covered by this report. The government did not take steps to bolster the system or address its inherent problems, and in 1919 collection of the dog tax the councils key source of funding was restored to county councils. By this time, however, it is clear that the Maori Councils of the inquiry district had largely ceased to function. The government s efforts to reinvigorate the council system after the First World War were welcomed by some Te Raki Maori. New councils were appointed within the existing council districts and komiti marae began operating in many kainga. Some members of the new councils had previously been involved in the first phase of the council system. Those who supported the renewal of the council system obviously saw value in its potential as a means of assisting Maori to regulate and manage certain aspects of community life. However, they clearly would have expected that the system s operational problems would be addressed, and it is likely that some may have anticipated that council powers would be extended and that the councils might, more generally, serve as bodies through which they would be able to engage more closely with the Crown. Such expectations link to the contribution that Te Raki Maori made during the First World War. As argued in chapter two, Te Raki Maori participation in the war effort was 214

215 undertaken with the hope that, after the war, there would be greater opportunity for engagement and that the government would be more responsive to their concerns. Not all Te Raki Maori, however, were enthusiastic about government efforts to reinvigorate the Maori Council system. In particular, followers of the Ratana movement, which began to gain support in the inquiry district around the time that the Health Councils were established, generally opposed the council system. Ratana, it has been explained, initially shunned engagement with the government and instead sought to advance Maori interests independently. In some parts of the inquiry district, opposition from followers of Ratana undermined council operations, posing a difficulty for Health officials and Te Raki Maori who wished to work within the statesanctioned system. The chapter has shown that, to a significant extent, those who welcomed the renewal of the council system after the First World War faced disappointment. Not only did the powers that it provided Maori remain restricted, but the system also continued in the second phase to be characterised by inherent problems that had a serious impact on the ability of councils to operate effectively. The government once again did little to address these problems and was unresponsive to calls for reform of the council system, which were made most comprehensively following a 1929 national conference of Maori Councils. Neglected by the government and beset with difficulties, the Health Councils clearly did not provide a strong platform for closer engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown. As in the first phase of the council system, funding difficulties presented a major obstacle to the Health Councils of the Te Raki inquiry district. Unable to collect the dog tax, the Heath Councils had to rely on the collection of fines imposed for breaches of bylaws and various licence fees. Calls for restoration of the dog tax went unheeded, as did requests for financial assistance from individual councils, with neither the Health Department nor the Native Department prepared to provide funds to enable the councils to meet their operational costs. The Health Councils lack of power to enforce payment of fines exacerbated the financial problems they faced. In order to recover unpaid fines, councils were required to take proceedings in the Magistrates Court, but there were expenses associated with this. Councils sometimes had insufficient funds to take cases to Court and therefore could not recover the money they were owed. In cases involving Europeans, there was some uncertainty as to whether the Health Councils jurisdiction extended to all who lived within 215

216 kainga. In March 1930, the Solicitor General confirmed that the councils authority extended to Pakeha residents, though enforcement difficulties persisted. From about 1930, the Te Raki Health Councils became less active, reflecting that the council system had substantially failed to meet the expectations of those who, a decade earlier, had supported its renewal. Several developments around this time contributed to the councils demise. The Depression worsened their already difficult financial position, and in 1931 the Maori Hygiene Division of the Health Department was abolished, marking a general decline in support for separate Maori health initiatives within the Department. The Native Department, meanwhile, continued to show little interest in the councils. Though the Health Councils became increasingly inactive during the 1930s, delegates at a 1938 conference of Northland councils strongly opposed their abolition, perhaps believing that the potential of the council system might one day be realised through effective reform. But within a few years, the councils appear to have become inoperative and fell in the shadow of the organisation that led the Maori contribution to the war effort during the Second World War the Maori War Effort Organisation. While the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 abolished the councils, elements of the council system continued in the post war model of community organisation that this legislation introduced, as discussed later in this report. 216

217 Chapter Four: Te Raki Maori and State Welfare Assistance Inequality and Reform, Introduction This chapter examines issues surrounding the payment of state welfare assistance to Te Raki Maori between 1910 and For much of this period Maori and Pakeha received different treatment within the state welfare system, with assistance payments to Maori commonly being paid at lower rates an inequality that was gradually removed after Labour came to power in The chapter responds to question (i) of the research commission, which has three aspects. First, it requires an examination of the extent to which the Crown engaged with Te Raki Maori leaders on social policy issues, particularly matters relating to access to state pensions and welfare benefits. Secondly, it asks whether Te Raki Maori raised concerns or protested about alleged discrimination in the field of pensions and welfare benefits. And finally, it asks how the Crown responded when such concerns were expressed. The first part of the commission question refers broadly to social policy issues. In their introductory work, Social Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand, Cheyne, O Brien, and Belgrave define social policy as actions that affect the well-being of members of a society through shaping the distribution of access to goods and resources in that society. They explain that social policy relates to a wide range of matters, including not only housing, social security, health, education, and social services, but also transport, employment, regional government, recreation, and how market operations affect the distribution of goods and services. 849 The breadth of issues relevant to the subject of social policy is illustrated in W.H. Oliver s history of New Zealand social policy that forms part of the 1988 report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy. In this work, Oliver surveys a range of broad developments, including, for example, the development of public works policy in New Zealand. 850 In looking at Crown engagement with Te Raki Maori on social policy issues, it has been necessary given the wide range of such issues to narrow the focus of the research undertaken for this chapter. The discussion presented here is limited entirely to engagement concerning access to state pensions 849 Christine Cheyne, Mike O Brien, and Michael Belgrave, Social Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand: A Critical Introduction, third edition, Auckland: Oxford University Press, 2005, p W.H. Oliver, Social Policy in New Zealand: An Historical Overview, Report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy, 1988, vol. 1, AJHR, , H-2, pp

218 and welfare assistance. The first part of the commission question requires only that research focuses on this area of social policy. The second and third parts of the question, however, concern only issues regarding state pensions and welfare benefits. Introduced in 1898, the old-age pension is recognised as the first comprehensive state welfare assistance measure, though as explained later there were a number of qualifications and restrictions regarding who could receive the pension and the level of individual payments. The Old-age Pensions Act 1898 explicitly included Maori, and Maori were also able to claim other forms of assistance introduced during the twentieth century, which extended state support to other groups within society. These measures included the widow s pension (1911), miners pension (1915), pension for First World War service (1915), pension for the blind (1924), and a family allowance (1926). 851 In the early 1930s, during the Depression, the government introduced relief work schemes to provide assistance for the large number of unemployed. 852 Between 1935 and 1949, the First Labour Government significantly expanded New Zealand s system of state welfare assistance. Assistance was made available to more disadvantaged groups and levels of support were increased. In 1936, pensions were made available for the first time to invalids and deserted wives. 853 Further, comprehensive reform was introduced in Labour s landmark welfare legislation the Social Security Act Notably, the Act dropped the word pension in favour of benefit, reflecting a policy that emphasised access to state support as a right rather than need. 854 Among the new measures introduced in the 1938 Act, assistance became available to widows without children, orphans, and those temporarily affected by accident or sickness. Existing sustenance payments for those who were fit and without work became unemployment benefits. The engagement over access to the pension and benefit system that is discussed in this chapter primarily concerns the policy and practice of paying Te Raki Maori reduced rates of assistance for the old-age pension and later age benefit. To a lesser extent, it also concerns the extent to which Te Raki Maori were able to secure old-age pensions at any level of payment. Te Raki Maori and their representatives along with others objected and expressed their concerns to the government about both matters, especially 851 Margaret McClure, A Civilised Community: A History of Social Security in New Zealand, , Auckland: Auckland University Press in association with Department of Internal Affairs Historical Branch, Auckland, pp McClure, A Civilised Community, pp Pensions Amendment Act McClure, A Civilised Community, p

219 the payment of pensions and benefits at reduced rates. In terms of discrimination and disadvantage, this was the most significant issue that Te Raki Maori faced in respect of the state pensions and benefits system during the period covered by this report. While discrimination was also evident in the payment of some other forms of assistance, two features distinguished the inequality of treatment associated with payment of the old age pension and age benefit. First, it took place over the longest period, reflecting that the Old-age Pensions Act was the first state welfare pension. Secondly, as assistance for the aged was relatively broadly targeted, the inequality affected more Maori than discrimination that concerned other forms of assistance. (Throughout the period covered by this report, assistance to the aged dominated state welfare support, with regard to both the number of recipients and total expenditure.) It is therefore unsurprising that the weight of Te Raki Maori concern and protest about the pension and benefit system related primarily to the old-age pension and age benefit. There is, however, evidence of discrimination and inequality in the payment of several other forms of assistance. As noted later in the chapter, the widows benefit was also paid to Maori at reduced rates, under the same policies that were applied to the old-age pension. It also seems that Maori may have faced obstacles when trying to access the pension for the blind. In July 1939, the Ratana-Labour MP for Northern Maori, Paikea, told the House that very few blind Maori had received this pension and that the situation was only addressed when Labour introduced the invalids pension in Around the same time, Tirikatene, the MP for Southern Maori, alleged that Maori had received lower rates of payment when undertaking relief work introduced by the United-Reform Coalition Government. 856 In respect of the family allowance, McClure states that throughout the 1930s Maori applicants were refused the allowance at a higher rate than Pakeha. 857 Focussing on issues concerning the payment of assistance to the aged, the chapter begins by describing developments up to In particular, it looks at the introduction of the important Old-age Pensions Act and discusses how it related to Maori in terms of the policies that underlay the legislation and the statutory provisions of the Act. It then discusses the early 855 NZPD, 1939, vol. 254, p NZPD, 1939, vol. 254, p McClure, A Civilised Community, p79. Cybele Locke discusses the payment to Maori of lower rates for relief work and explains that soon after Labour gained power Maori began to receive the same rates as Pakeha. See Cybele Locke, The Poorest Tribe Under the Heavens: Ngati Kuia s Socio-Economic Circumstances, , CFRT, Wai 785 #L1, December 2002, pp

220 operation of the pension system in the Te Raki inquiry district, explaining that Maori soon encountered a number of difficulties with the system s administration and that officials actively sought to limit the number of Maori who received pensions. It is explained that this policy stemmed from the view that Maori who lived in traditional communities had lesser needs. Concern was also expressed that the pension, an individual entitlement, would find its way into the hands of other family members. These ideas would persist as the underlying basis for different treatment of Maori within the pension system. The next section examines developments from 1910 until It explains that by the early 1920s some Maori pensioners in the Te Raki inquiry district were having their pensions reduced, and that from 1926 the payment of reduced pensions to Maori became standardised. It is explained that the Crown did not consult with Te Raki Maori before this policy was introduced. And while Te Raki Maori and others protested about the reduction of pension rates, the government and officials were largely unresponsive to these calls, firmly believing that there was good reason for the policy. The chapter then looks at developments between 1935, when Labour gained power, and 1943, when the payment of reduced pension rates to Maori ended. As explained in chapter two, Savage promised equality of treatment to Maori around the time of the 1935 election, before Labour entered into its formal alliance with the Ratana movement, which by this time was widely supported within the Te Raki inquiry district. While the Ratana-Labour alliance did not result in a substantially stronger voice for Maori in government, reform of welfare assistance was one of the areas where Maori made gains during Labour s time in office. The push for equality in welfare was similar to the calls for reform of the national electoral system, which as discussed in chapter one saw Maori gain the secret ballot in 1937 and secure the introduction of an electoral roll for Maori voters ahead of the 1949 election. As with the electoral reforms, it is explained that reform concerning the provision of welfare assistance to Maori did not come quickly illustrating that, in spite of ongoing calls from Maori, Labour had competing priorities. In part, this delay resulted from the attitudes of officials, who continued to routinely reduce payments to Maori, even after the passage of the Social Security Act 1938, which removed all separate references of Maori. Eventually though, in response to ongoing protest from Maori, systemic inequality in benefit rates appears to have ended in

221 Developments to 1910 The old-age pension, as noted above, was introduced in Often viewed as the initial step that led to the creation of the welfare state, the provision of the old-age pension marked a key development in state welfare assistance in New Zealand. 858 An initiative of Richard John Seddon s Liberal Government, it was the first state pension to be granted in the Englishspeaking world and it contributed to New Zealand s reputation for experimental social legislation in the 1890s. It was conceived, McClure explains, with a sense of a citizen s rights and in opposition to the humiliation of receiving charity. 859 Seddon was a key proponent of the pension and played an important role in securing the passage of the Old-age Pensions Act. Brooking states that the Premier s interest in the pension partly reflected a desire to maintain support for the Liberal Government, but also strong humanist ideals. 860 During debates on the Bill, Seddon argued that the pension was required to assist those who had raised large families on low wages as well as single men who lacked family support. He believed that the need for a pension was connected to the special conditions that existed in a young country, where individuals were often unable to benefit from the support of relatives. 861 Though Seddon s main focus was on offering assistance to the elderly poor within the Pakeha settler population, he believed that the pension should also be available to Maori. In parliament, he assured Northern Maori MP Hone Heke Ngapua that Maori other than those on the Civil List would be eligible for the pension. 862 When making this assurance, Seddon stated that Pakeha had much to learn from Maori about the manner in which they treated their elderly. 863 However, the policy basis upon which it was decided that Maori should be eligible for the pension is not clear. The preamble of the 1898 Act, for example, indicated that the purpose of the pension was to assist and reward deserving members of the settler community people 858 Gaynor Whyte, Beyond the Statute: Administration of Old-Age Pensions to 1938, in Bronwyn Dalley and Margaret Tennant (eds.), Past Judgement: Social Policy in New Zealand History, Dunedin: Otago University Press, p McClure, A Civilised Community, p Tom Brooking, Richard Seddon: King of God s Own: The Life and Times of New Zealand s Longest Serving Prime Minister, Auckland: Penguin Books, 2014, pp Brooking, Richard Seddon, p The Civil List fund was established under the Constitution Act A portion of the fund was allocated for Native purposes, primarily to provide medical care, pensions, and other forms of assistance. At the time that the old-age pension was introduced, a very small number of Maori were receiving pensions from the fund. During the three years ending 31 March 1901, five Maori residing within the inquiry district received pensions, though not all for the whole period. AJHR, 1903, G-2, pp Brooking, Richard Seddon, p

222 who during the prime of their life... helped to bear the public burdens of the colony by the payment of taxes, and to open up resources by their labour and skill. The Old-age Pensions Act set out numerous eligibility qualifications, which were intended to restrict payment of the pension to those believed to be most deserving of assistance. The qualifications also served to limit the cost of the pension to the state. Payable to persons 65 years and over, the maximum pension was initially set at 18 per year and was means tested on income and assets. 864 (Yearly income was to be under 52 and assets were, less liabilities, were to be no greater than ) It was available only to those who had continuously resided in New Zealand for 25 years, aside from short periods abroad. 866 Characteristic of welfare assistance before 1935, there was a strong moral dimension to the criteria. 867 Claimants were required to be of good moral character and to have led a sober and reputable life over the previous five years. In 1908, this was reduced to one year. 868 Pension claims were considered by stipendiary magistrates. When their claims were assessed, applicants were expected to attend the Magistrate s Court, except in cases where the magistrate believed there was sufficient documentary evidence to support the claim or attendance was deemed unnecessary by reason of physical disability of other sufficient cause. 869 When appearing before the magistrate, claimants could, for example, be asked to provide evidence of their age, how long they had lived in New Zealand, and their moral character. Successful claimants were issued a pension certificate that lasted one year, after which time they had to apply to have it renewed for a further year. 870 Re-applying pensioners were not required to appear before the Court. While Chinese or other Asiatics were unable to claim the old-age pension, Maori were specifically included in the 1898 Act. 871 For Maori applicants, the Act imposed stricter requirements concerning proof of age, presumably because Maori births were not at that time required to be officially registered. 872 Further, the Act included provisions that specifically required 864 Sections 7 and 9, Old-age Pensions Act Sections 8(7) and 8(8), Old-age Pensions Act Section 8(2), Old-age Pensions Act Michael Belgrave, Needs and the State: Evolving Social Policy in New Zealand, in Dalley and Tennant (eds.), Past Judgement, pp Section 8(6), Old-age Pensions Act Section 2(2), Old-age Pensions Amendment Act Section 18, Old-age Pensions Act Sections 30-35, Old-age Pensions Act Sections 64-65, Old-age Pensions Act Section 65, Old-age Pensions Act

223 that any Maori customary land interests be also taken into consideration when assessing an applicant s eligibility in respect of the income and assets means tests. When determining claims by Maori who held customary land interests, the magistrate was to be guided by the following rules: In respect of "income," any customary rights used or capable of being used in respect of land the title to which has not been ascertained, but which is enjoyed or is capable of enjoyment, shall be assessed and determined by such evidence and in such manner as the Stipendiary Magistrate shall in his discretion consider proper: In respect of "accumulated property," the interest in land or other property held or enjoyed under Native custom, or in any way other than by defined legal title, shall be assessed and determined by the Stipendiary Magistrate in manner aforesaid, with the view of arriving as nearly as may be at a decision as to the net capital value thereof for the purposes of this Act, and the decision of the Stipendiary Magistrate thereon shall be final. 873 Though the 1898 Act had lengthy eligibility criteria, Whyte explains that there was nevertheless room for administrators to exercise discretion in the handling of claims. 874 Administrators could influence who received the pension and, when a pension was granted, the amount paid. Responsibility for the administration of the 1898 Act lay with the Registrar of Old-age Pensions, subject to the control of the Colonial Treasurer. 875 Beneath the Registrar, there was a local level of administration. The country was divided into 72 pension districts, within which deputy registrars oversaw the administration of local claims. 876 The magistrates were also clearly able to exercise discretion when considering claims. Whyte states that there was considerable local variance in how they assessed pension eligibility, with some showing much sympathy towards applicants, others less so. Unsurprisingly, tensions could arise between the Registrar and magistrates when there were differences of opinion as to how the Act should be applied. 877 Generally, the process of obtaining an old-age pension was not easy, and it seems that the requirement for applicants to appear before a magistrate was enough to deter some Maori and Pakeha. 878 From the outset though, Maori 873 Section 66, Old-age Pensions Act Whyte, Beyond the Statute, p Section 4, Old-age Pensions Act In the early years, few of these officials were occupied solely with administration of the Old-age Pension. Many were civil servants with the Justice Department. Whyte, Beyond the Statute, p Whyte, Beyond the Statute, pp , Whyte, Beyond the Statute, pp

224 claimants faced certain obstacles that Pakeha applicants did not have to contend with. In particular, where a magistrate sought documentary evidence of the value of applicants land interests, Maori claimants could face delays because it was difficult to obtain the required information. The Native Land Court was sometimes slow to provide the details that were sought, partly because it was insufficiently resourced to undertake the work and partly because it did not view it to be a high priority. The work could be time consuming, with an individual s land interests sometimes being spread across a number of multiply-owned blocks. In October 1899, Maori from several locations, primarily in the vicinity of Whangarei (and including Whatitiri, Whakapara, and Taharoa), petitioned the Native Minister with regard to their unsuccessful efforts to receive oldage pensions. 879 The petition, signed by Rata Tiakiriri and 24 others, explained that none of the petitioners had been able to secure a pension, though some had travelled long distances to the Magistrate s Court in Whangarei, only to be turned away. It was alleged that, while many Europeans had been granted pensions, the magistrate considered Maori to be ineligible because some had sold land and spent the purchase money. The petition referred to assurances that the Governor had made earlier in the year, when he had met with Maori at Poroti, during a visit to the North. (Native Minister Carroll was also present at this meeting, which took place on 17 March ) When questioned as to whether Maori would be able to receive the pension, the Governor had unequivocally stated that Maori and Pakeha should have equal rights under the 1898 Act. Referring to this assurance, the petitioners requested equal justice with the Europeans in the matter of applications made under the Old Age Pension Act 1898 as in other districts. They also asked that a deputy who understood their language and manners be appointed to hear their cases. Further, in order to save elderly applicants the expense and difficulty of a journey to Whangarei, it was requested that inquiries should be held in places near where the people lived. Around the same time, Rata Tiakiri and several others also wrote to Seddon, advising the Premier of their petition and seeking his support. 881 Commenting on the petitioners concerns, the magistrate at the centre of the allegations, Hutchison, advised the Under Secretary of Justice that, in his experience, the investigation of Maori pension claims was attended always 879 Tiakiriri and others to Native Minister (petition), 25 October 1899, ACGS J1/630/q 1899/1407, Tiakiriri and others complaining that they cannot get their claim for Old Age Pensions heard, , ANZ Wellington. 880 Northern Advocate, 25 March 1899, p1 (supplement). 881 Tiakiriri and others to Seddon, 28 October 1899, ACGS J1/630/q 1899/1407, ANZ Wellington. 224

225 with great, sometimes with apparently insuperable difficulty. The problem, he stated, lay in the ascertainment of claimants landed interests. Hutchison noted that the Land Court had in the past been unable to offer much help, but recently the native land purchase officer had begun to provide valuable assistance. A lack of evidence concerning claimants land holdings was, the magistrate advised, the main reason why Maori claims did not progress at the same speed as those of Pakeha. He asserted that, in this respect, the position of the Whangarei Maori was not unusual and that the situation was in fact worse in some other districts. Within the Bay of Islands area, there were, Hutchison claimed, about 200 Maori pension claims that had yet to be dealt with. 882 After receiving Hutchison s report, the Under Secretary suggested to the Native Minister that he explain, in his response to the petitioners, that the delay in their claims being heard resulted largely from the difficulty of obtaining satisfactory evidence of their land interests. He also suggested that the petitioners be advised that there was no need for them to attend the Magistrates Court until summoned and that the law provided that only the magistrate could hear their claims. 883 It is unclear whether a letter along these lines was sent. A reply from the Native Minister to the petitioners was not located. No changes to pension administration were introduced in response to the petitioner s appeal to the Native Minister. The officials who oversaw the administration of the pension system were generally unsympathetic to Maori and are not likely to have been overly concerned with the administrative delays that, by 1899, were affecting Maori in at least some parts of the Te Raki inquiry district. The first Registrar of Old-age Pensions, Edmund Mason, expressed doubt as to whether Maori required the same entitlements as Pakeha. Reporting to the Secretary to the Treasury in February 1900, Mason suggested that the inclusion of Maori in the 1898 Act on equal terms with Europeans warranted reconsideration, at least in respect of those whose needs, owing to their communistic customs, are different from those of Europeans. 884 Mason also offered this view to some of the magistrates, apparently hoping to influence their handling of Maori pension applications. Writing to the magistrate in New Plymouth, also in February 1900, Mason asserted that it is by all argued that the claims 882 Hutchison to Under Secretary, Justice, minute on file cover 99/1407, ACGS J1/630/q 1899/1407, ANZ Wellington. 883 Under Secretary, Justice, to Native Minister, 11 December 1899, ACGS J1/630/q 1899/1407, ANZ Wellington. 884 Mason to Secretary to the Treasury, 26 February 1900, ADBO W1844 SSW OAP190/N4, Native Pensioners, , ANZ Wellington. 225

226 and needs of a Maori living in Maori fashion, are much less than those of a European, and that a marked distinction should be made. 885 Mason s views about the needs of elderly Maori who lived in traditional communities appears to have been based on an expectation that these people would receive support from those around them, negating the need for the pension. This belied the extreme poverty that existed in many Maori communities at this time, which certainly would have impacted upon elderly members. McClure states that, in critical Pakeha eyes, this poverty was viewed as a sign of lower expectations, rather than greater need, and it formed part of the rationale for different treatment of Maori. 886 Implicit in the views put forward by Mason and others was that Maori should receive full entitlements only when they had abandoned their traditional way of life (and the poverty that was seen to be linked to this) in favour of a European mode of living. The second Registrar of Old-age Pensions, James Eman Smith, who held the position between 1902 and 1908, shared his predecessor s concerns about payment of full pensions to elderly Maori who lived a communal way of life. Smith seems to have been particularly troubled by the possibility of pension monies being appropriated and spent by other members of the community. In his 1903 annual report, he stated that some Maori pensioners, owing to their advanced age and physical disability, were not capable of protecting themselves from the younger branches, who, it is feared, spend the aged pensioner s money. 887 He believed that many aged Maori would be better off if supplied by government officers with necessary food and clothing. Later, in 1906, Smith wrote that sharing pensions with the wider community encouraged Young bloods in their idleness. 888 Early in 1900, the Colonial Treasurer requested that closer scrutiny be given to applications submitted by Maori. Writing to the Under Secretary of Justice in March 1900, the Secretary to the Treasury stated that it had been brought to the Colonial Treasurer s attention that the number of Maori claims was greatly in excess of the expected number of such claims. He stated that the Colonial Treasurer believed that it was most important that 885 Mason to Stipendiary Magistrate, New Plymouth, 12 February 1900, cited in McClure, A Civilised Community, p Margaret McClure, A Badge of Poverty or a Symbol of Citizenship? Needs, Rights, and Social Security, , in Bronwyn Dalley and Margaret Tennant, eds., Past Judgement: Social Policy in New Zealand History, Otago University Press, Dunedin, 2004, p AJHR, 1903, H-18, p Eman Smith to Deputy Registrar, Whakatane, 21 September 1906, ADBO W1844 SSW OAP190/N4, ANZ Wellington, cited in Margaret McClure, A Civilised Community, p

227 special consideration should be given to the age and property qualifications when Maori claims were considered. The Secretary asked that the attention of the magistrates be drawn to this matter. 889 No evidence has been located in respect of the government s expectations of Maori pension numbers at the time that the 1898 Act was passed. By 1901, 1,098 Maori were recorded as being in receipt of a pension. 890 This was roughly two-thirds of Maori eligible by age, nearly twice the Pakeha rate. 891 (One reason for this difference was that the residency requirements excluded many Pakeha, but affected few Maori.) The following year, in 1902, the number of Maori receiving pensions had fallen a little to 1, In the 1902 annual report, the Registrar of Old-age Pensions statistics more strongly differentiated between Europeans and Maori, reflecting the concern that had arisen about the number of Maori receiving pensions. For the first time, the report provided details of the number of European and Maori pensioners within each pension district. Table 6 provides details of pension numbers in those districts that relate most strongly to the Te Raki inquiry district. The exact boundaries of the various districts have not been established. Table 6: Old-age pension recipients and the Te Raki inquiry district, Pension district European Maori pensioners pensioners Rawene Russell Warkworth 72 8 Whangarei Whangaroa Totals Unsurprisingly, both Mason and his successor Smith were active in their efforts to implement the policy of subjecting Maori claims to closer scrutiny for the purpose of reducing Maori pension numbers. Following the Colonial Treasurer s directive, Mason pressed for applications by Maori to be supported by clearer evidence of land holdings and values. He instructed deputy registrars to refer all Maori land claims to the Native Land Court to verify an applicant s land interests, and then to land purchase officers to 889 Secretary to the Treasury to Under Secretary, Justice, 26 March 1900, ADBO W1844 SSW OAP190/N4, ANZ Wellington. 890 AJHR, 1901, H-18, p Whyte, Beyond the Statute, p AJHR, 1902, H-18, p AJHR, 1902, H-18, p2. 227

228 establish the value of these interests. This approach had the effect of delaying Maori claims from being heard and generally making access to pensions difficult. 894 As noted earlier, the Native Land Court was sometimes slow in responding to such requests. The Court office at Auckland, for example, where the records of lands within the Te Raki inquiry district were located, did not act quickly when dealing with requests from pension administrators. 895 In cases where the applications failed to specify the land blocks in which the claimants had interests, the Court Registrar at Auckland advised in 1902 that it was altogether useless to send such claims, as the Court had no alphabetical list of Maori with details of the lands to which they are entitled. 896 Following Mason s departure in 1902, Smith continued efforts to restrict Maori access to the old-age pension. In September 1902, he wrote to the deputy registrars, instructing that they suggest to magistrates that Maori pensions should not be renewed in cases where the deputy register believed the pension was not required. Smith stated that, as it was almost impossible to get at the correct value of native land, it was possible that Maori were drawing pensions that they did not require. Because some Maori did not draw pensions regularly, officials had come to believe that this was largely the case. 897 In April 1903, Smith reiterated the message, this time stating that the government had instructed that the deputy registrars should oppose the granting and renewal of pensions if in any doubt as to the qualifications of Maori applicants. 898 Maori do not appear to have been consulted about this policy development. Some magistrates concurred with the view that Maori access to the old-age pension should be tightened. Significantly, in 1904, a New Plymouth magistrate decided to pay a reduced rate of pension to a Maori pensioner: 12 instead of the 18 maximum. 899 (This decision was presumably made in the absence of clear evidence about the individual s land holdings a situation that enabled the magistrate to exercise greater discretion in the rate of pension granted.) While not all magistrates followed this approach, 894 Whyte, Beyond the Statute, p See, for example, Registrar, Native Land Court, Auckland, to Registrar, [presently no date given] 19 July 1901, Old-age Pensions, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/8, Social Security Act Maoris Maori Land Court General, , ANZ Wellington. 896 Quoted in Deputy-Commissioner to Commissioner, 10 October 1911, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/8, ANZ Wellington. 897 Smith to Deputy Registrar (circular letter), 1 September 1902, ADBO W1844 SSW OAP190/N4, ANZ Wellington. 898 Smith to Deputy Registrar (circular letter), 17 April 1903, ADBO W1844 SSW OAP190/N4, ANZ Wellington. 899 Whyte, Beyond the Statute, p

229 the practice widened and by 1907 at least three magistrates were reducing Maori pensions, resulting in around 10 per cent of Maori pensions being paid at the lower rate. (By this time, the maximum pension had been raised to 24 and the reduced rate paid to Maori was 18.) None of the magistrates that were reducing Maori pensions appear to have had circuits within the Te Raki inquiry region. 900 As well as the reductions in the pension rates paid to Maori in some districts, the number of Maori receiving pensions declined significantly during this period. This decline appears to have owed much to the efforts of Mason and Smith following the Colonial Treasurer s call for greater scrutiny of Maori claims. In his 1905 annual report, Smith recorded that there were 632 Maori pension recipients, which was only about 58 per cent of the number given in (During the same period, the number of pensions paid to Europeans declined by about 1.5 per cent, from 11,307 to 11, ) Within the pension districts that related to the Te Raki inquiry district, 166 Maori were receiving the old-age pension in 1905, about 72 per cent of the number recorded five years earlier. 903 Table 7: Old-age pension recipients and the Te Raki inquiry district, Pension district European Maori pensioners pensioners Rawene Russell Warkworth 62 0 Whangarei Whangaroa 7 22 Totals In July 1905, Northern Maori MP Hone Heke Ngapua claimed in parliament that decisions about Maori pensions were being made without close reference to the qualifications in the Act, especially the provisions concerning property. He called for an inquiry into the interests of all Maori land owners, for the purpose of finding out which of the Natives possess sufficient land to disqualify them from the benefits of the old-age pension system. He proposed a register of native land holders similar to that held for Pakeha. This would ensure that the pension was paid only to Maori who 900 Whyte, Beyond the Statute, p133; Gaynor Whyte, Old-Age Pensions in New Zealand , MA thesis, Massey University, 1993, p AJHR, 1905, H-18, p AJHR, 1901, H-18, pp1-2. AJHR, 1905, H-18, p AJHR, 1906, H-18, p AJHR, 1906, H-18, p9. 229

230 properly qualified. Heke suspected that many of the Maori who were receiving the pension ought not to draw it. 905 No action, however, was taken to create the proposed register, but the suggestion would be revived regularly in subsequent decades. After 1905, the number of pensions paid to Maori rose a little and then stabilised. Between 1906 and 1909, the annual figure lay between about 650 and No evidence of a deliberate policy to hold Maori pensions within this range is articulated in the available file evidence, but the figures indicate a continuing effort to limit the payment of pensions to Maori. During these years, the highest number recorded was in 1909, when 691 Maori received the old-age pension, about 9 per cent more than the number given in Within the pension districts that concern the Te Raki inquiry district, 182 Maori were receiving the pension, representing an increase of almost 10 per cent from Table 8: Old-age pension recipients and the Te Raki inquiry district, Pension district European Maori pensioners pensioners Rawene Russell Warkworth 69 4 Whangarei Whangaroa Totals In contrast to the moderate growth in Maori pension numbers after 1905, the number of Europeans receiving the old-age pension grew significantly. By 1909, 13,705 Europeans were being paid the pension, an increase of about 23 per cent from the number recorded in Within the Te Raki inquiry district, the number of European old-age pensioners grew by almost 27 per cent during this period. Te Raki Maori and the Old-age Pension, By 1910, when the period covered by this report begins, Maori and Pakeha faced different treatment within the pension system, though there was some local variation in the extent to which this was the case. Different treatment is evident in the significant decline in the number of Maori who received the 905 NZPD, 1905, vol. 132, p AJHR, 1906, H-18, p9. AJHR, 1907, H-18, p9. AJHR, 1908, H-18, p9. AJHR, 1909, H18, p AJHR, 1909, H-18, p AJHR, 1905, H-18, p12. AJHR, 1909, H-18, p6. 230

231 old-age pension between 1901 and This decline, it seems, was the result of deliberate efforts to limit Maori pension numbers. Maori within the Te Raki Maori inquiry district were among those affected. It is also notable that from 1904 magistrates in some districts began to reduce the pension rates paid to Maori, though no evidence has been located to suggest that this happened in the Te Raki inquiry district prior to The different treatment of Maori and Pakeha is unsurprising given that, though the legislation specifically included Maori, the main aim of the 1898 Act was to provide assistance to elderly members of the settler population. Significantly, the Act left room for officials and magistrates to exercise discretion as to how it would be applied. In the case of Maori applicants, the need to present evidence of the value of their land interests commonly presented a difficulty. In the absence of such information, officials and magistrates were able to exercise greater discretion. When justifying why Maori did not deserve to be treated on equal terms with Pakeha, officials commonly expressed the view that Maori who lived in traditional communities had lesser needs. Implicitly, there was an assimilationist agenda: only after adopting a Pakeha way of life should Maori receive the full entitlements of the Act. Up to 1910, there is no evidence that the government consulted with Te Raki Maori over issues concerning payment of the old-age pension. At various times, Te Raki Maori and their representatives complained about the way the pension system operated and called for improvements to be made. The government, however, was unresponsive and failed to address Maori concerns. This situation would continue in the period examined in this section of the chapter, during which time there were some important developments concerning Maori and the old-age pension. In particular, as explained below, the payment of reduced pension rates to Maori became standardised. In 1911, at the beginning of the period examined here, the pension system was extended with the introduction of a widows pension. 909 While it affirmed a national pension structure that could be built on in the future, the eligibility criteria of the new pension were restrictive. 910 Notably, as with the old-age pension, the widows pension was available only to those who were deemed morally deserving. Deserted wives and unmarried mothers were excluded from the pension. The pension provided the same rates of assistance as the old-age pension and was subject to the same means 909 Widows Pensions Act McClure, A Civilised Community, p3. 231

232 testing provisions. Maori were eligible, but faced different treatment subject to the same policies that applied to the old-age pension. This section therefore includes evidence relating to the widows pension, though the number of recipients was far less than for the old-age pension. In 1920, for example, 143 Maori received the widows pension, while 795 were paid the old-age pension. 911 In 1913, it should be noted, pensions legislation was consolidated with the passage of the Pensions Act 1913, which included provisions relating to both the old-age and widows pensions. In the 1913 Act, the official formerly known as the Registrar was named the Commissioner of Pensions, while the deputy registrars were to be known as simply the registrars. 912 Correspondence written early in the period covered here shows the continuance of issues and themes that had emerged prior to Concerns were raised about Maori allegedly accessing pensions to which they were not entitled. In 1912, for example, Pipiri Kaiwara complained to Auckland police about pensioners, including one living near Kaikohe, alleged to have land holdings beyond the allowable limit. 913 It would seem that decisions regarding the value of land interests often continued to be made without clear evidence of applicants holdings. As a result, in some cases, there was therefore uncertainty as to whether the means-testing thresholds were being appropriately observed. In October 1911, the Deputy Commissioner of Pensions had advised the Commissioner of ongoing difficulties in extracting information from the Land Court office at Auckland. He explained that, when a Maori applicant failed to name a block in which he/she possessed an interest, no information regarding that interest was obtainable. Identifying a solution to the problem, the Deputy Commissioner suggested as Heke had in 1905 that a list of Maori owners could be prepared. Though he acknowledged that preparation of such a list would be a big undertaking, but he did not think the task insurmountable. 914 No action, however, was taken. 911 AJHR, 1920, H-18, p These name changes had been introduced in Section 2, Old-age Pensions Amendment Act New Zealand Police, report dated 12 November 1912, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions), , ANZ Wellington. Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 12 March 1913, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 914 Deputy-Commissioner to Commissioner, 10 October 1911, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/8, Social Security Act Maoris Maori Land Court General, , ANZ Wellington. 232

233 Within official circles and government, doubt continued to be expressed as to whether pensions should be paid to Maori because their needs were less. In October 1914, the native school teacher at Whangaruru northeast of Whangarei wrote to the Commissioner of Pensions claiming that of those I know who are applying for a pension here, not one of them are in need of a pension. 915 The Registrar of Pensions at Russell, on the other hand, when asked to comment, stated that most elderly Maori in the district were in need and were entitled to their pensions. 916 The response of the Registrar of Pensions shows that officials within the pension system were sometimes sympathetic towards Maori claimants and their needs. However, it is evident that by the 1920s the payment of reduced pensions to Maori was being practised in some districts in the inquiry district. In 1922, the magistrate for the Whangarei district, F.H. Levein, stated that the full pension generally should not be granted to Maori. Levein viewed the pension as an individual entitlement that should only be used by the recipient. Echoing concerns expressed by Smith two decades earlier, he stated that: The moneys, in my opinion, often go to support loafing [relatives] of the applicant in accordance with Maori custom as it is sometimes expressed. 917 By 1924, Levein had transferred to the Russell district, where he told the Under Secretary for Justice that his experience in the North had convinced him that thousands of pounds per annum might be saved if there were a revision of pensions, particularly in regard to Maoris. 918 The Commissioner of Pensions, George Fache, wrote to the Registrar of Pensions at Whangarei, asking that he suggest to Levein s successor that he should reduce Maori pensions in all cases to 26, which was 13 less than the maximum of 39 provided at this time. 919 The file evidence includes no evidence to suggest that a similar move was made to reduce the pensions of Pakeha in the Whangarei district or elsewhere. The influence of Magistrate Levein in Russell was soon apparent. In July 1924, J.N. Berghan, the storekeeper at Ahipara, wrote to Bay of Islands MP 915 Gordon MacKay to Commissioner of Pensions, 9 October 1914, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 916 Extract from Registrar s letter dated 24 th October 1914, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 917 F.H. Levein, 23 December 1922, minute on Commissioner of Pensions to Registrar of Pensions, Kaitaia, 16 November 1922, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 918 Under Secretary, Justice, to Commissioner for Pensions, 21 June 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 919 Fache to Registrar of Pensions, Whangarei, 28 May 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 233

234 Allen Bell, asking if it was indeed true that all Maori pensions were being reduced to 26. He suggested that such a move was going to hit the pensioners hard as many of them depend entirely on the pension. 920 Berghan also wrote to Northern Maori MP Tau Henare, who wrote to Pensions Minister George Anderson, requesting information on the matter. 921 Responding to Henare and Bell, Anderson advised that, in adjusting Maori pension claims, magistrates were merely using the powers conferred upon them in the Act. Looking to shut down any further discussion of the issues raised, Anderson concluded by emphasising that the magistrate s decision was final. 922 A few weeks later, in August 1924, Anderson s fellow Cabinet Minister Maui Pomare also raised the matter of Maori pensions. Writing to the Native Minister, Pomare observed that elderly Maori often had their pensions blocked or reduced despite land held in their name which he or she cannot sell or let, or farm, land that is often mere waste areas, and which brings in nothing by way of income. 923 Pomare raised an important point, and this time Anderson sought a more satisfactory explanation from the Commissioner of Pensions. In his response, Fache admitted that decisions on Maori pensions were largely subjective, and he emphasised the problems in determining the value of Maori land holdings: The great difficulty in regard to the ownership of native land is that there are no known means whereby the Department can check the statements of applicants. Many natives have several names and are owners in more than one block and unless the name of the block is supplied, the Native Department refuses, because it says it is unable to supply any information; and when an ownership is disclosed, it is next to impossible to get the true valuation from Government records for several reasons, the main one being that the valuations are not traceable, and if they are, there are varying valuations for different sections of the block. 924 The Commissioner opposed the idea of a Maori land roll and stated, rather implausibly, that he believed that the Magistrates with the knowledge they 920 J.N. Berghan to Bell, 17 July 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 921 Henare to Anderson, 25 July 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 922 Anderson to Henare, 31 July 1924, and Anderson to Bell, 30 July 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 923 Pomare to Native Minister, 26 August 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 924 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 13 September 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 234

235 are able to get locally can safely be trusted to do justice to Maori applicants. 925 Introduction of standardised pension reductions for Maori, 1926 The Pensions Amendment Act 1925 introduced an important change to the way pension renewals were handled. Under section 11, the Commissioner of Pensions was given exclusive power, with no right of appeal, to investigate and determine all renewals of old-age and widows pensions. This provision came into force on 1 April 1926 and was continued in section 60 of the Pensions Act 1926, which consolidated existing pension legislation. The provision gave the Commissioner a great deal of discretionary power and, as explained below, he used this power to uniformly reduce pension rates paid to Maori upon renewal. File evidence provides details of the background of the new provision, which evidently arose from a suggestion made by the stipendiary magistrate at Auckland, who believed that the work of investigating, renewing, and granting pensions should be left to the registrars, with applicants able to appeal to the magistrate in cases where there was dissatisfaction. 926 At the Minister s request, this proposal was modified to cover only pension renewals and any right of appeal was removed. 927 Explaining the various provisions of the Pensions Amendment Bill, the Commissioner of Pensions informed the Minister that the provision relating to renewals largely reflected existing practice. He stated that, as a rule, and especially in the main centres of population, the magistrate did not see pensioners at the annual renewal and instead relied on reports and recommendations submitted by officials. 928 The Commissioner made no reference as to how the powers might be applied to the renewal of Maori pensions, and this issue was not raised during debates on the Bill. 929 Following the passage of the 1925 Amendment Act, all old-age pensions paid to Maori, at their first annual review, were to be paid at a reduced rate of 32 10s. 930 The Pensions Department adopted this practice without any consultation with Maori. The reduced rate was about 71 per cent the new 925 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 13 September 1924, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 926 Anderson to Fache, 13 August 1925, ADBO W1844 SSW A152, Pensions Act 1925, , ANZ Wellington. 927 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 2 September 1925, ADBO W1844 SSW A152, ANZ Wellington. 928 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 10 September 1925, ADBO W1844 SSW A152, ANZ Wellington. 929 See NZPD, 1925, vol File note Re Maori O.A.P, 9 April 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 235

236 annual maximum rate of 45 10s. 931 The reduction was to be made regardless of the rate previously set by the magistrate, except in cases where the pensioner was living in a European fashion and paying rent or where husband and wife were without land. 932 Payment of the widows pension to Maori was similarly cut where there was no evidence that the recipient was living as a European. The total maximum allowance was reduced to the same rate as set for the old-age pension. 933 The Pensions Minister, Anderson, was initially unaware of the reductions that were being applied to Maori pensions upon their renewal. In May 1926, Whakatane resident J.M. Lawson wrote to several MPs, expressing the concerns of a number of Native old-age pensioners whose pensions had been reduced without explanation. It was pointed out that no reduction has been made in the case of European old-age pensioners. 934 Anderson sought an explanation from Fache, who again informed the Minister that pensions paid to Maori had been reduced in the absence of reliable information about the value of Maori land interests. However, prior to his becoming responsible for renewals, there was much inconsistency: we had the spectacle of Natives residing in the same Pah with no doubt identical ownerships drawing widely varying pensions. Upon taking control for renewals, the Commissioner decided to institute a system under which some uniformity... would prevail. 935 In adopting this position, the Commissioner stated that he agreed fully with those magistrates who had put it on record that pension payments to Maori should be reduced where the communal life in the Pah is lived. As others had argued before him, Fache believed that Maori living in their customary fashion could get by on less. Fache also drew attention to pension payments to Maori being used for purposes other than meeting the individual needs of the recipient. In respect of this, he spoke of: pensions being pooled by Natives to prosecute petitions, of pensions being handed over to Ratana, of young Natives obtaining and dissipating pensions in billiard saloons and hotels, mostly indicative of the fact that pensions are not always used for the personal support of the pensioner as the Act 931 Section 3(1), Pensions Amendment Act File note Re Maori O.A.P, 9 April 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 933 Minute, 26 April 1926, on file note Re Maori O.A.P, 9 April 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 934 J.M. Lawson to Hockley, 4 May 1925, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. Lawson sent similar letters to Apirana Ngata and Maui Pomare. 935 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 27 May 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 236

237 contemplates, but these are in no way answerable for the Departmental action. 936 On 1 June 1926, Anderson appended a note to the Commissioner s memo; your action approved. 937 The imposition of a standardised reduction in Maori pension rates had the Minister s endorsement. When explaining the pension reductions to the Minister, the Commissioner had noted that the number of Maori receiving the old-age pension had risen significantly. In making this observation, the Commissioner appears to have been suggesting that the increase in pension numbers compensated for the reduction in pension rates. He detailed that in 1902 more than 1,000 Maori had received the pension, but the number was then reduced to between 600 and 700. At the time of his writing, however, there were no less than 1,400 Native pensioners with very little movement in the Native population. 938 The Pensions Department s 1925 annual report details that, at 31 March 1925, 1,287 Maori were receiving the old-age pension, while a further 187 Maori were being paid the widows pension. 939 It is unclear how many of these individuals resided in the Te Raki inquiry district. From 1917, the annual reports of the Pensions Departments did not include details of the number of pensioners within individual pension districts. 940 As well as standardising the reduction of Maori pensions, it seems that the Commissioner of Pensions may have also used his powers at renewal to limit further increase in the number of Maori pensioners. Between 1 April 1921 and 31 March 1926, as shown in Figure 7, the number of old-age pensions awarded to Maori grew at an average annual rate of 11 per cent, compared with 2.5 per cent for Pakeha. But from 1926, when the new regime was introduced, the annual growth in Maori pension numbers plummeted to less than one per cent. In contrast, annual growth in the number of Pakeha pensions accelerated. The shift possibly resulted from Maori renewal applications being declined in greater numbers than before, though it is not possible to confirm this because from 1925 the Pensions Department did not publish separate figures for cancellations of pensions paid to Maori. 936 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 27 May 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 937 Anderson, 1 June 1926, minute on Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 27 May 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 938 Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pensions, 27 May 1926, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 939 AJHR, 1920, H-18, p See AJHR, 1917, H

238 Figure 7: Annual increase in number of old-age pension recipients, (year ending 31 March) 941 The introduction of a standardised reduction of pension rates paid to Maori drew criticism. In April 1927, Pomare raised the issue with the Native Minister, pointing out the obvious injustice in arbitrarily reducing all Maori pensions paid above a certain level after one year. 942 Later that year, Auckland accountant George Graham wrote to the Minister of Pensions regarding Maori access to pensions generally. He claimed that quite a number of Maori aged people, living in very poor circumstances were debarred from obtaining pensions because of their land holdings. This is in numerous cases a harsh provision, because, usually, such landed interests are of no beneficial value produce nothing - & being held communally cannot be disposed of. He also pointed to the extreme difficulty for Maori to prove they had no interests in land. 943 Graham was a Pakeha, though had married a Maori woman, Mary Hapi, with whom he had several children. In this professional life, Graham assisted Maori families with legal, health, and housing problems, usually 941 AJHR, , H Pomare to Minister of Native Affairs, 6 April 1927, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 943 George Graham to Minister of Pensions, 23 July 1927, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 238

239 without charge. He founded the Akarana [Auckland] Maori Association, which fostered Maori knowledge in Auckland between 1927 and In 1928, the Association expressed its concerns that the pensions of virtually all Maori, including those of the destitute Maori who is landless, were being reduced. 945 The following year it drew attention to the near impossibility of the Native Land Court certifying landlessness. 946 The Association also accused pension officials of bias by not scrutinising Pakeha pension applications as thoroughly as those from Maori. 947 The Akarana Maori Association s concerns did not prompt the Minister of Pensions and officials within the Pensions Department to reconsider the handling of Maori pensions. However, Native Minister Apirana Ngata was more responsive. After receiving representations from the Association and others in 1930, Ngata requested that a circular be sent to Land Court judges. It sought their views as to a way around the impasse whereby the Pensions Department would not accept anything other than a definitive declaration concerning land holdings. 948 In response to this circular, Judge Acheson observed that the matter of reductions of pensions was one of great importance to the Natives of the North Auckland district. He considered that the reductions were based largely on inconclusive evidence regarding the pensioners land interests. Acheson suggested, however, that the Native Department, using the knowledge of local officials, would quite easily be able to provide the information that the Pensions Department sought. 949 When reporting back to Ngata, the Under Secretary of Native Affairs did not draw attention to the approach that Acheson had suggested. The Under Secretary, perhaps reluctant to commit any departmental resources to pension work, advised the Minister that there seemed to be only two ways in 944 Edward Rahiri Graham and Jenifer Curnow, Graham, George Samuel, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 10 December Smyth to Native Minister, 26 May 1928, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. Smyth to Prime Minister, 22 June 1928, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 946 Graham on behalf of Akarana Maori Association to Minister of Pensions, 19 July 1929 and 31 July 1929, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington; Graham on behalf of Akarana Maori Association to Native Minister, 28 August 1929, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 947 Graham on behalf of Akarana Maori Association to Minister of Pensions, 13 August 1929, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 948 Ngata to Under Secretary, Native Department, 23 September 1930, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington; Under Secretary, Native Department, to all Registrars and Judges of the Native Land Court, 2 October 1930, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 949 Judge Acheson, to Under Secretary, Native Department, 6 November 1930, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 239

240 which the Department could assist. First, when providing details of pension applicants land interests, the Department could ensure that the pensioner s home was excluded, as the legislation allowed. Secondly, where multiply owned land was involved, greater effort could be made to ensure that land values represented only the applicant s interest. Overall, the Under Secretary seems to have wanted to play down any problems that existed: So far as the Commissioner of Pensions is concerned, I find that he is quite willing to accept a certificate of the Judge or of a Registrar, but it is not always possible to give an absolute certificate for reasons that are obvious to those who know the various names Natives take. From the correspondence, I judge that some of the Magistrates desire a comprehensive certificate. Further, the Commissioner is always ready and willing to adjust the property values and usually accepts our findings. 950 Complaints concerning Maori and payment of the old-age pension nevertheless continued. Speaking in parliament in November 1933, the Ratana MP for Southern Maori, Tirikatene, drew attention to the very unsatisfactory state of the law so far as pensions for the Native race are concerned. He told the House that, as a result of inaccurate valuation information, Maori were awarded lower pension rates. 951 The following year, in June 1934, the Akarana Maori Association again wrote to the Minister of Pensions, complaining that Maori were being paid at lower rates or eliminated from the pension rolls. 952 The Minister, at this time John Cobbe, was no more sympathetic than his predecessors. 953 In August 1935, Piripi Pou of Kaikohe also wrote to the Minister, drawing his attention to the plight of Maori pensioners who had interests in communally-owned land that produced no income and which could not be leased or sold. He was no more successful than those who had made earlier submissions along these lines. 954 Perhaps unsurprisingly, the Pensions Office noticed a trend of Maori adopting European names when applying for pensions. Officials speculated that this was a ruse to conceal their land holdings, but an equally plausible explanation is the Maori had learned that those with Maori names invariably 950 Under Secretary, Native Department, to Native Minister, 18 December 1930, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 951 NZPD, 1933, vol. 237, p Graham on behalf of Akarana Maori Association to Minister of Pensions, 6 June 1934, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 953 ; Minister of Pensions to Graham, 21 June 1934, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 954 Pou to Minister of Pensions, 6 August 1935, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington; Minister of Pensions to Pou, 19 August 1935, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 240

241 faced discrimination from Pensions Department bureaucrats. 955 In one case that was drawn to an official s attention, two sisters applied for the pension, one under a European and one under a Maori name. The former was granted a full pension while the latter was granted a pension at the Maori rate. 956 It is unclear whether the women involved in this case were Te Raki Maori. Though the Akarana Maori Association complained in 1934 of Maori being eliminated from pension rolls, the total number of Maori who received oldage pensions grew from 1930, as shown in Figure 7. In part, this reflected growth in the number of Maori who were eligible for the pension by age, which increased by 12.6 per cent between 1926 and The growth also reflected that a greater proportion of eligible Maori were granted the pension. By 1936, 49 per cent of Maori eligible by age were receiving the pension, compared with 41 per cent in This indicates that officials became more lenient in granting pensions to Maori, probably as a result of the greater need that existed in the depression years of the early 1930s. Pakeha pension numbers, as shown in Figure 7, grew at a significantly higher rate than Maori from This reflected demographic developments, which saw more Pakeha become eligible by age. Increased poverty also would have contributed to the growth. While Pakeha pension numbers grew at a higher rate than Maori, the proportion of eligible Pakeha who received the pension continued to be lower. Between 1926 and 1936, the proportion of eligible Pakeha who were in receipt of the old-age pension grew from 25 to 33 per cent. 959 The lower rates were due mainly to the 25 year residency requirement and disqualification under the income and asset means tests. 960 Storekeeper agents Another issue that arose during the 1920s concerned the practice of paying Maori pension monies to storekeepers. Ordinarily, pension instalments were paid at postal offices. However, continuing earlier legislative provisions, section 67 of the Pensions Act 1926 enabled the Commissioner to issue a warrant to enable pension monies to be paid to any clergyman, Justice, or 955 Registrar, Wanganui, to Commissioner of Pensions, 9 June 1932, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 956 Cited in Orange, A Kind of Equality, p Figures calculated from Maori population censuses of 1926 and Figures calculated from Maori population census of 1926 and 1936, and AJHR, H-18, 1926 and Whyte, Old-Age Pensions in New Zealand , p In 1921, for example, 26 per cent of Pakeha were foreign-born, and by 1935 many of this group may have reached pension age without having fulfilled the residency requirements. Some of the significant number of migrants who arrived during the 1920s may also have been caught out by this provision. NZOYB, 1923, p668; NZOYB, 1990, p

242 other reputable person... for the benefit of the pensioner. Such a warrant could be issued whenever the Commissioner was satisfied that it was expedient so to do, having regard to the age, infirmity, or improvidence of the pensioner, or any other special circumstances. Warrants could be issued in respect of Maori and Pakeha pensioners. The evidence presented here concerns the payment of Maori pensions to storekeepers in the Te Raki inquiry district. In August 1927, Bay of Islands MP Allen Bell stated in parliament that some Maori were sending some of their pension money to the Ratana Church. He asked the government whether it would consider the advisability of paying such Natives by orders on local storekeepers for goods and clothing, such storekeepers to be given a schedule of goods that may be supplied, thus ensuring that necessary articles only be purchased. 961 Prime Minister Coates appeared to accept that pension money was being sent to Ratana. He told parliament that arrangements are already in train when it is known to the Department that the pensions are not being used for the purpose for which they are granted namely, the maintenance of recipients to have the moneys paid to storekeepers for goods supplied. 962 The use of storekeepers as agents gave rise to complaints from Te Raki Maori. In 1929, for example, a letter on behalf of pensioners living in Herekino complained that the only way they could access their pension money was in the form of goods from the local storekeeper acting as an agent. It was claimed that, before agents were required, pensioners were free to choose cheaper options. 963 The Pensions Department was unsympathetic, alleging that the arrangement was in place because pensions in the past were not entirely expended in the manner contemplated by the law. 964 The issue was revived again in 1932, with pensioners claiming they could obtain goods cheaper by having them sent from Whangarei or Kaitaia, but no change was made. 965 In 1931, a district nurse based in Kawakawa wrote to the Commissioner of Pensions stating that storekeeper agents did nothing to improve Maori spending habits, and furthermore the store people can 961 NZPD, 1927, vol. 213, p NZPD, 1927, vol. 213, p Topia, Herekino, to Registrar of Pensions, Auckland, 6 March 1929, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions), , ANZ Wellington. 964 Commissioner of Pensions to Topia, 23 April 1929, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 965 Correspondence dated 26 April 1932, 6 May 1932, 24 May 1932, 2 June 1932, 8 June 1932, 30 August 1932, 5 September 1932, 15 September 1932, 18 September 1932, 19 September 1932, 24 September 1932, 27 September 1932, 21 October 1932, 7 November 1932, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 242

243 charge what they like and there is no-one to oversee the accounts. 966 She claimed that Maori were often without necessities as a result. 967 Labour s initial response to Maori concerns, During the 1935 election campaign, as detailed in chapter two, Labour leader Michael Joseph Savage promised that Maori and Pakeha would receive equal treatment, especially in policies that sought to promote equality of economic opportunity. Legislation and policy relating to the payment of pensions was clearly an area where inequality existed. Alongside major reforms in the areas of healthcare, education, and housing, Labour looked to significantly expand state welfare assistance. The Party s 1935 election manifesto promised that pensions would be payable to: (a) all who were unable to work through ill health, (b) all widows and their dependants until they reached working age, (c) all individuals who through war injury, accident, or disability were unable to work full time in their ordinary occupation, and (d) all persons over the age of 60 years. 968 The pension policies set out in Labour s manifesto made no mention of Maori, but they suggested that there would be equality for all within the system. In respect of its general policy programme, McClure states that Labour s focus was not merely to illuminate people s individual needs, but to turn needs into rights. 969 For Maori, obtaining full rights within the new welfare system would not be achieved automatically. In January 1936, following the Party s election success, Savage reiterated that the Labour Government would implement equality of status between Maori and Pakeha. Not long after this, in April 1936, as detailed in chapter two, Labour entered into an alliance with the Ratana movement, which had gained wide support from Maori in the Te Raki inquiry district and elsewhere. The issue of inequality in the payment of pensions to Maori was among the matters raised by Ratana MPs in parliament. As noted in the previous section, Tirikatene had pointed to deficiencies in pension legislation when speaking in November Soon after Labour s election success, the Akarana Maori association once more raised concerns about discrimination against Maori pensioners. 970 This 966 Nurse Hall to Commissioner of Pensions, 5 August 1927, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 967 Nurse Hall to Commissioner of Pensions, 5 August 1927, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 968 McClure, A Civilised Community, p McClure, A Civilised Community, p Graham on behalf of Akarana Maori Association to Minister of Pensions, 14 February 1936 [correct date is actually 14 January 1936], ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 243

244 time the Association received some encouragement from the new Minister, William Parry, who wrote in January 1936 that he expected some relief as a result of a review of pensions then underway. 971 The review in question resulted in the passing of the Pensions Amendment Act 1936 in September In April 1936, before the proposed legislation was introduced to the House, Tirikatene asked Pensions Minister Parry if he would take immediate steps to grant Maori pensioners the right to cancel payments that were being made through agents and storekeepers. If this was done, Maori pensioners would retain the enjoyment and privilege of receiving their allowances personally and in cash. In response, the Minister stated that, except in cases where improvidence justified continued use of an agent, instructions had been issued to the deputy registrars to arrange direct payment to the pensioner when this was desired. This policy, he stated, was applied to European and Maori pensioners. 973 In spite of Parry s assurance, Te Raki Maori continued to complain about the ongoing use of agents. In June 1937, W. Mokaraka wrote from Kaikohe to the Commissioner of Pensions, alleging that in the Bay of Islands and Kaikohe districts some agents were withholding 5s 8d from monthly pension payments. He requested that agents be asked to refrain from this practice or else pensioners be allowed to draw their allowance at the post office. 974 In response, the Commissioner advised that, in appointing agents to act for Maori pensioners, the Department was acting in the interests of the pensioners themselves with the object of ensuring that the money is properly used for the maintenance of the persons who are entitled to benefit. 975 The Pensions Amendment Act 1936, described as a stop-gap measure, was introduced while more comprehensive reform was developed. 976 The Amendment Act nevertheless included a number of important modifications to the existing pension system. It extended the range of pensions to provide assistance to two new classes: invalids and deserted wives. 977 It also raised pension levels slightly and made criteria less restrictive. The residency requirement for the old-age pension was lowered from 25 to 20 years, and 971 Minister of Pensions to Graham, 31 January 1936, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 972 Section 1, Pensions Amendment Act NZPD, 1936, vol. 24, p Mokaraka to Commissioner of Pensions, 12 June 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 975 Commissioner of Pensions to Mokaraka, 17 June 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 976 McClure, A Civilised Community, p Section 8 and 17, Pensions Amendment Act

245 the thresholds for income and asset tests were raised, enabling more people to qualify for a pension or receive a more generous one. Asians and Lebanese citizens were able to receive pensions for the first time. 978 Of particular relevance to Maori was the fact that interests in land were no longer to be taken into account when assessing the capital value of property with respect to the assets part of the means test. 979 The policy basis for this change, which applied to all applicants, is unclear. The available file evidence did not indicate whether it was aimed particularly at Maori. 980 Figure 7 shows that there was a sudden 22 per cent leap in the number of Maori who received an old-age pension between 1 April 1936 and 31 March The change to the asset testing regime provides a likely explanation. Other changes contributed to a similarly large increase in the number of non-maori pensions. Following the 1936 reforms, Minister Parry was under the impression that discrimination against Maori in relation to pensions had come to an end. He was therefore surprised by a meeting he had with Aperahama Te Awe Te Kiri from the Maori branch of the Labour Party in December Te Kiri claimed he could cite numerous cases of landless Maori who did not receive the full pension. Parry told Te Kiri that this was not in accordance with the policy of the Government which gave equal treatment to Maori and pakeha... in the matter of pensions. The Minister outlined the meeting in a memo to the Commissioner of Pensions, perhaps seeking assurance that there had been a misunderstanding. 981 A response to this memo has not been located. Although the 1936 Amendment Act enabled many more Maori to receive pensions, they were still being abated as a matter of course. While the Act stopped land interests from being taken into consideration in respect of the assests part of the means test, such interests were still to be considered when assessing income. Officials decided that, unless they could prove otherwise, all Maori should be viewed as receiving income from land holdings. Underlying this position were long-standing views regarding the needs of Maori and percieved problems associated with communal living. In a report prepared for the Minister of Pensions in August 1937, for example, the Commissioner of Pensions, H. Digby Smith, emphasised that the following factors must be kept in view when considering the question of pensions to Maori: 978 Section 34, Pensions Amendment Act Section 4(1), Pensions Amendment Act Research did not locate a Pensions Department file concerning the introduction of the 1936 Amendment Act. 981 Parry to Commissioner of Pensions, 10 December 1936, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 2, ANZ Wellington. 245

246 (1) The Maori undoubtedly has a lower living standard than the European and his needs are fewer; (2) In some areas natives are still living in communal style, and there can be no guarantee that the pensioner alone benefits from his pension; (3) The fact of a Maori having an income from Government sources is known to lead not infrequently to needy or lazy relatives making their home with him, whether he is living in a Maori community or not. 982 In February 1937, representatives of the Maori Returned Soldiers Association, the Maori Labour Representation Committee, and the Akarana Maori Association met with the Commissioner of Pensions, raising concerns about the ongoing reduction of pensions and other aspects of the pension system. 983 In a letter written to the Association on 2 March 1937, Minister Parry responded formally to the matters raised at the meeting. He explained that it was up to Maori pensioners to demonstrate, through a certificate from the Native Land Court, they had little or no interests in native lands if they wished to receive the full rate of pension. 984 Parry gave similar responses to the Secretary of the Puatahi Branch of the Labour Party (near Wellsford) and to a correspondent from Naumai near Dargaville. 985 In his August 1937 report to the Minister, the Commissioner of Pensions provided details of the extent to which Maori pensions were being reduced. The Commissioner detailed that, in May 1937, out of 2,380 old-age pensions being paid to Maori, 2,213 (or 93 per cent) were paid at a reduced rate. In respect of 474 widows pensions, 429 (or 91 percet) were at rates below the ordinary maximum. 986 In the Auckland Welfare District, which primarily comprised the North Auckland area, 701 out of 762 old-age pensions (or 92 per cent) were paid at a reduced rate of at least 13 per year below the maximum, which at this time was 58 10s per annum. 987 In contrast, it is evident that very few Pakeha old-age pensions were being abated at this time. For the year ending 31 March 1937, the average old-age 982 Digby Smith, Commissioner of Pensions, to Minister of Pensions, 18 August 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 983 Parry to Graham, Akarana Maori Association, 2 March 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 984 Parry to Graham, Akarana Maori Association, 2 March 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 985 Parry to Waaka, Puatahi Branch, New Zealand Labour Party, 14 January 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington; Parry to Te Paa, 20 October 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 986 Digby Smith, Commissioner of Pensions, to Minister of Pensions, 18 August 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 987 Return of Maori in receipt of Old-age Pensions as at 31 May 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. Section 3(1), Pensions Amendment Act

247 pension payment was 56 13s 7d, only slightly less than the maximum. 988 This indicates that Pakeha were not having their pensions reduced, even with respect to the standard abatements for income and assets. The fact that overall pension values increased significantly under Labour would have helped disguise the fact that Maori were being discriminated against, as pension rates were regularly increased. 989 The Commissioner s August 1937 report to the Minister raised concerns about the statutory basis for the reduction of Maori pensions. In fact, the Commissioner contended that in a great proportion of cases there is no legal authority for continuing to pay reduced pensions. This view was based on the understanding that Maori land could be means tested only under the provisions that related specifically to Maori customary land. (Originally set out in section 66 of the Old-age Pensions Act 1898, these were continued in section 92 of the Pensions Act 1926.) As little customary land remained, the Commissioner believed that there was no grounds for means testing of Maori land. However, this view seems to be unfounded, because other Maori land, held under Crown-derived title, was presumably subject to the general means testing provisions set out in Part I of the 1926 Act. In light of his concerns, the Commissioner proposed a new policy of applying a standard scale of reduced rates for Maori pensions. This policy, he suggested, could be implemented using the discretionary powers available to the Commissioner when annual pension reviews were undertaken. 990 Continuing payment reductions to Maori, A key statute in the development of state welfare assistance in New Zealand, the Social Security Act 1938 enlarged the existing pension system and provided for universal health care and superannuation. Passed one month before Labour s re-election in October 1938, the Act repealed existing pension law and, as noted earlier, replaced the word pension with benefit. However, existing entitlements continued with some modification, alongside new measures. Among the changes, means-tested age benefits became available to individuals from age From age 65, a non-means-tested superannuation benefit was paid. 992 Except for this and the small number of miners and Maori War benefits, all benefits were subject to means testing under the 1938 Act. However, existing benefits were liberalised and asset 988 AJHR, , H-18, p Whyte shows the significant increase in the real value of the pension under the first Labour government, Whyte, Old-Age Pensions in New Zealand , p Digby Smith, Commissioner of Pensions, to Minister of Pensions, 18 August 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington. 991 Section 16, Social Security Act Section 11, Social Security Act

248 and income levels were raised. Assistance was also extended to groups that had not been included in the pension system, including widows without children and those temporarily affected by accident or sickness. 993 The existing system of sustenance payments for fit men and women willing to work became unemployment benefits, and the rates were raised. 994 Significant administrative change was also introduced. A new Social Security Department was established to administer the system of welfare and health assistance set out in the Act. 995 The Department was headed by a Social Security Commission that was to be comprised of no more than three Commissioners the Department s principal officers. 996 The 1938 Act removed all separate references to Maori. Significantly, the provisions that enabled customary land interests to be taken into consideration for means testing were omitted. (As detailed above, in August 1937 the Commissioner of Pensions had expressed doubt about whether these provisions set out in section 92 of the Pensions Act 1926 could continue to be applied given that little customary land remained.) While separate references to Maori had been removed, the Act continued to enable officials to reduce rates of assistance where this was believed to be appropriate. Applying to all but the superannuation benefit, section 72(2) provided that reductions could be imposed in cases where the Social Security Commission, having regard to any special circumstances or conditions, believed that payment of the maximum benefit was not necessary. Maori appear to have had very little input into the development of the legislation, which took took place over more than two years and involved a series of planning committees. 997 According to McClure, the planners of social security did not take Maori concerns into consideration. 998 A final planning committee, the Select Committee on National Health and Superannuation, considered the proposals and invited public submissions from individuals and organisations. 999 Though it does not list those who made submissions, the committee s report, released in April 1938, suggests that Maori did not participate in this consultation. The report makes no mention of Maori or the issue of reduced payments to Maori As with the 993 Sections 25, 26, and 45, Social Security Act Section 51, Social Security Act Section 3, Social Security Act Section 4, Social Security Act McClure, A Civilised Community, p McClure, A Civilised Community, p McClure, A Civilised Community, p AJHR, 1938, I

249 earlier committees, the select committee s main focus was on setting up a universal health and superannuation scheme. Outside of the committee planning process, Maori in the late 1930s as detailed above directed their demands to the Pensions Department. The Native Affairs Department also pressured the Pension Department in connection with its administration of the Native Housing Act 1935, which provided lending finance to Maori for housing. The Native Affairs Department believed that, when occuppying new housing, Maori were living like Europeans and should therefore qualify for the full pension, which they required to repay their housing loans In the face of such pressure, the Commissioner of Pensions advised the Minister of Pensions in September 1937 that the only statutory change required to increase all Maori pensions to full rates was the repeal of section 92 of the Pensions Act 1926, which provided for means testing of Maori customary land interests. He also advised that the cost of increasing existing Maori old-age pensions to the full rate would be approximately 30,000 per annum, while the cost for the widows pension would be 2, Though these sums were insignificant in comparison with the proposed superannuation, Treasury expressed concern about the cost in a memo prepared for the Minister of Finance. Reiterating an argument expressed by other officials over the years, the Assistant Secretary to the Treasury argued that Maori needs did not justify payment at the maximum rate: in this matter questions of equity should be decided having regard to the circumstances, the needs and the outlook on life of the individuals concerned... the living standard of the Maori is lower and after all the object of these pensions is to maintain standards rather than to raise them When the 1938 Act was passed, it would seem that the government had yet to finalise its position in respect of how the benefit system would be applied to Maori. File evidence concering the drafting of the Bill has not been located It is therefore unclear whether, at this stage, any consideration was given to Maori concerns. Though the Act did not include any provisions that related specifically to Maori, it fell short of explicitly providing that 1001 McClure, A Civilised Community, p Commissioner of Pensions to Minister of Pension, 15 September 1937, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 3, ANZ Wellington Assistant Secretary to the Treasury to Minister of Finance, 20 September 1937, ACIH W2490 MAW /23 part 1, Pensions Certificates Increases in Native Pensions, , ANZ Wellington Relevant files have been searched, including, for example, ADBO W2756 SS7W /1/1 part 1, Legislation Social Security Act 1938, , ANZ Wellington. 249

250 Maori should be afforded equal treatment. As noted above, section 72(2) continued to provide officials with discretionary power to reduce payments. Unsurprisingly, in the first years of administering social security, without clear direction from government, Social Security Department officers would maintain the earlier pattern of paying Maori benefits at a lower rate. Before the passing ot the Act, however, the absence of provisions concerning Maori had suggested to some that discrimination within the welfare system had finally come to end. During debate on the Bill, Southern Maori member Tirikatene expressed satisfaction that Maori were to be given the right... to receive equal payment with the pakeha for services rendered The Under Secretary of the Native Deparment was also sure that the 1938 Act would end the practice of reducing payments to Maori. He believed it was definite that Maoris are to be accorded equal treatment to Europeans under the new Act Evidence of reductions of benefits paid to Maori under the 1938 Act mostly relates to the numerically dominant age benefit, though there were also some concerns about payment of the widows benefit. As noted above, the 1938 Act lowered the pension age to 60, resulting in a very significant increase in the numbers qualifying. In the year ending 31 March 1938, just under 60,000 people received an age benefit By 1941, numbers had climbed by 63 per cent to 97, Over the same period the number of Maori in receipt of the age benefit increased by just 26 per cent, from 2774 to Part of the explanation may be that a relatively small proportion of the Maori population was aged over 60. New levels of payment provided in the 1938 Act applied from 1 April After the increase, several correspondents (from places outside the inquiry district) pointed out to the Minister that many Maori were still not being paid the same benefits as Pakeha Acting Minister of Social Security Rex Mason responded that: The whole question of granting the full benefit to 1005 NZPD, 1938, vol. 252, p Under Secretary, Native Affairs, to Harvey, 1 September 1938, ACIH W2490 MAW /23 part 1, ANZ Wellington AJHR, 1938, H-18, p AJHR, 1941, H-9, p AJHR, 1938, H-18, p3. No figures on the number of Maori receiving pensions were published after 1939, but the 1941 figure is given in Acting Commissioner to Minister of Social Security, 15 July 1941, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 4, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions) , ANZ Wellington See, for example, N.H. Papakura, Moturoa Maori Labour Branch, to Minister of Social Security, 31 May 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, Social Security Act Maoris Rates of Benefits, , ANZ Wellington. 250

251 Maori applicants is one that is under consideration by the Government Minister Parry, however, was less forthcoming. He pointed out to two correspondents that all pensions were increased on 1 April 1939 by a month, and no distinction was made between Maoris and Europeans This was a disingenous response, as giving the same increase to all did nothing to close the already existing gap in benefit rates. In July 1939, Northern Maori MP Paraire Paikea outlined his satisfaction at the improved situation under Labour, especially the increased number of Maori receiving benefits: I have observed the prosperous conditions now being enjoyed by my people in the North. Prior to the advent of Labour there were statutory bars to the payment of the old-age pension to Maoris who had land interests but were entirely without income. The Labour Government removed those bars, and today many of the old Maori people are happier than they have even been before While things had certainly improved since 1936, not all of Paikea s constituents were happy. That same month, the Registrar with the Department of Social Security in Whangarei outlined, in a memo to head office, his problems in explaining apparent age benefit anomolies to Maori in the district. I have had considerable difficulty in the district of Kaeo and Matauri Bay, where quite a number of Maoris with almost similar interests in Native land are receiving different rates of benefit, some at 78 and some at 65, and this is causing unrest and dissatisfaction among the latter class The response from the Director of the Monetary Benefits Division at head office was informative. The position with regard to [the payment of benefits to Maoris] has not been materially altered by the operation of the Social Security Act : I would point out that under section 72(2) the Commission may reduce the rate of benefit if it is of the opinion that the payment of the maximum benefit is not necessary for the maintenance of the beneficiary and it is under this 1011 Mason to Dunn, Raglan Labour Regional Council, 2 June 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Parry to Papakura, 16 June 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington. Parry to Hutchenson, New Zealand Society for the Protection of Women and Children, 14 August 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington NZPD, 1939, vol. 254, p Registrar, Whangarei, to Director, Monetary Benefits Division, Social Security Department, 20 July 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington. 251

252 section that the Commission is making reduced grants to Native applicants The Parliamentary debates on the Social Security Bill reveal no hint that section 72(2) was going to be used to jusify decreasing Maori pensions. In fact the issue does not appear to have been raised until April 1939, when the Chairman of the new Social Security Commission requested policy guidance from the Minister. The Chairman noted that Maori pensions had been reduced in the past, and asked the Minister whether section 72(2) might be used to continue to justify reduced payments where Maoris are living in a pa, or Maoris and Asiatics are living under such conditions that the cost of maintenance is not so heavy as if they were living in a European fashion. Minister Parry s reply was indecisive: This question has still to be settled and on a new basis. The old pensions procedure of making an arbitrary reduction in pension unless the Commissioner received a certificate indicating the applicant s interest in Native land was never very sound and has been dropped in the Social Security Act. It may be wise to have a general instruction to Registrars that benefits in these cases should be reduced by a definite per centage, say 15 per cent, in every case where conditions referred to in the query apply, but that all cases should be referred to Head office so that sufficient material may be built up on which to base a future general rule In June 1939, the Social Security Commission provided a report to Acting Minister Rex Mason that included an estimated cost of placing Maoris on exactly the same plane as Europeans with respect to age and widows benefits. The figure was a substantial one: 55,000 per annum By way of comparison, the total cost of the family benefit scheme during the financial year was 84,436 for the entire country The previous month a Labour Party official had pointed out to Minister Parry that none of the forms or booklets relating to the Social Security Act were translated into Maori. Acting Minister Rex Mason gave an assurance that 1015 Director, Monetary Benefits Division, Social Security Department to Registrar, Whangarei, 26 July 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Correspondence between Chairman, Social Security Commission, and Minister of Social Security, April 1939, quoted in report of Chairman, Social Security Commission to Acting Minister of Social Security, 16 June 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Chairman, Social Security Commission, to Acting Minister of Social Security, 16 June 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington AJHR, 1939, H-18, p1. 252

253 this was being done, and bookets in both English and Maori were distributed in Maori communities nation-wide in September The booklet stated that Maoris as well as Europeans are entitled to the benefits provided under the Act. It outlined the main provisions relating to age and widows benefits, with no hint that the benefits to Maori might be abated for reasons of lifestyle The policy of routinely reducing Maori benefits under a little-known provision in the Act was not mentioned. In releasing the booklet, Parry told the press that it would save a good deal of misunderstanding and confusion Events did not bear this out. In November the Social Security Department s Registrar in Whangarei wrote a further memo to head office. He pointed out that the department s booklet was being widely circulated, arousing further concerns about varying levels of pensions being paid in the same district and amongst members of the same community... especially where [the] standard of living is similar. As a result he received regular requests for increased pensions. The Registrar said he investigated such applications using the criteria outlined by the Department, namely whether the applicant was living in a Maori or a European style: It is found in this District that while many natives are accommodated in good houses, the Maori style of living is little changed. The usual custom of relatives living on the Benefit is still present and unless there is good reason to believe that the Native is living, and is accustomed, to the European standard there does not appear to be any good cause why your decision under Section 72(2) should be altered Prime Minister Michael Savage (who was also Native Minister) received submissions claiming that his government had given the impression that Maoris and Europeans were to be paid equal pensions. Savage asked Native Department staff to follow up the issue at a departmental level. On 29 September 1939, O.N. Campbell, the Under Secretary of Native Affairs, sent a memo to the Director of Social Security asking him to explain the policy. Campbell s memo outlined his department s understanding that if Maori lived under papakainga conditions their benefit would be abated. It asked 1019 R.J. Dunn, Raglan Labour Regional Council, to Minister of Pensions, 6 May 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington; Mason to Dunn, 2 June 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington; Under Secretary, Native Department, to Commissioner, Social Security Department, 6 September 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Social Security Department, Moni Oranga Ma Nga Maori/Monetary Benefits to Maoris, 1939, p1, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Evening Post, 5 September 1939, p Registrar, Whangarei, to Director, Monetary Benefits Division, Social Security Department, 2 November 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington. 253

254 the Social Security Department to clarify just what it meant by the standard of European living and to outline the conditions that must be complied with in order that a Native may secure the full rate age benefit In response, the Director of Social Security wrote that the whole question of the assessment of benefits for Maoris and the operation of section 72(2) in connection therewith was placed before the Government some time ago but no decision has yet been given on this subject This seems an evasive response given that the Social Security Department was already reducing Maori pensions using section 72(2) as a pretext. In September 1939, Acting Native Affairs Minister Frank Langstone received an angry letter from Judge Harvey of the Waiariki District Native Land Court. Over the previous two years, Harvey had run a personal campaign against the way pension policy was applied to Maori In this case, he was making submissions on behalf of an individual on the widows benefit, but he also made an impassioned attack on the government s current and past approach to Maori pensions. He reiterated the fallacy behind the pre-1939 justification for reducing Maori pensions, and said his discussions with current and former magistrates had led him to believe that the real reason for the reductions was the more frugal Maori standard of living. Judge Harvey then turned his attention to the current policy of using section 72(2) of the 1938 Act to justify pension reductions. He accused the Commission of scaling Maori pensions down by rule of thumb when the Act provides that the reduction can only be made by reference to actual special circumstances or conditions. He rhetorically asked what special circumstances had prompted the Commission to reduce the pension of the widow he was writing on behalf of, and outlined the numerous disabilities she laboured under, including raising four children and coping with the high cost of living in the district. Harvey quoted the opening line from the Social Security pamphlet, which assured Maori that they, like Europeans, were entitled to benefits under the Act. This is no doubt the intention but it is not the practice as the Maoris very well know. The practice generally is the reverse of the provisions of the Act. The Act says that all people are entitled to a benefit as of right except that the Commission having regard to any special circumstances may reduce the 1023 Under Secretary, Native Department, to Director, Social Security Department, 29 September 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Director, Social Security Department, to Under Secretary, Native Department, 9 October 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington. The Director was, it seems, referring here to the request for policy advice that the Chairman of the Social Security Commission had made in April McClure, A Civilised Community, p

255 benefit. The practice is that the Commission reduces the benefit as a matter of course and will only increase it under special circumstances. [Emphasis in original.] 1026 In response, Langstone confirmed the true basis of pension policy. For years the Pensions (now the Social Security) Department held that in many cases Maori lived rent free and had their own cultivations and consequently in view of these circumstances were better off than Pakeha beneficiaries On a conciliatory note, Langstone wrote that all the factors as to cost of living, state of health of applicant and members of the family should be considered in all cases in an effort to arrive at a just appraisal of the benefits that should be afforded. Langstone forwarded Judge Harvey s letter to Social Security Minister Parry, who also responded. Parry pointed out, for the first time, that the Commission had not had time to review age benefits individually, and promised that the opportunity will be taken to investigate each particular case as it comes up for renewal. On the other hand he supported the Commission s policy on the basis that most Maoris live in a Pa in communal fashion and have not the living expenses to meet as compared with Europeans A gradual change in policy, In 1940, the government finally turned its attention to the matter of Maori pension policy. In early August, Paikea (Northern Maori) met with Tirikatene, Parry, and Finance Minister Walter Nash. A memo from Nash to Parry, outlining the points agreed at the meeting, was widely circulated to senior officials. Ministers agreed that the principle to determining the granting of all benefits, should be the complete equality between Maori and Pakeha to receive the benefits, after the usual enquiries [provided for under the Act]. This said nothing about the rate of benefit, which was dealt with in an explanatory note. This procedure would result in the payment of full benefits to all Maoris who qualify and who are living under European conditions. The memo also stated that The benefits paid under the Act are 1026 Judge Harvey to Langstone, Acting Native Minister, 3 October 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Langstone to Judge Harvey, 9 October 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Parry to Judge Harvey, 7 November 1939, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington. 255

256 to be applied for the provision or satisfaction of the personal requirements of the applicants, or for their dependents for whom the Act provides Despite having been involved in the August 1940 meeting, Tirikatene was clearly unhappy with the outcome and made further representations to the Minister of Social Security. In response, Parry outlined the provisions of the Act allowing the Social Security Commission to reduce benefits if it considered the full amount was not required. Having regard to the fact that some Maoris live in a pa in communal fashion and have not the living expenses to meet as compared with Europeans, the Commission has exercised its authority under this section to make reduced grants in some circumstances. This policy when the circumstances would be identical would be equally applied to pakehas and in this sense no discrimination is made against the Maori except that the communal system of living is not customary with Europeans Parry provided a similar response to representations from the Akarana Maori Association Yet it soon became apparent that Maori and Pakeha could be paid different rates even when living in almost identical circumstances. In December 1940, the acting Minister of Social Security received a deputation complaining about the reduced pensions paid to those living in Ratana pa. Kanapu Harehauka told the Minister that the Maori people were indignant that Europeans residing in the Pa received the full benefit whilst the Maori was paid a reduced pension Acting Health Minister Hubert Armstrong visited Ratana pa with Tirikatene and, as a result, Maori residents of Ratana pa eventually received benefit increases The Department of Social Security was gradually reviewing Maori benefits on a case by case basis, but the intervention of politicians could speed up the process. After the August 1940 meeting, Parry, Paikea, Bay of Islands MP Charles Boswell, and J.H. Boyes, the Commissioner for Social Security, visited the North Auckland district to investigate the living conditions of Maori recipients of Social Security benefits. The party visited several Maori 1029 Nash to Parry [emphasis in original], 5 August 1940, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Minister of Social Security to Tirikatene, 19 November 1940, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Minister of Social Security to Graham, Akarana Maori Association, 4 October 1940, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Notes of delegation to acting Minister of Social Security on 5 December 1940, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 4, ANZ Wellington Armstrong, to Minister of Social Security, 11 November 1940, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington; Parry to Nash, 15 January 1941, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington; McClure, A Civilised Community, pp

257 settlements where they spoke to beneficiaries. On his return to Wellington the Commissioner of Social Security reviewed the benefits and the rates were satisfactorily adjusted In November 1940, Cabinet Minister Rex Mason accompanied Paikea on another Northland trip, where they fielded complaints about the different pension rates paid to Maori and Pakeha In December 1942 there was a change in policy. The Commissioner of Social Security issued a circular instructing that the full benefit was to be paid unless the Registrar indicated clearly his reasons for a recommendation at a reduced rate. However, the criteria for reducing benefits were otherwise unchanged, and within a year the Commissioner was admonishing registrars for ignoring the new policy in many cases In March 1943, Apirana Ngata expressed his frustration in parliament at the lack of fundamental policy reform: For years we have heard about equality of the pakeha and the Maori. It is nice to listen to that sort of thing, but side by side with that declaration we want, in this century, not only equality in the eyes of the law, but equality of opportunity. Unless there is equality of opportunity, there is no scope to carry out the policy of equality between the two races. The Minister in charge of pensions has not yet fixed the policy relating to pensions for Maoris. I refer particularly to age benefits when I say that the principle on which the Department acts is that the Maori should be on a lower pension rate until he can prove that he is entitled to the higher. PARRY: We have cleaned up dozens of those cases. NGATA: Yes, they have been cleaned up in detail, but the honourable gentleman has not announced that the proper approach is to put all Maoris on the same footing as the pakeha for pensions Ngata s position received support later in 1943 from Tapihana Paikea, who inherited the Northern Maori seat at that year s general election after his father died in office. Paikea wrote to Parry saying he had received many complaints from Maori in the north about the level of pension payments Parry to Nash, 15 January 1941, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Mason to Minister for Social Security, 3 December 1940, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington Circular 163, 4 December 1942, summarised in draft circular approved by Commissioner on 22 October 1943, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 4, ANZ Wellington NZPD, 1943, vol. 262, p Tapihana Paikea to Minister of Pensions, 23 November 1943, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 5, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions), , ANZ Wellington. 257

258 In response, Parry drew attention to a new procedure that he felt would reduce the number of complaints In December 1943, the Commissioner of Social Security issued a fresh circular which further reformed the policy. Whether or not the applicant was living in a European fashion was no longer to be a consideration. Instead, the only test was to be whether the beneficiary had any impecunious natives living on him. The Director outlined his rationale in a note to the Commissioner of Social Security: To obtain a special report in every case much time and labour would be involved. In fact it would severely tax the capacity of the staff in districts such as Whangarei and Rotorua. The saving in benefits would not justify the extra work involved. I suggest that Registrars now be instructed to recommend full grant in all cases unless there is evidence that the applicant or beneficiary has impecunious natives sponging on him or for any other special reason The Director claimed that the new policy brings Maori cases almost into line with Pakeha cases The circular distributed in December 1943 instructed that: Registrars are not to obtain reports on living conditions unless there is evidence to indicate there are others in the home with the beneficiary who would gain the advantage of any additional benefit paid, or unless it is known that the beneficiary resides in a district where the natives normally live communally There was residual discrimination in the policy, but it was significant that in future Maori were to be granted the full benefit rate as a matter of course, and inquiries that might reduce payments would only be undertaken in selected circumstances. File evidence indicates that from this time the issue of Maori being paid unequal benefits faded away The Maori MPs do not appear to have raised the matter again, suggesting that in the large majority of cases Maori were receiving the maximum benefit rate, in spite of the policy that continued to provide for reductions in certain cases. Section 72(2) of the 1039 Parry to Paikea, 6 December 1943, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 5, ANZ Wellington Director to Commissioner of Social Security, 26 October 1943, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 4, ANZ Wellington Digby Smith to Registrar, Rotorua, 15 December 1943, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 4, ANZ Wellington Draft of Circular approved 1 December 1943, in ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 4, ANZ Wellington See, for example, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/2, ANZ Wellington. 258

259 Social Security Act, which had provided the pretext for reducing Maori benefits after 1938, was never removed from that Act. However, the provision was not included in the Social Security Act 1964, which repealed the 1938 Act. Around the time that Maori began receiving full benefit rates, the government and officials became increasingly focused on a growing debate about how welfare payments were allegedly having a negative impact upon Maori and being misused. This debate, which heightened after the introduction of the universal family benefit in 1945, eventually eased during the golden years of full employment that prevailed in the 1950s Within this context, the policy of appointing Pakeha storekeepers as agents continued for some years, though the extent to which this was the case in the Te Raki inquiry district is unclear Conclusion This chapter has examined issues concerning the ability of Te Raki Maori to access state pensions and welfare benefits. It has focused on the payment of income support to the aged, which commenced with the introduction of the old-age pension in While Maori faced discrimination in the payment of other forms of welfare assistance, inequality of treatment associated with welfare support payments to the aged took place over the longest period and given that the old-age pension and later age benefit was broadly targeted affected more Maori than discrimination involving other forms of assistance. Reflecting this, evidence of Te Raki Maori protest and expressions of concern regarding the pension and benefit system mostly concerns the payment of assistance to the aged. By 1910, when the period covered by this report begins, Maori and Pakeha commonly faced different treatment within the pension system and did not have equal status. However, there was some local variation in the extent to which this was the case, illustrating that district officials and magistrates were able to exercise discretion when handling pension claims and annual renewals. But the government and head office officials generally sought to restrict pension payments to Maori and encouraged local officials and magistrates to adopt this approach. In the Te Raki inquiry district, their 1044 The family benefit was initially called the family allowance, which had been introduced in 1926 and was restricted to low-income families with three or more children. Legislative amendments introduced between 1940 and 1945 made the family benefit more generous. In 1945, provision of the universal family benefit significant in that it was paid to mothers saw means testing removed and the benefit made payable at a weekly rate of 10 shillings per child under 16 years. McClure, A Civilised Community, pp38-42, McClure, A Badge of Poverty or a Symbol of Citizenship?, p McClure, A Badge of Poverty or a Symbol of Citizenship?, p

260 success is illustrated most clearly in the significant decline in the number of Maori who received the old-age pension between 1901 and Though magistrates in some districts began to reduce the pension rates paid to Maori from 1904, no evidence has been located to suggest that this was happening in the Te Raki inquiry district at the beginning of the period covered by this report. Justifying the different treatment of Maori, pension officials believed that Maori who lived in traditional communities did not have the same needs as Pakeha. Elderly Maori would receive sufficient support from those around them, even though Maori settlements were typically characterised by poor living standards. Indeed, the poverty evident in Maori communities seems to have been viewed as a sign of lower Maori expectations (rather than greater need), providing further justification for the restrictive policy towards Maori. Another reason put forward was a concern that the pension, an individual entitlement, would be accessed by younger members of the community and used for inappropriate purposes. Overall, there was an implicitly assimilationist agenda: Maori would only receive full entitlements after adopting a Pakeha way of life. The grounds for justifying different treatment of Maori did not change, with the rationale first put forward around the turn of the twentieth century continuing to be expressed through to the 1940s. It is evident that following the passage of the 1898 Act the government did not consult with Te Raki over issues concerning payment of the old-age pension, and that this lack of consultation continued after Significantly, there is no evidence that Te Raki Maori were consulted before the practice of reducing old-age pensions began in the inquiry district. It is unclear exactly when this started, but it is evident that by 1922 some Te Raki Maori were being affected by pension reductions. This practice became standardised from 1926, when the Commissioner of Pensions assumed responsibility for pension renewals. Again, there is no evidence that Te Raki Maori were consulted. For Te Raki Maori, the absence of engagement over the old-age pension system in the 1920s would have further illustrated that their contribution during the First World War had not resulted in a significantly closer relationship with the Crown. Responding to the practice of reducing old-age pensions, Te Raki Maori directed their concerns to the government. In July 1924, Henare questioned the Minister of Pensions about the reductions. The following month, in August 1924, Pomare, the MP for Western Maori, also made representations on the matter. In response, the Minister simply explained the statutory basis for the reductions. He expressed no willingness to review the policy or address the obstacles that made it difficult to obtain sufficiently clear 260

261 evidence of Maori claimants land interests. The lack of such evidence, which was required in connection with the means-testing provisions of the legislation, provided the pretext for reducing Maori pensions. Protest continued after the reductions became standardised. Between 1927 and 1934, George Graham and the Akarana Maori Association raised the issue several times, and in August 1935 Piripi Pou of Kaikohe similarly drew the Minister s attention to the matter. In November 1933, the first Ratana MP, Tirikatene, also called for reform. Again, these representations did not result in any reconsideration of policy. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, Te Raki Maori also lobbied about the practice of paying pensions to storekeeper agents, but were once more unsuccessful in securing any change. Te Raki Maori and their representatives continued to call for reform after Labour entered office at the end of In early 1936, the Akarana Maori Association drew the new government s attention to discrimination within the pension system, and in parliament Tirikatene called for an end to the practice of paying Maori through agents. Discrimination against Maori within the pension system was an issue of direct relevance to Savage s promise of equality of treatment, made around the time of the 1935 election and before Labour and Ratana entered into their formal alliance in April But steps to address inequality within the pension system were slow, demonstrating that Labour s Pakeha leadership was not strongly focused on issues of concern to Maori, in spite of Savage s assurances and the alliance with Ratana. While the stop-gap Pensions Amendment Act 1936 introduced change that saw more Maori obtain the old-age pension, it did not repeal or modify the provisions that enabled Maori pensions to be reduced. Following the passage of the Amendment Act, pension administrators continued to pay Maori pensions at a lower rate. And in spite of the concerns that Maori had expressed about the pension system, the views of Maori do not appear to have been sought during the development of Labour s key piece of welfare legislation the Social Security Act Though the Act removed all separate mention of Maori, it did not explicitly require equality of treatment and officials retained discretionary power to make reductions. The new Social Security Department could reduce benefits if it considered them not necessary for the maintenance of the beneficiary. In the absence of clear guidance from the Minister of Social Security, officials continued after the passage of the 1938 Act to pay Maori a reduced rate for the age and widows benefit. The rationale for this practice remained unchanged, though it is evident that some consideration was given to the financial cost of paying 261

262 Maori full benefit rates. In respect of the age and widows benefit, officials reported in June 1939 that the annual cost of this would be 55,000. In August 1940, Social Security Minister Parry, Finance Minister Nash, Tirikatene, and Ratana-Labour representative for Northern Maori, Paikea, met to discuss Maori benefit policy. Parry remained reluctant to introduce comprehensive reform, and the policy of paying reduced rates to Maori drew further criticism from Tirikatene and the Akarana Maori Association. Parry reiterated the argument that the needs of Maori were less when they lived in a communal fashion. However, steps were taken to review Maori benefit payments on a case-by-case basis, and at the end of 1940, MPs (including Paikea) and officials visited Northland, resulting in selective increases in Maori benefit rates. The review of benefits was slow and resulted in inconsistencies. Te Raki Maori and others continued to complain about lower benefit rates, expressing their concerns through the Maori MPs. In late 1943, there was a change in policy: Maori were to be paid the maximum benefit rate unless there was clear evidence the applicant had impecunious natives living on him. While the policy provided grounds for ongoing discrimination, it appears that in practice its introduction marked the end of the payment of different benefit rates to Maori. Underlying the shift, McClure suggests that the heroism that Maori displayed in their voluntary participation during the Second World War made it impossible for the government to continue to deny Maori equal benefit entitlements The next chapter explains that Te Raki Maori, again, contributed significantly to the national war effort McClure, A Badge of Poverty of a Symbol of Citizenship?, p

263 Chapter Five: Te Raki Maori and the Maori War Effort Organisation, Introduction This chapter addresses commission questions (e) and (h). It examines the extent to which Te Raki Maori contributed to the national war effort during the Second World War in terms of both military recruitment and participation in civilian initiatives such as fundraising. It considers the Waitangi Day centennial commemorations in 1940 and its emphasis on the Treaty as the foundation of Nationhood and national unity at a time when Northland Maori recruitment to the armed forces was at its height, and the implications this had for both Maori and Pakeha perceptions of the Treaty. It assesses the establishment of the Maori War Effort Organisation (MWEO) in 1942, its organisational structure throughout the Te Raki inquiry district, and the extent to which Te Raki hapu and iwi engaged with that organisation. It also examines the strengths and weaknesses of the MWEO on a national level; and discusses its financial situation and its departure from its wartime purpose of recruiting men and women to the armed services and essential home front war work to incorporating social welfare issues such as Maori employment, health and education. Further, it examines the extent to which the Crown supported and sustained Te Raki Maori leadership of Maori initiatives within the MWEO, and assesses the degree to which the constraints of five years of warfare fostered an effective partnership between Te Raki Maori and the government which, Maori leaders hoped, would be continued into the post-war world The outbreak of war created considerable social and economic upheaval at home. While this could be regarded in a negative light, scholars have noted that the war did provide Maori with a number of opportunities. Graham Butterworth described the onset of war as an engine of change for Maori as well as Pakeha New Zealanders, while Ralph Ngatata Love stated that the involvement of Maori in all phases of the war, both military and civilian, was to lead to a greater involvement by Maoris in society as a whole than had been possible in the past Claudia Orange noted the MWEO gave Maori a unique opportunity to show their capacity for leadership and planning ; and in terms of their military contribution and other home-front activities during 1047 For a regional comparison with Te Rohe Potae, see Andrew Francis and Jonathan Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975: Government provision for local self-government for Te Rohe Potae hapu and iwi (Wai 898, #A72), pp Graham Butterworth and HR Young, Maori Affairs: A department and the people who made it, Wellington: GP Books, 1990, p83; Ralph Ngatata Love, Policies of Frustration: The Growth of Maori Politics, The Ratana/Labour Era, PhD thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 1977, p

264 the course of the war, Richard Hill concluded that Maori came to be seen by the state and Pakeha as an asset rather than a problem Initial responses to war On 3 September 1939 Britain and the Empire declared war on Germany. In New Zealand, enlistment to the armed forces was initially swift, with 20,000 men volunteering by January Despite this concerted effort to support the war effort, the government was compelled to introduce conscription in June 1940, in part due to Germany s rapid invasion and occupation of France, Denmark, Norway and the Low Countries from April to June Great War conscription, as discussed in chapter two, extended to all Maori, though the government attempted to apply it to Maori of the Waikato and Rohe Potae districts only. However, when conscription was introduced under the National Service Emergency Regulations on 18 June 1940, Maori were exempted and their recruitment throughout the conflict remained voluntary Maori and Pakeha mobilised quickly on the home front to support the war effort: on 2 August 1940 the war cabinet approved the establishment of the Home Guard. Within the first eight months, 1,200 Home Guard centres were set up and over 98,000 males aged 15 and over had registered Main duties included patrolling coastlines and preparing New Zealand against possible invasion. Further, patriotic fundraising societies were formed and food and clothing production increased to meet the heightened demand at home and overseas. By the end of 1941, 81,000 men and a further 1,000 women had entered the Services, meaning that the remaining civilian workforce required greater direction, a clearer focus, and, most importantly of all, it required strengthening in numbers In January 1942 the National Service Department formed 22 District Manpower Offices to direct and maintain the flow of the civilian labour force into a growing number of essential industries which included munitions, mining, timber-milling and freezing works Claudia Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy: The rise and demise of the Maori War Effort Organization, New Zealand Journal of History, 21:2 (1987), pp ; Richard Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, , Victoria University Press, Wellington, 2004, p189. Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p See Ian McGibbon (ed), The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military History, Auckland: Oxford University Press, 2000, pp McGibbon (ed), The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military History, p For further information see Nancy Taylor, The New Zealand People at War: The home front, vol.ii, Wellington: Historical Publication Branch Department of Internal Affairs, 1986, pp Taylor, The New Zealand People at War, pp

265 Even prior to the war, Maori political leaders had requested approval for the formation of a Maori fighting unit. In October 1939 the government concurred and the battalion was raised. Maori who had already enlisted would remain in their units, while new recruits would form the 28 th (Maori) Battalion. Claimant evidence suggests that it was Great War veteran, Harding Leaf MC, who initiated the Battalion being named the 28 th Maori Battalion to symbolise the signing of the He Whakaputanga on 28 October It had been agreed that the battalion would be organised along broad tribal lines: A Company comprised men from North Auckland, Hauraki, Ngapuhi, Te Aupouri, Ngati Kahu, Te Uri o Hau, Te Rarawa, Ngati Whatua, Ngai Tai, Ngati Maru and Ngati Paoa; 1055 B Company included men from Te Arawa, Ngati Awa and Tuhoe; C Company comprised those from the East Coast, predominantly Ngati Porou; D Company took in men from remaining North Island areas, the South Island, Chatham and Stewart Islands, and men from the Pacific Islands; and Headquarters Company was another composite company with men drawn from the surplus of A, B and C Companies On 2 May 1940, against the background of much fanfare, the Battalion set sail from Wellington In the Northland area commitment to the war effort was enthusiastic, in terms of military recruitment fundraising and offers of other assistance. Indeed, in evidence presented for this inquiry, Johnson Erima Henare, the son of Lt.Col, James Henare (who himself was the son of former Northern Maori MP, Tau Henare), the last commander of the 28 th Maori Battalion, stated that Ngapuhi had met and declared war on Germany ahead of the New Zealand government s declaration. That was how, he stated, they saw their obligation to the Crown of England, under Te Tiriti On 7 September 1939, the Northern Advocate, published in Whangarei, reported that Almost every able-bodied man in Whangarei has offered his services to the Empire in one direction or another. With the declaration of war at the beginning of the week, the No.3 Area Army office was besieged with offers of assistance On 12 September the Northern Advocate reported that 1,536 Northland men had registered with the National Military Reserve Helene Leaf Brief of Evidence, 2 April 2014, Wai 1040, #L23, p7. Also see Anania Wikaira Brief of Evidence, 18 August 2010, Wai 1040, #C20(a), para Love, Policies of Frustration, p Wira Gardiner, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The story of the Maori Battalion, Auckland: Reed Publishing, 1995, p Love, Policies of Frustration, p Johnson Erima Henare, Brief of Evidence, Wai 1040, #A30(c), 10 September 2010, p Northern Advocate, 7 September 1939, p Northern Advocate, 12 September 1939, p6. 265

266 At the same time, a conference of over 200 members of the Labour Party, representing most of the 82 branches of the party in the Northern Maori electorate, was held at Toetoe, Whangarei. The conference, presided over by Henare Kingi, unanimously decided to despatch to Paraire Paikea, MP for the Northern Maori electorate, a telegram stating: That this conference of Northland Maoris, unanimously approve of eligible members of the Maori people enlisting for military service for home defence alone, and suggest that a body be organised, named The Treaty of Waitangi Maori Battalion under Maori officers and that the Minister of Defence be asked to make arrangements for equipment and training. Compulsion is strongly opposed One Great War veteran, Harding Leaf MC, was central to Northland recruiting during the Second World War. Lt.Col. HG Dyer, former commander of the Maori Battalion, later recalling his memories of Leaf, stated: When recruiting for the Maori Battalion started, the flow of recruits was at first very small in our area. Into my office strolled, or rather rolled, a burly Maori, in shirt-sleeves and sports trousers. "How is your Maori recruiting?" "Not so good here yet. How is it up your way?" "Oh they are coming in fast now. They have to." He brought new life into the office. Of course the Ngapuhi would enlist Activity in Northland mirrored many other areas around the country where the early weeks and months of the war were characterised by recruitment drives and public commitments to the war effort. Newspaper editors were quick to expound the virtues of its district s fighting men and those on the home front fundraising for the patriotic cause. The Northern Advocate provided daily updates on how the district was responding to the Empire s call. On 13 September, Northland volunteers sat at 373, two days later this had increased to 601. Table 9: Northland volunteers (Maori and Pakeha) as of 13 September Location Enlistments Whangarei 217 Dargaville 62 Kaitaia 22 Kaikohe Northern Advocate, 12 September 1939, p accessed 28 August Northern Advocate, 13 September, p8 and 15 September 1939, p6. 266

267 Location Enlistments Paparoa 16 Warkworth 16 Wellsford 6 Kumeu 5 Helensville 3 Broadwood 2 Other areas 6 TOTAL 373 Under the headline Maoris offer of war service, the same organ stated that: The young Maori has been as eager as his pakeha brother to take up arms in defence of the liberty of which the Union Jack is the symbol... The Maoris of Northland have made it abundantly clear, during the past few days, that they are anxious to share with their pakeha brethren any call which the Government of the Dominion may make upon the able-bodied men of the country Of course, a further motivation for Maori leaders to encourage Maori enlistment was, as was explained in chapter two regarding the First World War, the possibility that participating in and contributing to the nation s war effort could help garner Pakeha support for Maori seeking government concessions and acknowledgement of long-held grievances. As stated above, a resolution opposing Maori conscription had been passed at a meeting on 11 September Almost immediately, however, Te Aupouri spokesperson, Hemi Manuera, distanced Te Aupouri from the resolution, stating instead that he had sent a message to the Government expressing the tribe s loyalty and willingness to help in any way. That offer, it was made clear, included service overseas Northland Maori enlistment continued unabated throughout At the beginning of January, Northland s quota for the Maori Battalion sat at 359, which was shortly after reduced to 206. It is unclear who set this quota, though by that stage, 610 Northlanders had committed to the battalion By the middle of the month there were 1,750 recorded Northland recruits; of these, 1,131 were Pakeha and the remaining 619 were Maori Statistics state that the total Maori population in Northland recorded in the Northern Advocate, 20 September 1939, p Northern Advocate, 22 September 1939, p Northern Advocate, 12 January 1940, p Northern Advocate, 16 January 1940, p6. 267

268 census was 13,137; the total Pakeha population stood at 34, This means that, at this stage, Maori had committed 4.71% of the total population to the armed forces; and Pakeha had contributed 3.27%. By the end of January, the Northern Advocate was pleased to announce that Northland s quota for the Maori Battalion was the largest. The day the men left for training in Palmerston North, it recorded that: Physically, no finer body of men has ever left for war service Northland rugby clubs, it continued, will have many gaps in their membership after today. Typical is the case of Whangaruru, where 10 out of the 15, led by Mr J Martin, the ex- Northland forward, are donning khaki instead of jerseys However, despite the early wartime success of Maori recruitment to the Battalion and the other armed forces, donations to the Patriotic Fund and commitments to essential services on the home front it became evident as the war overseas developed throughout 1940 and beyond, that further Maori engagement would be demanded; to achieve this, Maori participation would need more formal co-ordination. Treaty of Waitangi Centennial commemorations In 1932 Governor-General, Charles Bledisloe, purchased the land at Waitangi and gifted it to the nation in trust. Two years later, the Treaty was officially commemorated at Waitangi for the first time since its signing. It has been noted that the gift led to extensive discussion about the meaning and history of the Treaty The significance of what the Treaty symbolised for both Maori and Pakeha at the end of the 1930s was brought into sharp relief by the outbreak of war in September The declaration of war created an air of uncertainty as to whether the Treaty centennial commemorations would go ahead, with officials asking whether it was a good use of national resources at a time of war. Some consideration was given to relocating the Treaty centennial to Auckland and Wellington but, as AW Mulligan, General-Secretary of the Centennial Branch noted: this would leave high and dry the official opening of the Maori Memorial Meeting House, a most important item in the Waitangi celebration from the 1068 Walghan Partners, Twentieth Century Overview Part II, , Wai 1040 #A38, p Northern Advocate, 25 January 1940, p Northern Advocate, 25 January 1940, p Vincent O Malley, Bruce Stirling and Wally Penetito (eds), The Treaty of Waitangi Companion: Māori and Pākehā from Tasman to today, Auckland: Auckland University Press, 2010, p

269 Maori standpoint. This consideration really presents another reason why the ceremony at Waitangi should be proceeded with if it is practicable to do so It would also have been difficult to justify continuing with other centennial events if the Waitangi commemoration was cancelled Amongst both Maori and Pakeha there was some division over whether to proceed with the Waitangi event Ngapuhi wanted the commemorations to proceed in part because they had carved from a 60-foot kauri log, the waka Ngatokimatawhaorua, especially for the centennial commemorations Ngata suggested that the 500 Maori guests at the centennial should comprise 450 men of the newly-formed Maori Battalion and 50 tribal elders A similar proposal was made by Te Arawa representatives, who were also strongly in favour of the commemoration going ahead In the run-up to the 6 February commemorations, Judge Acheson advised Ngapuhi that if they did not draw attention to the sanctity of the Treaty and their long-held grievances regarding surplus lands, the British Government would assume they were a satisfied people The ceremonies were boycotted by Waikato Maori, who argued that it would not attend while the government refused to give any special recognition to their King or make amends for past injustices. Acting Native Minister Frank Langstone responded that the government had spent over a million pounds on Maori land development, wages, and homes over the previous four years, yet I regret to say many of our Maori brethren do not fully appreciate all that has been done for them... no one can plough straight forward while looking 1072 AW Mulligan, General Secretary of Centennial Branch, Department of Internal Affairs and WS Wauchop, National Director of Pageantry, Centennial Branch, to Under-Secretary of Internal Affairs, 14 September 1939, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 1, ANZ, Wellington JW Heenan, Department of Internal Affairs note on Mulligan and Wauchop to Under- Secretary of Internal Affairs, 14 September 1939, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt1, ANZ, Wellington Memorandum for Mr Heenan, 13 November 1939, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 1, ANZ, Wellington Te Uira Associates, Oral and Traditional History Report for Te Rohe o Whangaroa, commisssioned by Whangaroa Papa Hapu, April 2012, Wai 1040, #E32, p James Henare to WE Parry, 28 October 1939, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 1, ANZ, Wellington; Memorandum for Mr Heenan, 13 November 1939 Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 1, ANZ, Wellington; Bay of Islands Luminary, 24 October 1939, clipping, Centennial Records Centennial Maori Celebrations, General File, nd IA /62/50, ANZ, Wellington H Tai Mitchell, Native Land Court, Rotorua, to WE Parry, 25 November 1939, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 1, ANZ, Wellington AW Mulligan, General Secretary to JW Heenan, 30 January 1940, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 3, ANZ, Wellington. 269

270 backwards [into the past] Waikato s stance was supported by Taranaki and Tuwharetoa, although Tuwharetoa did not join the boycott A Taranaki spokesperson told the press that their boycott was because their land had been confiscated, the Treaty not adhered to, and past injustices not rectified Ngapuhi made a small protest of their own by wearing red blankets as a reminder of land grievances. In case anyone missed the significance, Ngata referred to the blankets in his speech The point here is that Maori and Pakeha had differing perceptions about why the centenary should be commemorated. Government officials looked upon the centenary as a celebration of harmonious race relations following colonisation and settlement. For many Maori, in particular those that boycotted the commemorations, there was clear evidence that they still harboured grievances that the New Zealand government was slow in addressing. The Maori King issued a statement making clear his boycott was not intended to be disrespectful to King George VI, but that his quarrel was with the New Zealand government on a matter of mana and over the lack of an assurance of compensation for the raupatu of the 1860s Total attendance at Waitangi on 6 February was estimated at between 10,000 and 14,000, with a much larger audience listening to the radio broadcast Speeches were given by the Governor-General, Deputy Prime Minister Peter Fraser (Savage, the Prime Minister, being too ill to attend), and all four Maori MPs. Paraire Paikea, who had defeated Henare in the 1938 general election to secure the Northern Maori seat for Ratana, also spoke. In fact, Paikea was the only Northland Maori to speak. He stated that Maori had grievances which ought to be settled, but Maori would still support Britain in the war Fraser, who had been warned that the Maori speakers would probably bring up past injustices, announced that a commission would investigate Maori grievances in Northland and see how the trouble of the past could be adjusted. This commission became the Myers Commission, which sat from 1946 to Fraser also stated that there had been mistakes and misunderstandings in the past, but effort was 1079 Northern Advocate, 2 February 1940, p Northern Advocate, 3 February 1940, p6; Northern Advocate, 5 February 1940, p8; Northern Advocate, 6 February 1940, p4. Some Taranaki Maori did attend the Waitangi centennial, but not as official iwi representatives Northern Advocate, 6 February 1940, p4; New Zealand Herald, 6 February 1940, p William Renwick, Reclaiming Waitangi in William Renwick (ed.), Creating a National Spirit: Celebrating New Zealand s Centennial, Wellington: Victoria University Press: 2004, p Renwick, Reclaiming Waitangi, p Renwick, p Northern Advocate, 6 February 1940, p7. 270

271 being made to rectify them, and Maori should not brood over... ancient wrongs The 28 th Maori Battalion, which left New Zealand shores for Scotland in early May 1940 within ten weeks of the Waitangi commemorations was at its height of recruiting and training when the commemorations were in full swing. At the Waitangi event itself, men from the Battalion formed, at Ngata s engineering, the Governor-General s honour guard: an indication that Maori were at one with Pakeha even to the point of making the highest sacrifice for King and country What the centennial commemorations illustrate about the Treaty relationship between Maori and Pakeha is that in the context of Maori reiterating long-held grievances in a highly public forum, and the government announcing a commission to address Maori concerns, young Maori men, the flower of the race, as Ngata called them, were still prepared to enlist in their hundreds to support the nation s war effort and to defend King and empire Maori enlisting in the armed forces and working in some capacity within the MWEO was fundamental to the Maori MPs drive to see Maori stand shoulder to shoulder with Pakeha in sharing the burdens of war service. Fraser s announcement that a commission would be established to investigate Northland Maori grievances was just one concession among many it was hoped would develop as a result of the equality of sacrifice. Image 5: Apirana Ngata leads men of the Maori Battalion in a haka at the centennial celebrations, Waitangi, 1940 (MNZ /2-F, ATL) 1086 Northern Advocate, 6 February 1940, p Renwick, Reclaiming Waitangi, p Renwick, Reclaiming Waitangi, p

272 Nearly all the funding for the 1940 event seems to have come from the Crown. Around 14,000 was spent on the commemorations, not counting money spent on the meeting house, but including the Waitangi jetty and some permanent cottages on the Treaty house grounds A total of 1,000 was retrieved by selling the temporary buildings at salvage prices to Northland Maori for reuse, mostly for community halls Northland Maori contributed food, firewood and labour to the commemoration Contributions from Maori outside of Northland were minimal. Henare Balneavis, private secretary to the Native Minister, attributed this to a range of factors: the impact of war, particularly patriotic fundraising drives; illness which prevented the Maori MPs from conducting Waitangi fundraising drives in their electorates; the number of Maori representatives being restricted to 50 elders; and the feeling that the Celebrations were for all practical purposes a Government stunt and, therefore, belong to both races of New Zealand Maori leaders in attendance at Waitangi made clear that despite grievances, Maori would still ably support the British and New Zealand war efforts. The military commitment of Northland Maori, which has been outlined above, is just one half of the story. Military participation, though very important to the war effort, needed to be supported by the full commitment of those on the home front on whose shoulders New Zealand s successful prosecution of the war depended. The Maori War Effort Organisation scheme Paraire Paikea, along with his fellow Ratana-Labour MPs, Eruera Tirikatene (Southern Maori) and Haami Tokouru Ratana (Western Maori); and Legislative Councillor Rangi Mawhete comprised the Maori Parliamentary Committee (MPC), which was established to co-ordinate Maori contributions to the war effort. Eastern Maori MP, Apirana Ngata, mainly operated 1089 Centennial Celebrations: Tentative Estimates, nd, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 3, ANZ Wellington Mulligan to Under-Secretary, Public Works Dept, 20 December 1940, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 4, ANZ Wellington. Plans were made for the temporary buildings to be used for a Maori Returned Soldiers Memorial Hall at Te Tii marae at Waitangi; the Ngati Wai wharenui at Whangaruru; a Ngati Hine dining hall at Waiomio; two small invalids hostels at Ngawha Springs; and the upgrading of a Te Aupouri hall at Te Kao; F Acheson to Mulligan, 6 March 1941, IA /62/25 pt 4, ANZ, Wellington Henare Balneavis to Mulligan, 4 March 1940, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 3, ANZ Wellington; Northern Advocate, 6 February 1940, p Balneavis to Mulligan, 4 March 1940, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd, IA /62/25 pt 3, ANZ, Wellington. Balneavis noted that it had originally been intended that 500 Maori representatives would attend, though these places were taken up with the 500 Maori Battalion men. 272

273 independently of the Ratana-Labour MPs, instead choosing to report directly to the Prime Minister It was Paikea who took the lead by visiting Maori communities and appealing for Maori wartime participation. He was best placed to do this given he was the local MP and the organisational skills and networks he had built up during his work with the Ratana movement and Labour Party, which has been discussed in chapter two. He impressed upon tribal leaders the importance on Maori to prove themselves during the prevailing crisis in order to be in a better position to extract concessions from the state. One such concession, Hill explained, was the government s recognition of the principle of tribal leadership in the forming of the Maori Battalion Even tribal leaders of those who had openly resisted participation in the Great War recognised that providing man- and womanpower at a time of the country s greatest need could potentially lead to having long-standing grievances addressed post-war, especially if Pakeha public opinion, which could be fostered by Maori doing their bit, was secured In May 1941, to fully mobilise the Maori war effort, Paikea initiated plans to stimulate Maori military recruitment, maintain a regular supply of workers for the essential industries, and produce food and goods for home and overseas consumption. Paikea, whom Prime Minister Peter Fraser had appointed of the Executive Council Representing the Native Race four months earlier, now became minister in charge of what became known as the Maori War Effort It was in this context, as well as in his capacity as MP for Northern Maori, that he took his plans to Maori communities. By early July, Paikea had reached Northland, following engagements in Taranaki, Wanganui, King Country and Waikato. My mission, he stated, is to find out the mind of the Maori people on the conscription issue... I have told my people they could not sit idly by, and they should give service to the Dominion s and Empire s war effort. The Northern Advocate stated that Paikea said that the military spirit of his race was being re-awakened in the younger Maoris and territorial service would be a decided means to [the defence of the Dominion] At a meeting in Whangarei, Paikea outlined his vision for Maori wartime participation: voluntary recruiting officers had been 1093 Love, Policies of Frustration, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p Hill, State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy, p189. The Executive Council s purpose was and is to advise the Governor-General to make Orders in Council that are required to give effect to the government s decisions. It is also responsible for issuing regulations, proclamations, warrants establishing Royal Commissions, and chief executive appointments to government departments Northern Advocate, 2 July 1941, p9. 273

274 appointed in all the districts he had visited and although they were giving their services free, he had, since coming to Whangarei, received advice from the Minister of Defence (Fred Jones) that they would possibly be remunerated for their out-of-pocket expenses. Officers appointed to secure recruits for both territorial service and the Maori Battalion were: Messrs E Davis (Whangarei); H Keepa (Takahiwai-Ruakaka); W Rika (Mangakahia); H Anaru (Pipiwai); H Tito (Wairua Falls Titoki Pakotai); B Wellington (Ngunguru); and H Pu (Whananaki) The Northern Advocate noted that these officers would also be charged with the duty of compiling a register of all men eligible for service in their respective districts and the lists would be forwarded to Paikea to enable the complete compilation of Maori manpower. The move, it recorded, was necessary so that an accurate gauge could be secured and details of what manpower was available made clear. Enlistments would be called for both overseas service and territorial service After returning from his trip to Northland, Paikea addressed parliament and outlined the differences in circumstances between the Great War and the Second World War. I was old enough after the war, he stated in July 1941: to realize that the Maori soldiers did not receive adequate consideration. I will make bold to say that the result of the efforts on their behalf was nil. Some of the Maori men who went away gave their all, and some came back wounded and wrecked physically, but so far as my electorate was concerned, they received practically nothing. The present Government will make sure that that position does not occur when the present war is ended... When the war is over, and while things are not altogether normal, much hard thinking and much planning will be required so that both Maori and pakeha may go forward and rehabilitate themselves successfully despite the economic conditions that may be prevailing Paikea continued by outlining Maori war effort achievements in recruiting to the Home Guard and fundraising. He stated that there had been some difficulty in obtaining permits for Maori to fundraise; an issue which could be remedied, Paikea noted, by the Minister of Internal Affairs delivering on his promise to allow Native committees to be established where Maori predominated in a community. This would then maximise Maori interest in the collection of funds. In terms of Home Guard activity, Paikea noted that Maori units in the north had been formed and he had learnt that one in the far north had purchased their own uniforms at a cost of 1 5s: When a unit 1098 Northern Advocate, 2 July 1941, p Northern Advocate, 2 July 1941, p NZPD, 29 July 1941, pp

275 goes to the extent of buying uniforms, I feel that due consideration should be given to the members in the matter of the provision of rifles Paikea s point was that northern Maori were contributing funds, were engaged in recruitment for home and overseas service (including purchasing their own kit), and supplying produce over and above local requirements to aid the war effort, and the government had a responsibility to ensure that those efforts were acknowledged and acted upon once victory was secured. Towards the end of 1940 the Education Department launched an appeal for pupils of Native schools to buy and equip a mobile canteen for the Maori Battalion serving overseas. Rex Mason, Minister of Education ( ), and later, Minister for Native Affairs ( ), stated that over 900 had been raised. One unnamed Native school in the Northland district, with a roll of little over 60 pupils, had sent a contribution of 70 to the fund Northland s patriotic efforts had, by this stage, raised over 25,000, though it is unclear how much of this fundraising came from Maori communities. The breakdown of this was: Table 10: Patriotic fundraising in Northland to June District s. d. Mangonui 2, Whangaroa 1, Hokianga 2,705 1 Bay of Islands 3, Whangarei 11, Hobson 2, Otamatea 1, The Northern Advocate reported that recruitment increased further as a result of Paikea s visit to the district in July At the beginning of August it stated that 200 Maori enlistments for territorial service and 46 for overseas service have been received at the Whangarei Army Area Office, the majority of these having been received during the past fortnight The same organ also reported on a recruitment drive at a tribal gathering. Under the headline Hokianga Maoris Martial Spirit, it recorded: An inspiring incident, indicating that the fighting spirit of the oldtime Ngapuhi animates the younger generation, occurred at a tribal gathering held in the northern Hokianga this week. A Maori recruiting officer visited Panguru, where 1101 NZPD, 29 July 1941, pp Northern Advocate, 22 May 1941, p Northern Advocate, 10 June 1941, p Northern Advocate, 2 August 1941, p6. 275

276 a large number of young Ngapuhis assembled. In a rousing speech, an old chief, descendant of warriors of early days, spoke of the valour of the young Maori soldiers who were taking part in the present great struggle between the nations, and declared his belief than nothing in the shape of conscription would be required to maintain the Maori Battalion at full strength. The old chief s faith was vindicated when the young men formed a queue, and each one, as they filed past a table, signed up, the men of military age for overseas and the juniors for territorial service. This incident provides all the evidence required to prove the loyalty and the martial spirit of the present generation of young Maoris The Northern Advocate also recorded that: Every young Maori in the Whakarapa-Panguru district has either joined the territorial or overseas forces. This must be a record for any district. At a recruiting rally held at Panguru this week all the young Maoris who were left in the Motuti, Waihou, Whakarapa and Panguru districts enlisted for service. This meeting was fully representative of all the settlements and was presided over by Mr Honi Teihi, hereditary chief of the sub-tribe of the area. In discussing the position of the Maoris and the war, Mr Teihi said that the Maoris fully supported the war effort but was [sic] opposed to conscription which was most repugnant to the fighting Ngapuhis. Many young men had already proceeded overseas from the district, the first following in the footsteps of the gallant Captain Harding Leaf They had proved their valour in distant lands. The recruiting officer for the district, Mr Kanara Topia, who was present then took his stand, and the young men marched past him, the majority signing up for overseas service and others, who were not of age for this service, joining the territorials. In this way every young man joined the services While it is clear from these examples of strong recruitment, the substantial sums of money being donated to patriotic funds, and a general enthusiasm for supporting the nation s war effort, Paikea and the MPC still pushed for a formalised Maori war effort scheme. In the middle of 1942, Paikea submitted to Prime Minister Fraser ( ) a plan, as Butterworth noted, to provide for greater direction and better leadership of Maori activities Paikea argued that a lack of organisation to awaken the people and a lack of direction reduced the effectiveness of the Maori contribution to the war effort On the outbreak 1105 Northern Advocate, 2 August 1941, p Leaf was killed defending the Maleme Airfield, Crete, in May 1941; Northern Advocate, 2 August 1941, p Butterworth and Young, Maori Affairs, p Paraire Paikea to Peter Fraser, 11 May 1942, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori War Effort, Archives New Zealand (ANZ), Wellington. 276

277 of war, Cabinet requested from the Native Department a roll of all single Maori men aged between 18 and 45 with two or fewer dependants. That it was unable to fulfil this request played into the hands of Paikea and the MPC who could, with the help of their constituencies, obtain such information and mobilise Maori efficiently into war service. Paikea s proposal recognised that in some districts maximum effort was being exerted in providing manpower for the Overseas Forces, Territorial and Home Defence forces, the Home Guard and the Emergency Precautions Scheme (EPS), as well as contributing substantial sums of money to the Patriotic Fund. In other areas, however, the situation was not so positive. To ensure that maximum Maori participation was guaranteed, the scheme Paikea and his fellow Maori MPs devised was a framework of bodies and committees, each with its own functions and responsibilities, to co-ordinate all aspects of the Maori war effort. In many respects these were akin to preexisting Ratana Church and Labour Party committees. The MPC would provide Cabinet with information and would also work alongside an appointed Chief Liaison Officer. A team of recruiting officers under the Chief Liaison Officer would be assigned their own operational zones within the four Maori electoral districts. They would be at least the rank of Major and would be drawn from officers serving in the war; and they would all receive the same flat salary, regardless of rank Paikea regarded the role of Recruiting Officer as crucial to the success of the scheme he proposed, even suggesting that to ensure the respect and confidence both of the Maori and the Army authorities that officers should be recalled from active service overseas. One of the first duties of the recruiting officers would be to establish tribal committees within their respective zones. The committees main function would be to assist the recruiting officer in encouraging enlistment to the armed forces, and to direct men to remain in essential wartime industries, which included mining, freezing works, sugar refineries, tanning works and the building trades. In essence, it would be up to each tribal committee to direct Maori man- and womanpower for the armed forces and domestic production In doing so, the tribal committees around the country would play an integral role in the defence of the nation. On 3 June 1942, Cabinet approved Paikea s plan on a six-month experimental basis with a proposed budget of 7,000; 1112 at the same time, 1110 Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p King Country Chronicle, 5 August 1942, p EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington. 277

278 Fraser appointed Paikea as the Minister in Charge of the Maori War Effort Image 6: Original hand drawn plan of MWEO (EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington) MWEO s finances To maximise the effect of the 7,000 the MWEO received, the MPC decided that only the Chief Liaison Officer and the 20 Recruiting Officers would receive salaries. Assistance provided by the tribal committee level downwards would be on a wholly voluntary basis, though petrol vouchers would be issued to cover out-of-pocket expenses. The initial funding allocation was thus: Table 11: Initial finances of the MWEO 1114 Position Salary and expenses ( s. d.) Chief Liaison Officer Hemphill Salary: ( 29, 8s per month) 177 Expenses allowance Butterworth and Young, Maori Affairs, pp EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington. 278

279 Position Salary and expenses ( s. d.) 20 Recruiting Officers ( 28 4s per month) 3,444 Boarding accommodation and personal expenses based on three out of every four weeks in the field at 1 per day per man 2,520 Travelling expenses estimated for 20 Recruiting Officers on an average of 25 each for a six month period 500 Contingencies 128 TOTAL: 7,000 Deductions: A total saving of 2,553 Less 2,553 would be made from the Defence and Civil expenditure while the men were employed under the MWEO Total estimated cost for first six months 4,447 After the initial six month period, the government made further funding available. Paikea reported at the beginning of 1943 that a total of 6,555 2s 5d had been spent He requested a further 4,697 for the following six months Records suggest that once the operation was up and running, costs remained relatively constant. For example, in June 1944, the MWEO received an extension of its work for a further three months along with a budget of 2, Over a period of a year, this would have taken the MWEO s annual budget to approximately 11,400, a sum not dissimilar to that requested for the financial year. The MWEO received a considerable boost when, in July 1942, Te Puea and a number of tribal leaders met with Peter Fraser in Wellington. Essentially the conference was engineered for Fraser to seek a formal declaration from Waikato of support for the war effort A number of people spoke during the two-day conference, including Te Puea and Fraser. The Prime Minister 1115 Paikea to Minister of Defence, 19 January 1943, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington Paikea to Minister of Defence, 19 January 1943, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington Memo to Minister of Defence, 20 June 1944, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington For more information on the conference see Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, Wai 898, #A72, pp

280 spoke of the work the Labour Government had achieved with the support of the Ratana s in the seven years since it had come to power: Image 7: s of the War Administration, July (Ref: 1/ F, AT We, with our Maori s, have been privileged to do some amount of good in housing, in schools, in health and in land settlement. But the war has come, and matters have had to be slowed down for the time being, unfortunately. Everything is in danger now. I am still very hopeful that, if the war goes successfully for us, the Maori people, their representatives in Parliament and the Government of which I am head will work out plans which will make the Maori people feel that their birthright has been restored to them and protected for them Fraser s message here was that until the war was won, Maori socio-economic advancement, such as it was, would be temporarily halted, but afterwards, with victory secured, there would be a commitment to Maori progress. He stated that, in the meantime, Maori recruiting to the armed forces would be fully handed over to the MWEO, overseen by the MPC. The conference appears to have been conducted in an air of mutual respect: Te Puea, on behalf of Waikato, pledging support to the Government s 1119 Note: Paikea is seated directly under the large map on the wall. Prime Minister, Peter Fraser is seated far right at the end of the table Personal file on Te Puea Herangi and leaders of the Waikato tribe; also report of conference between Right Honourable P Fraser and Waikato leaders with Maori leaders on the Maori war effort, MA31 21/53, ANZ, Wellington, p3. 280

281 wartime plans; Fraser, in return, stating that conscription would not apply to Maori, and expressing sympathy with Kingitanga demands for settlement of raupatu claims. Fraser acknowledged past difficulties between Maori and the Government: We cannot, he stated, undo or unravel the past; but we can lay the foundations for fair play in the future. We must see that the Maori people and the Waikato people are not turned wanderers on the face of the country that was once theirs exclusively...it will be my happiest day, and I shall regard it as one of my greatest works, if I can help to bring about a sense of justice fulfilled and legitimate claims responsibly met, so that the past can be forgotten and Pakeha and Maori, Government and Waikato and King Country people, all go on in bonds of brotherhood to greater happiness than this country has ever known [my emphasis] Image 8: Paikea (in dark suit) at MWEO recruiting conference, Auckland, 1942 (URL: While it is clear Fraser s words were directed predominantly at Waikato and Rohe Potae Maori, they are equally applicable to Maori elsewhere. It is understandable that Fraser put the national war effort ahead of everything else during the prevailing emergency, but if he was to oversee the development of bonds of brotherhood in the immediate post-war era, he acknowledged the need to announce his commitment to both Maori attaining a greater influence over their own affairs and the reassurance that longstanding grievances and injustices would be addressed. The formation and configuration of the MWEO in the Northland district Once the MWEO was formally established in the middle of 1942, the MPC wasted no time in once again taking to the road and informing Maori 1121 Personal file on Te Puea Herangi and leaders of the Waikato tribe; also report of conference between Right Honourable P Fraser and Waikato leaders with Maori leaders on the Maori war effort, MA31 21/53, ANZ, Wellington, pp

282 communities of its plans. Newspapers, too, followed its development with interest The Maori members made it clear that the administration and operation of the MWEO would be under their direct control; they, in turn, would work closely with the Chief Liaison Officer and his Recruiting Officers, who would work closely with the newly-forming tribal committees and the communities they represented. An early positive sign of the MPC s influence on Maori wartime activities was the government s appointment, on Paikea s personal recommendation, of Lieutenant-Colonel HC Hemphill as the MWEO s Chief Liaison Officer. Hemphill, a Pakeha, was, in civilian life, a long-standing clerk for the Whangarei Country Council. As Chief Liaison Officer, he was given responsibility for appointing 20 (later 21) Recruiting Officers who would provide a link between Maori and the Army Department in Wellington. Within the 21 zones, 41 tribal executives and 315 tribal committees were established. Hemphill was quick to acknowledge that Maori involvement and, in particular, leadership, was crucial to the success of the MWEO. Writing to Paikea in July 1942 he stated, The Maori race has, from ancient times, held the noble art of leadership, especially in warfare, as a tribal status of the utmost racial importance. Accordingly, every possible effort should be made by all concerned to restore and safeguard to the Maori people, their rightful place and pride of leadership especially during the present crisis. I attach considerable importance to the principle involved and to its effects on the Maori mind, and therefore of necessity on the Maori War Effort Hemphill concluded by explaining that once sufficient numbers of Maori had enlisted in Home Guard and Territorial units, they would be reconfigured as Maori units under Maori command. It is clear from the earliest stages of the MWEO s existence, that the government gave Paikea and the MPC free rein in how Maori participation in the war effort was directed. By the same measure, Hemphill placed great autonomy in the Recruiting Officers hands in their work with the tribal committees and executives. This arrangement appeared to suit all parties: wartime conditions dictated that all members of society had a role to play; and the Native Department s inability to compile an up-to-date roll of ablebodied Maori men highlighted that it was, in certain areas, out of touch with Maori at a local level, a situation the MWEO was happy to exploit. Initially 1122 Northern Advocate, 29 July 1942, p Lt.Col. CH Hemphill to Paikea, 11 July 1942, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori war effort, ANZ Wellington, p2. 282

283 the MWEO s primary role was to provide manpower for the armed forces and the essential home front industries. However, with its new-found freedom, and aware that Maori were pivotal to a successful prosecution of the war, the MWEO began to involve itself in a number of social welfare areas including health, housing and education for Maori. As stated above, the country was initially divided into 20 operational zones. Eight of these were in the Northern Maori District (which included Auckland), six in the Western district, five in the Eastern and one took control of the South Island. The tribal committees, mostly set up at marae level, and executives, to which a small number of committees reported, were established as follows: Table 12: Structure of the Tribal Committees and Executives 1124 Maori electorate Tribal committees and executives 1 May 1943 Northern 122 Western 142 Eastern 104 South Island 24 TOTAL 392 committees and executives A schedule was published shortly after listing suggested recruiting officers. The Northern Maori Electorate suggestions were: Table 13: Schedule of Suggested Zones and Recruiting Officers 1125 Zone Number Zone Area Suggested Recruiting Officer 1 Counties of Mangonui and Sgt. G Latimer (Okaihau Whangaroa Military Camp) County of Hokianga and Hobson Sgt. LW Poka (Okaihau County from Hokianga boundary to Military Camp) and including Dargaville district 3 Bay of Islands County (Northern portion) Mr Henry Clendon (Rawhiti) 4 Bay of Islands County (Central Area) Ariki Shortland (Motatau Home Guard) 5 Bay of Islands County Awarua Cpl. M Heke (Rika) (2 nd Maori 1124 Maori War Effort Organisation Tribal and Tribal Executive Committees as at 1 May 1943, Nash Papers, NP , ANZ, Wellington Schedule of Suggested Zones and Recruiting Officers, NP , ANZ, Wellington It is assumed that this is Graham Latimer senior ( ); see Te Ao Hou, no.54, March 1966, p

284 Zone Number Zone Area Suggested Recruiting Officer South along Mangakahia Road and part Whangarei County Mangakahia Valley to Poroti Battalion, Oheaewai (Military Camp) 6 Whangarei County (Balance) P Wellington (Ind. Mtd. Rifles, Kiripaka) 7 Hobson County (South of Dargaville Lt. Haupapa Paikea (Home and Counties of Otamatea, Rodney Guard, Kaiwaka) and Waitemata) 8 Auckland Metropolitan Area and Great Barrier Island According to Love, those actually engaged were: Lt. WP Karaka (ex-maori Battalion, Overseas) Table 14: Recruiting Officers 1127 Zone Recruiting Officer 1 Lt. HG Latimer, PO Box 101, Kaitaia 2 Lt. LW Poka, Waiotemarama, Hokianga 3 Lt. A Shortland, Motatau PO, Bay of Islands 4 Lt. Ihaka Kapa, Kaikohe 5 Lt. MR Heke, Pakotai, via Whangarei 6 Lt. P Wellington, Tutukaka, via Whangarei 7 Lt. HC Paikea, Kaiwaka, Kaipara 8 Lt. WP Clarke, Native Department, Auckland Table 15: Recruiting Officers tribal committee 1128 Zone Recruiting Officer Tribal Executive Total Committees Committees 1 Lt. Latimer Lt. Poka Lt. Shortland Lt. Kapa Lt. Heke Lt. Wellington Lt. Paikea Lt. Clarke TOTALS Love, Policies of Frustration, p564. Love does not cite his source for this information 1128 Tribal and Tribal Executive Committees confirmed by the Minister in Charge of Maori War Effort as at 20 th March 1943, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori War Effort, ANZ, Wellington. 284

285 As Table 12 above shows, there were 392 committees and executives established by March 1943; of those, the recruiting officers from the eight zones which made up the Northern area of the MWEO took responsibility for 121 tribal executive and committees, or 31 per cent of the national total. Table 16: Return of Northern Maori Registrations and Enlistments as at 9 March Recruiting Officer (RO) Essential Industries: Registered up to 24 Oct 1942 Essential Industries: Numbers placed after 24 Oct 1942 Territorial Force service within NZ and overseas military service Home Guard Lt. Latimer Lt. Poka Lt. Shortland Lt. Kapa Lt. Heke Lt. Wellington Lt. Paikea Lt. Clarke Northland 1,204 1,786 1,752 1,859 area total National total 7,941 3,609 7,267 10,229 Northland % of national total (15.16%) (49.48%) (24.10%) (18.17%) As of the middle of 1944, the Northland tribal executive committees, which were essentially district collectives of the tribal committees listed below, were thus: Table 17: MWEO Northland Tribal Executives, MWEO Northland Tribal Executives, 1944 Zone 1 Mangonui Executive Committee Te Kao Executive Committee Chairman: Henare Kingi Waiaua Secretary: John Bennett Chairman: Hemi Manuera Secretary: Bob (Reonga) Matiu 1129 Return of Registrations and Enlistments as at 9 March 1943, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori War Effort, ANZ, Wellington Maori War Effort Tribal Executive Committees as of 23 June 1944, AATL 6130 Box 130 c 10/10, Maori War Effort, List of Tribal Executive Committees, , ANZ Wellington. 285

286 MWEO Northland Tribal Executives, 1944 Whangaroa Executive Committee Zone 2 Mangamuka Executive Committee Panguru Executive Committee Waima Executive Committee Whirinaki Executive Committee Northern Wairoa Executive Committee Zone 3 Kawakawa Executive Committee Zone 4 Kaikohe Executive Committee Zone 5 Mangakahia Executive Committee Zone 6 Whangarei Executive Committee Zone 7 Otamatea Executive Committee Kaipara Executive Committee Chairman: Rev. Keina Poata Secretary: Hongi Hape Chairman: Hone Hape Secretary: Tipene Hare Chairman: Ngaropo Tawio Secretary: Ngawha Topia Chairman: Wireko Wharerau Secretary: Harry Tito Chairman: Sid Wikaira Secretary: George Wynyard Chairman: Jack Walters Secretary: AH Lewis Chairman: Riri Kawiti Secretary: Walton Davies Chairman: Piri Kapa Secretary: Eru Pou Chairman: Heke Te Rangi Secretary: Te Amo Manihera Chairman: Mohi Tito Secretary: Henry Keepa Chairman: Ben Phillips Secretary: H Kemp Nathan Chairman: L Nathan Secretary: Eri P Uruamo A list of the MWEO committees, their chairperson and secretaries covering zones 1 to 7 can be found in Appendix Two of this report. Functions and responsibilities of the tribal committees and executives The tribal committees and executives were crucial to the smooth running of the Maori war effort in maintaining a constant flow of recruits for the armed forces and employees for essential industries. As the war progressed, the tribal committees and executives became more assured and were increasingly responsible for the supply, direction and control of Maori manpower. On the daily functions of the tribal executives, Tirikatene explained to parliament in 1943: 286

287 If a young man or woman of the Maori race is called upon, the Man-power authorities consult the tribal executive, which knows the calibre and temper of the person required, and it takes responsibility for that person. Accordingly, it makes a recommendation, and if the worker is suitable, he or she is directed into industry, with the consent of the tribal executive. A great responsibility has been placed on these tribal executives, who are doing a wonderful job Tirikatene s statement illustrates the point that the tribal executives and committees were essential to the war effort. As a result, the committees were devolved powers such as enforcing registration on their communities, and working closely with manpower officers to ensure a steady flow of manpower Over time, their efforts expanded to incorporate a range of social issues such as investigating alleged misuses of social security benefits, housing conditions and educational issues. To ensure the wonderful job continued, the committees also involved themselves, when they arose, in cases of absenteeism. National Service Regulations introduced shortly after war broke out made it clear that workers who left their positions in essential industries could, and would, be punished for doing so. In most instances, a fine of 50 or imprisonment with hard labour was often enough to deter such behaviour. However, in July 1942, the Northern Advocate recorded the case of one non-maori worker who had left his post. The Northern Advocate emphasised the point that the Regulations had been made to ensure the best utilisation of New Zealand s manpower in this time of the country s greatest emergency, and to provide for the carrying on of essential industries without interruption... it was the duty of every citizen to comply Indeed, in November 1943, Hemphill, writing to Fraser in the latter s capacity as Minister-in-Charge of the MWEO (at Maori request Fraser had assumed the role following Paikea s death in April 1943), explained that the tribal committees were working closely with the district manpower officers to ensure all cases of absenteeism were dealt with. He regarded absenteeism as more serious an offence than absentwithout-leave or desertion from the armed forces NZPD, 11 June 1943, p Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, pp Northern Advocate, 2 July 1942, p Memorandum from Lt. Col. HC Hemphill to Recruiting and Liaison Officers, and executive committees, 8 November 1943, MA1 Box /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington. 287

288 Figure 8: MWEO committees, c Tribal executives and committees did much to ensure Maori played their part in the war effort. In parliament, Tirikatene felt compelled to defend Maori when accusations were made that they were shirking their responsibilities. Discussing the Northern Area, within which the Te Raki inquiry district falls, he declared: After the statement was made that the Maoris were using the social security incomes as a means of avoiding work, a telegram of inquiry to my northern liaison officers was sent out straight away. We asked for an urgent report 1135 Love, Policies of Frustration, pp

289 showing whether there were any Maoris who had cut down on milking-herd in order to qualify for social security. The returns have come to hand. In Zone 1, which embraces Mangonui County and Whangaroa County, five cases have been traced, and steps are being taken to rectify the position. In Zone 2, representing part of the County of Hokianga and the Northern Wairoa Districts, there are no cases where Maoris have cut down milking-herds to qualify for social-security benefits. In part of the Bay of Islands County and surrounding area, Zone 5, a similar reply was received. In Zone 3, which includes part of the Bay of Islands County, I am advised that no Maoris have cut down milking-herds. That also applies to the Motatau area. In regard to Zone 4, Kaikohe and surrounding areas, there are no cases; and in regard to Zone 6, which includes the eastern portion of the Whangarei County, I am informed that investigations have been continued for two weeks, and no cases have been reported where herds have been reduced to qualify for benefits. In Zone 7, Hobson County, herds have been increased for production, and no herds have been cut down Tirikatene s remarks illustrate the system the MWEO had established: any sign that Maori were not responding fully to the nation s call was immediately investigated. Where necessary, parliamentary representatives made statements to the House rejecting such accusations and instead espoused the contributions Maori were making. Maori communities around the country, as in Northland, were quick to seize any opportunity to ensure the supply of recruits for active service, or to contribute to a range of services on the home front; the result being that the supply of recruits and goods and services did not wane at any point during the conflict In short, the National Service Department and Native Department were heavily reliant on Maori initiative, organisational skills and grass-roots knowledge in ensuring a successful prosecution of the war on the home front. Welfare issues became of increasing concern to the MWEO. Despite its initial remit to solely provide recruits for the armed forces and man- and womanpower for essential home industries, it also involved itself in Maori social welfare concerns which, in many instances, were factors influenced by the conflict itself; in particular, cases involving young women drawn into urban centres to work in key industries In January 1943, the Northern Advocate headline: Auckland Maoris living in squalor, highlighted the plight of urban Maori. The report is worth quoting in full: The unsatisfactory conditions under which many Maoris were living in the city and the urgent need for the establishment of a Maori Welfare Department were 1136 NZPD, 14 March 1944, p For information on the MWEO in Te Rohe Potae district see Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, Wai 898, #A72, chapter Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p

290 commented upon yesterday by Lieutenant WP Clarke, formerly recruiting officer for the Maori War Effort Organisation in Auckland. Lieutenant Clarke, whose work as a recruiting officer took him into many Maori homes, said he was dumbfounded to find that such squalid conditions existed. There was a case of 16 people living in three rooms and another of 12 people in two rooms, The houses were not fit for pigs to live in, he remarked. The Maori, if he is to play his part in the war effort, must be nursed, educated and helped to adapt himself to his new surroundings he continued. He must acquire knowledge of classified trades and professions. Representations are being made to the Government to take steps to ensure that a substantial improvement is effected in the living conditions of Maoris living in the city The Whangarei Maori Health Council, which had been operational since the early 1920s, was also concerned with the effects of war on Maori youth. The Council s chairman was Otaika delegate, Hari Petimana, who had succeeded Maki Pirihi on the latter s death. Mohi Tito Toetoe stated he was pleased the council had met and would be interesting itself in the domestic affairs of the Maori people. Maori boys and girls, he made clear, needed protection as their fathers in many cases were fighting overseas, and the older people should be looked after also, because the tendency now was to go astray The issue also became a topic for parliamentary debate. Apirana Ngata, in a speech made in July 1943, stated: There is a social problem in many of the New Zealand s cities to-day. I need not state why: but it is there. This essential-industry business is a cloak for all sorts of abuses, and they are going on. Maoris are attracted to industry by the Man-power Officers, and drawn to Wellington or Auckland from under the noses of the tribal committees, which, in my district, have not been consulted... The young people are our sons and daughters and we ought to have some say about their coming down here. Ever since the beginning of the war we have been endeavouring to dissuade our young women, despite the attractions of uniforms, from going to the cities, pointing out that the cities were vile... I should like the Prime Minister to have a look at the employment of Maoris in industry particularly in the cities where they are getting employed; what wages they are getting; how they are accommodated A similar concern was expressed in Wellington: in late 1942, Hari Katene, chairman of the Ngati Poneke Tribal Committee, sent Paikea a lengthy letter outlining the plight of young Maori arriving in the city. While clubs and associations such as the Ngati Poneke Maori Association and Maramatanga Maori (Catholic) Club exercised a first class influence upon their members, 1139 Northern Advocate, 27 January 1943, p Northern Advocate, 11 March 1943, p NZPD, 1 July 1943, pp

291 newly-arrived Maori did not always seek to become part of such organisations. The Tribal Committee managed to secure the services of Miss Mairatea Pitt from Palmerston North, who reported on the working and living conditions of young Maori women working in Wellington s hospitality industry. According to Katene, Miss Pitt s report made for grim reading, outlining the growth in social disorder, venereal disease, excessive drinking and many cases of degradation which are heart breaking to anyone who values the integrity of the Maori Race In a similar fashion, 23 residents of Waima, south of Hokianga harbour, wrote to Mason expressing deep concern for the behaviour of young Maori women living in the cities. The pride, they state, we had of our increasing Native population was great, but if our young women are allowed to go to the Cities to live the lives so many are doing today a serious and physical loss to our population will be suffered. To combat this, the signatories suggested a secondary industry at Kaikohe, one that would require labour for a large number of girls. The township, they maintained, was served by rail, had electricity and was situated within easy reach of most of the large Maori centres in the north To monitor the conditions of Maori women in essential industries, the MWEO appointed six Lady Welfare Officers located in the following districts: Whangarei, Auckland, Rotorua, Gisborne, Wellington and Christchurch. The Whangarei officer was Mrs K Maihi. Despite the tribal committees best efforts to appoint the most suited girls and women to essential industries, problems did arise. A MWEO directive dated 8 November 1943 stated that those females who refused advice and guidance, and who continued to misbehave, would be ordered home where they would become the responsibility of their families and local tribal committee Expressing similar welfare concerns, in March 1944, Patrick Lagan of the Mill Hill Fathers St Joseph s Foreign Missionary Society in Kaihu, Northern Wairoa, wrote to Daniel Sullivan, the Minister of Industries and Commerce, regarding the future of the localised young Maori workforce Though 1142 Letter from HB Katene to PK Paikea, 16 November 1942, NP , ANZ, Wellington, p Correspondence from Waima residents to Native Minister (no date) re local employment for young Maori women, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington Memorandum from Lt. Col. HC Hemphill to Recruiting and Liaison Officers, and executive committees, 8 November 1943, MA1 Box /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington The Mill Hill Fathers arrived in New Zealand in Their aim was to provide pastoral care consistent with Maori tikanga to nurture a self-reliant and self-respecting Maori Catholic community ; accessed 21 October

292 Kaihu is outside the inquiry district, the Mill Hill Fathers did operate in Panguru and Waitoruke. Lagan also inquired into the possibility of establishing an industry, possibly at Kaikohe, which would: absorb youths and older men, big enough to attract the eye so that people of the opposition party and our own would know that the Government means to do more than give pensions where pensions are due and at the same time create in the minds of the Maori in the North a sense of dignity in work and [those] that work near him Lagan continued by informing Sullivan of Lou Poka (at that time Recruiting Officer for Waimamaku) and Eru Pou who stood as a Nationalist candidate against [Tapihana] Paikea. Both men, stated Lagan, could provide great assistance to Sullivan who between them have the confidence of the North Lagan suggested to Sullivan that he harness the two men and invest them with some office and authority to act as Northern leaders for you in any proposed scheme you have for the Maoris. Lagan also suggested Sullivan should ask the men for their opinions on what type of occupation, and the suitable location for a factory or factories to employ Northland Maori Commenting on Lagan s suggestion in a letter to the under-secretary of the Native Department, the District Court Registrar in Auckland believed there was no need for a new industry to be established in Northland as there was ample work to be had. Moreover, creating more employment would not necessarily stop young Maori drifting towards Auckland in search of higher wages and the general attractiveness of city life. However, it was agreed that should an industry be brought to North Auckland, Messrs Pou and Poka s advice would be of value Lagan s letter is of interest because it demonstrates the extent to which community leaders whether they were tribal, civic or religious felt disposed to engage with government ministers to effect positive change for Maori in the district Patrick J Lagan to DG Sullivan, 21 March 1944, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1 ANZ, Wellington Patrick J Lagan to DG Sullivan, 21 March 1944, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1 ANZ, Wellington Patrick J Lagan to DG Sullivan, 21 March 1944, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1 ANZ, Wellington Registrar, Auckland to under-secretary, Native Department, 19 May 1944, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington See Te Paparahi o Te Raki (Wai 1040) regional inquiry Tribunal Statement of Issues for Stage 2, 5 December 2012, Wai 1040, #1.4.2, issue 12(b). 292

293 It is most likely that no formal agreement was reached between the government and the MWEO for tribal executives and committees to involve themselves with such issues. Yet it is evident that wartime conditions dictated that Maori contribute even more greatly to the national effort, necessarily drawing in more Maori to urban centres and the attendant social welfare issues that ensued. The MWEO, for its part, was better placed than the Native Department to provide essential support to those affected by wartime conditions. The MWEO s achievements At the beginning of 1943, the press reported on the MWEO s successes. The Northern Advocate commented that: It is a revolutionary experience for the Maori people to be given some form of control. Many difficulties were encountered at the outset owing to the characteristic lack of confidence arising from past and historic experiences of personal contact, however, and the definite assurances from the Government that no Maori would be conscripted, together with assurance of the position of leadership, brought about a wave of war effort enthusiasm among the people Paikea, aware that the MWEO had a temporary lifespan he made three successful appeals for its extension in January, March and April 1943 alone attempted to justify its continuation by stating that the organisation had placed 10,825 Maori men and women in essential industries; had recruited 4,844 for territorial service within New Zealand and overseas; enlisted 2,049 for territorial service in New Zealand only; had placed 9,875 men in the Home Guard. The minister continued by emphasising that as the war progressed, the MWEO s functions and duties were widening to embrace control and direction of all Maori man and woman power in essential industries in co-operation with district manpower officers, and increased production of potatoes, kumaras, maize and green vegetables organised and operated not only as individual projects but as tribal projects He concluded by outlining other matters occupying the attention of recruiting officers and tribal executives and committees such as personal contact with employers; prevention of absenteeism and dealing with cases of absenteeism; reception and guidance of men returned from overseas; matters pertinent to rehabilitation; approaches to the problem of social 1151 Northern Advocate, 30 January 1943, p Northern Advocate, 30 January 1943, p2. 293

294 changes among Maoris; and, rather vaguely, intermediate duties of assorted and often complex nature Across the inquiry district, fundraising events were a common feature. The Mangakahia Riding patriotic committee organised in March 1943 a gymkhana held in the Titoki school grounds. The Northern Advocate recorded Maori participation in this event: Another feature of the gymkhana was the kapa Maori conducted by Titoki natives. Long hours had been spent in preparation of the meat and vegetables hauled over four miles on a sledge drawn by a three-pair bullock team once a commonplace in the north but now a rarity... the fine effort of the Titoki Maori was thoroughly appreciated by the public which quickly exhausted the large supply of meat and vegetables cooked in the Maori manner and served in woven green flax baskets, themselves works of art. Unfortunately the customs and arts of the Maori are fast becoming lost to many tribes but in Titoki a determined effort is being made to keep alive handicrafts it would be a tragedy to lose At the end of the same month, Paddy Webb, Minister for Mines, visited the Portland cement works on the outskirts of Whangarei and spoke with the employees there. Webb stressed the importance of locally produced cement to the nation s war effort, stating: We need your cement badly for laying roads, building ships, and drainage of towns, all needing the maximum of cement. He acknowledged in equal measure the demands made on the men resulting from the war: Our war effort must come before politics and class interest, and we can only obtain victory by working and fighting. I know you men are working as high as 60 and 70 hours on certain weeks, working the clock round, and it seems cruel of me to ask you to do more. No matter how hard you work or what inconvenience you have, through lack of petrol and tyres, it is small compared with what men overseas are suffering Paikea, for the benefit of parliamentary colleagues, recorded, in March 1943, the MWEO s food production output: Maori had put into production, for purposes other than their own immediate needs, 4,933 acres of land, and it is estimated, on a conservative basis, the land will yield 126,700 bushels of maize, 475 bushels of beans, 3,403 tons of kumaras, 4,992 tons of potatoes, 206 tons of mixed vegetables, 440 tons of pumpkins, and 5,400 pecks of peas Northern Advocate, 30 January 1943, p Northern Advocate, 8 March 1943, p Northern Advocate, 30 March 1943, p2. 294

295 In addition, the Maori people have collected approximately 20,000 lb of dried agar seaweed He continued by declaring that the MWEO had enlisted 5,178 men for overseas service, 2,088 for home service and 10,229 for the Home Guard, which totalled 17,495 enlistments in the armed forces. In addition, there were 11,550 Maori working in essential industries, making a grand total taking part in the defence Forces and in essential industries of 29, Within a month of this speech to parliament, Paikea passed away. His death, on 6 April 1943, was a significant blow and could have, had Tirikatene not been such an able deputy, destabilised the MWEO s parliamentary leadership. At Paikea s tangi near Maungaturoto, Hemphill proposed that Prime Minister Fraser be asked to assume the role of MWEO minister; a proposal Fraser happily accepted, though Tirikatene took over effective leadership of the organisation Shortly after Paikea s passing, a conference was held in Wellington to discuss the progress the MWEO had made in its first official year of operation. The conference was addressed by, among others, Hemphill, Tirikatene, Mawhete, Agriculture Minister Ben Roberts and Hawke s Bay MP, E Cullen. Hemphill stated he was pleased that Fraser had taken up heading the MWEO despite his existing heavy burdens. Attendees sympathies were extended to Paikea s family: His ability, personality and loyalty were never better exemplified than in his untiring labour and devotion to the welfare, prosperity and happiness of his people. His conception and brilliant leadership are personified in his creation of the Maori war effort organisation and all it stands for Fraser, in his parliamentary tribute to Paikea, acknowledged the MWEO minister s achievements:...it can truly be said that there never has been a Maori effort of any nature which has been accompanied by such success as the Maori war effort Indeed, with a nod to the possible post-war future of the organisation, the Prime Minister declared: So successful has this effort been, that to-day the Government has requests, universally expressed by the Maori people, that that form of organization should be retained not only during the war period, but afterwards, and that 1156 NZPD, 11 March 1943, p353. Within three months the amount of agar seaweed collected increased to 72,270 lbs, 16,351 lbs (or 22 per cent) of which was collected in the North Auckland province, NZPD, 11 June 1943, p738. Agar seaweed is used in the production of processed foodstuffs NZPD, 11 March 1943, p Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p Northern Advocate, 5 May 1943, p NZPD, 19 May 1943, p

296 the tribal committees should take the place of the old Maori Councils, which have fallen into disuse because of their being somewhat obsolete in constitution and function, and because no adequate provision has been made over the years for meeting the expenses of their administration. The Prime Minister advised that the request had been forwarded to the Native Minister and Minister of Health to see whether such an arrangement could be accommodated Paikea s son, Tapihana Paikea, at 23 years of age, succeeded his father in the Northern Maori electorate and worked to promote his Maori constituents and espouse their contributions to the war effort. Citing the MWEO food production returns noted above, he stated, in March 1944, that: My people have set up tribal committees in kaingas, and have supplied volunteers, and volunteers only, to the fullest possible quota in the Forces overseas, in the home service, in the Air Force, the Navy, and the mercantile marine. With regard to man-power, there are many Maoris in all classes of essential industry, but particularly in the mining industry and in freezingworks. In the Auckland man-power area alone there are six thousand Maoris employed in essential industries arising out of the present war, and, in addition, foodstuff production by the Maori people for war purposes, over and above their own requirements, have been maintained and increased considerably... When the Victory Loan was floated they marshalled all their resources, individually and tribally, and subscribed a considerable sum, taking into consideration the economic resources of my people He continued by explaining the principal duties of the tribal committees were to provide recruits for the armed forces as well as investigating where Maori beneficiaries under the Social Security Act are capable of giving manual service, and directing them into productive employment; supervising production, over and above their own requirements, of butterfat, pork, maize, kumaras, potatoes, beans, peas, carrots and agar seaweed Quoting the production returns to the end of January 1944, T Paikea noted that the MWEO was expecting to produce: Table 18: MWEO Food Production Expectations, NZPD, 19 May 1943, p NZPD, 9 March 1944, pp NZPD, 9 March 1944, p285. Paikea noted that in the Northern Auckland area, 1,473 Maori suppliers had produced approximately 1,484 tons of butter; NZPD 9 Mar 1944, p NZPD, 9 March 1944, p

297 Produce Amount Maize 253 acres, expected to produce 8,830 bushels, up on the previous year by 136 acres and 4,150 bushels. Kumaras 646 acres, expected to produce 2,228 tons, up on the previous year of 242 acres and 752 tons. Potatoes 567 acres estimated to produce 1,752 tons, up 253 acres and 839 tons on previous year. Miscellaneous 53 acres, estimated to produce 220 tons, up 46 acres and 210 vegetables tons. 297

298 Recruiting Officer Table 19: Maori War Effort Production Return Year Ending 31 January Maize Acres/Bushels Kumaras Acres/Tons Potatoes Acres/tons Butterfat number suppliers Fat (lbs) Latimer 20/700 75/ / ,401 Poka 160/4, /390 80/ ,274 Shortland 6/ /369 98/ ,960 Kapa 21/840 62/248 22/ ,307 Heke 5/200 26/52 70/ ,616 Wellington 41/2, / / ,548 Paikea -/- 72/216 6/ ,866 Clarke -/- 35/144 -/- - - Northland 253/8, /2, /1,752 1,473 3,323,972 total National 2,692/113,690 1,022/4,371 1,766/7,842 3,879 11,260,594 total Northland Maori contribution to national total 9.39%/7.76% 63.20%/50.97% 32.10%/22.34% 37.97% 29.51% 1165 Nash papers, NP 2067, pp

299 The winding down of the MWEO, By the end of 1943 it became clear that there was less pressure on the MWEO to supply new recruits. The war had swung irreversibly in the allies favour and Maori soldiers who had returned to New Zealand on furlough during that year were not required to return overseas. It is understandable, therefore, that given the MWEO had achieved its main aim the regular supply of recruits it was now time to scale back its operations; certainly this was the stance adopted by a number of government officials. In October 1944, FB Dwyer, the Army Secretary, wrote to Fred Jones the Minister of Defence, stating that the Army had already expressed the opinion that there is no need to continue with this particular organisation, although it would be an advantage if the Chief Liaison Officer were retained for consultation purposes Earlier that year the number of Recruiting Officers had been reduced from 21 to 15; at the same time, Lt.Col. Hemphill resigned from his post due to ill health, and was replaced as Chief Liaison Officer by Capt. JP Ferris MBE, a Maori and former Recruiting Officer for Gisborne Even prior to his resignation, Hemphill had expressed his feelings regarding the future of the MWEO. In a memorandum to recruiting and liaison officers and tribal executives in November 1943, he noted that when the MWEO had completed its wartime function, it would be succeeded by the District Maori Councils and Village Committees constituted under the Maori Councils Act, which was then under review. He pointed out that, while established by Cabinet, the MWEO had no statutory powers. Aside from that, he opined it was not in Maori interests to establish and maintain two organisations both purporting to represent the Maori people, for it would lead to undesirable overlapping and divided control ; 1168 though this never appeared to be a consideration during the earlier stages of the war when Maori assistance to the national cause was its greatest. As a result, he declared that the future unity, prosperity and government of Maori would be best served by the Maori Councils Act, provided that it was amended to meet Maori future requirements. He suggested the creation of a Dominion Maori Councils Executive, which would include the five Maori MPs and permanent secretary to co-ordinate and supervise the activities of the people This organisation, he argued, would provide the point of contact between Maori and the government FB Dwyer, Army Secretary, to Fred Jones, Minister of Defence, 10 October 1944, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori War Effort, Archives New Zealand (ANZ), Wellington Northern Advocate, 18 July 1944, p Memorandum from Lt. Col. HC Hemphill to Recruiting and Liaison Officers, and executive committees, 8 November 1943, MA1 Box /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington Memorandum from Lt. Col. HC Hemphill to Recruiting and Liaison Officers, and executive committees, 8 November 1943, MA1 Box /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington. 299

300 At his farewell, held in Whangarei in July 1944, Hemphill again referred to the future for Maori. He stated that autonomy and harmony could only be achieved through educational facilities and a united front. He acknowledged that Maori in different locations had their own problems; they therefore needed co-operation with the welfare division established under the National Service Department He stated the Maori war effort would in future take a different name the social, economic and intellectual organisation. It was a task distinct from that of the tribal committee. At a later stage there would be an all-maori organisation dedicated to the welfare of the race. Legislation would be brought down during next session of Parliament. The Prime Minister, Mr Fraser, he concluded, was a real champion of the Maori people. Along with Paraire Paikea, he had visualised the Maori of the post-war world As early as 1943 concerns were being raised regarding the MWEO s functions. In May of that year Rex Mason, the Native Minister, expressed concern and a degree of irritation that the MWEO had encroached into areas that the Native Department considered its own and, as Orange noted, wanted to curb any trend towards its expansion or entrenchment Writing to the Prime Minister, he stated that in some instances Maori were consulting their local MWEO Recruiting Officers rather than Native Department field officers on Native Department matters. He argued that Only where there seems to be some special reason should the matter be referred to the Head Office of the Maori War Effort Mason s opposition both to the MWEO and the organisation s attempts to adapt itself to the post-war world is explained in further detail in the next chapter. In a similar vein, a year later, GP Shepherd, the under-secretary of the Native Department and Chief Judge of the Native Land Court, wrote to the Treasury stating that the organisation had assumed powers other than those originally in contemplation and in doing so have in many cases been at cross purposes with the legitimate activities of this Department The under-secretary concluded by stating that the MWEO in many of its activities is overlapping the functions of this Department and is reducing efficiency amongst Maoris who are thus receiving advice and direction from 1170 Northern Advocate, 18 July 1944, p5. The National Service Department was established in July 1940 following the introduction of conscription. It comprised the Registration Branch of the Social Security Department (which became the Manpower and later the Military Mobilisation Division) and the Employment Divison of the Department of Labour Northern Advocate, 18 July 1944, p Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p Mason to Fraser, 4 May 1943, NP , ANZ, Wellington Under-secretary Native Department to Secretary to the Treasury, 17 May 1944, MA1 Box /1/219/pt1, Maori War Effort , ANZ Wellington. 300

301 two sources often of a different nature. As such, in his opinion, the activities of the Maori War Effort Organisation should be taken over by the Native Department except that of recruiting for service in Armed Forces and that organisation disbanded A recurring feature of the MWEO s lifespan was the appeals that Paikea and, later, Tirikatene made to Cabinet for further finances to fund the MWEO s operations (see Table 20 below). While such requests did not appear to hinder the effective running of the organization, it does illustrate that the MWEO was regarded by government officials as an organization established on a purely temporary basis, in operation until officials decided otherwise. Table 20: Requests for extensions to MWEO scheme 1176 Date of Request Comments Approved 19 January March 1943 Paikea requests an increase in pay and allowances and that the MWEO be extended for a further six months from 1 February 1943 Request not located 3 April 1943 Paikea requested that MWEO be extended for twelve months from 1 May 1943 to 30 April March Tirikatene requests continuation of 1944 MWEO for duration of the war 20 June October 1944 Cost of maintenance to 30 September - 2,850. At same time RO numbers reduced from 21 to 15. Captain JP Ferris MBE (RO for Gisborne) appointed temporary Liaison Officer in place of Hemphill Request not located Approval given to extend MWEO for three months from 1 February 1943 MWEO to continue until 30 September 1943 when it will be reviewed Approval given to extend MWEO for THREE months from 20 June 1944 to 30 September 1944 when it will be reviewed. Continuation approved to 31 March 1945 when the position will be reviewed. 23 May 1945 Request not located Be continued to 30 September 1945 when position will be reviewed. 1 October 1945 Fraser stated on 5 October 1945: Fraser instructed continuation of MWEO Under-secretary Native Department to Secretary to the Treasury, 17 May 1944, MA1 Box /1/219/pt1, Maori War Effort , ANZ Wellington This information has been taken from a number of ANZ files. 301

302 Date of Request 28 November 1945 Request not located Comments Approved No date for review. Authority for continuation until further notice of expenditure for the purpose of the MWEO. Just days before his death in April 1943, Paikea wrote to Fraser outlining the importance of the organisation to Maori. The MWEO had awakened in the Maori People, a keen sense of national responsibility, not only in connection with the successful prosecution of New Zealand s War Effort, but also in connection with the present and future welfare of their own race which has increased and is increasing rapidly. The Maori People feel as the result of their outstanding contribution to New Zealand s War Effort, that they have earned and established in a practical way, a right to form a Tribal direction and control which, in their opinion, is of the utmost importance to their future welfare, happiness and development The minister s message was clear and could serve as his political legacy: he regarded that through their wartime efforts, Maori had earned the right to have a say in their own future. From the evidence sighted for this report, it seems clear that Maori had demonstrated, through their endeavours, their commitment, initiative and ability to work closely with the government. They had also demonstrated their ability to work within a pan-tribal enterprise that brought Maori communities together in pursuit of a common goal. If this could be achieved under wartime constraints, there was no reason similar advancements could not be secured in peacetime. The issue for Maori was, however, garnering sufficient government support for their peacetime proposals. In July 1944, the Maori MPs approached Acting PM, DG Sullivan and requested a thorough review of the administration of Maori affairs. As Orange noted, they explained that Maori were generally dissatisfied with the Native Department which was ill-equipped to satisfactorily deal with their issues. In response to this, the Maori MPs recommended the establishment of a new Department of Maori Welfare which, through liaising with other government departments, could form a coherent policy for dealing with Maori concerns The proposal also aimed to give the new body the 1177 Paraire Paikea to Peter Fraser, 2 April 1943, NP , ANZ, Wellington Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p

303 statutory recognition not enjoyed by the MWEO, enabling the organization s committees to retain their degree of autonomy while working within the public service While it was becoming more widely accepted that the need for new recruits had passed, there was still important war-related work for the MWEO to undertake. In late 1944, the Dominion reported a shortfall in freezing workers that was likely to cause serious disruption within the industry. An appeal was made to the MWEO, which forwarded the request for volunteers to all districts. The appeal was made to the MWEO on the Saturday afternoon and by the Monday the newspaper reported that all 193 vacancies had been filled with a further 186 men on standby if required In a speech to parliament in September 1944, Tapihana Paikea paid tribute to the people of the Northern Maori District: Their contribution in man-power and woman-power to keep the machinery of essential industry going has been magnificent. I also desire to pay a tribute to those tribes, men, women, and children, who live on the coastal areas, and who have, under adverse weather circumstances, contributed to our war effort that wonderful gift of Nature known as agar seaweed. I also extend my greetings to those working in factories, mills, and mines. In paying a tribute to my people, Te Aupouri, Te Rarawa, Ngatikahu, Ngati Whatua, Ngapuhi, and others in the metropolitan area of Auckland, I would make it plain that I cast no reflection whatever on the Southern tribes, who are ably represented by my colleagues Speeches similar to this were made elsewhere in the country. Maori had seized the opportunity to contribute to the national war effort and had achieved great success in doing so. It was crucial that such contributions were not forgotten as the end of war neared. In June 1944 at meetings at Orakei Pa and Whangarei, it was agreed by those present that Maori desired the permanent retention of the manpower section of the National Service Department to ensure there could be no discrimination against Maori seeking employment. The meetings were addressed by Lt. WP Clarke, liaison officer for Auckland. Clarke stated that since the formation of the MWEO two years earlier, the Maori race had moved forward as one for the first time in history, and it was the task of the tribal committees to maintain tribal solidarity. To achieve this, Clarke 1179 Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p Dominion, 18 December 1944 in EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori War Effort, ANZ, Wellington NZPD, 7 September 1944, p

304 noted, the Maori must organise now for the future administration of his own affairs. The Maori of to-day is capable of doing that, and his ability to organise will bring about better understanding and relation with the pakehas In a similar vein, shortly before Clarke s speech, Rangi Mawhete, Legislative Councillor for Wellington, outlined to parliament the MWEO s achievements and the contribution Maori had made to the national war effort: In the industrial field there are engaged some 13,200 Maori men, women, and girls. The number of men, women, and girls under control and direction in the Auckland manpower district alone is 6,000. One can imagine the amount of work involved in the placing of all those people in primary production and in industry. For the year ended the 31 st March, 1944, we have produced 5,027 tons of butter. The number of suppliers was 3,879; including Native development schemes. There is a decrease in maize production 113,690 bushels, compared with 126,700 bushels the previous year. The production of kumeras totals 4,371 tons, potatoes 7,842 tons, mixed vegetables 4,322 tons, beans 2,620 bushels, and peas 32,100 pecks all of which represent increases over the previous year production. The amount of agar seaweed produced totals 72 tons, which is a record. This seaweed is principally required for medicinal purposes for our men overseas, and the Maori people collected that record quantity during the last season under difficult conditions having to dive into fairly deep water at times Mawhete concluded that under a properly administered and controlled organization, good results will always be obtained from the Maori people The war in Europe officially ended with Germany s surrender on 7 May Three months later, Japan surrendered to US forces, bringing an end to almost six years of conflict. That same month, Tirikatene addressed Parliament and provided a summary of the MWEO s achievements: The Maori War Effort Organization has cost the least, almost, of any organization contributing to the war effort that is, taking the magnitude of the effort into consideration. Twenty-one Recruiting Officers were the only paid personnel operating in that service. The Maori race has contributed voluntarily to all its services, from the settlement, pa, kainga, or marae... Tribal committees were elected from those groups, and two members from the tribal committees were nominated to operate in an executive capacity with representatives of other committees within reasonable travelling zones New Zealand Herald, 21 June 1944, p NZPD, 22 March 1944, p NZPD, 22 March 1944, p NZPD, 29 August 1945, p

305 Likewise, Tiaki Omana, MP in the Eastern Maori electorate viewed the MWEO as an organization linking the whole of the Maori people throughout New Zealand... Now that the war has ended their activities are limited, and it would be a great pity to see this organization just disappear. To keep it in its present form the main thing would be to retain the Liaison Officers I think that there are fifteen at the present time the only paid servants in the organization. In the post-war years they could fit in and carry on with the work as they have done during the war years Both MPs saw no reason why the MWEO should not continue in some capacity in the post-war world. In a letter to Cabinet in March 1945, Tirikatene stated that: a wonderful reawakening has taken place among the Maori people cannot be denied and the considered opinion of those who know the work of the Maori War Effort Organisation is that eventually the organisation must become an integral part of the post war national development of New Zealand in order that the Maori can take his place in the establishment of Maori welfare in its proper sphere in the social, economic and industrial life of New Zealand It is clear that Tirikatene believed the MWEO could remain, or at least be adapted to continue advancing Maori socio-economic and political concerns into the post-war era. Certainly if Maori were to be truly rewarded for their wartime efforts at home and on the battlefield, rather than slipping back to pre-war conditions, an organization along a similar structure to the MWEO would be a worthwhile place to start. Conclusion The onset of the Second World War caused major disruption throughout New Zealand. Given the nature of the conflict, all New Zealanders, Pakeha and Maori, young and old, male and female, all had a role to play. Maori political leaders, sensing the potential opportunities that could be gained from providing a strong Maori contribution in terms of military recruits, pressed the government to allow the formation of a Maori battalion. Maori political and tribal leaders insisted that Maori stand shoulder to shoulder with Pakeha and be seen to be doing their bit for the war effort. The government, in turn, realising that a successful prosecution of the war 1186 NZPD, 13 September 1945, p Tirikatene memorandum to War Cabinet, 22 March 1945, EA1 Box 394/81/1/11/1, Constitution and Administration General Maori War Effort, ANZ, Wellington, p3. 305

306 depended on Maori participation agreed, and within weeks, the 28 th Maori Battalion was formed. By the middle of 1940, it had set sail for Britain. At the same time, the Treaty of Waitangi Centennial commemorations were taking place around the country with the commemorations at Waitangi a focal point. With a strong emphasis on the Crown s Treaty obligations and Maori-Pakeha Treaty relations more generally, the recruitment of young Maori men into the armed forces, and the growing Maori contribution on the home front, took on a special significance. Despite long-held grievances not being addressed prior to the war, Maori leaders affirmed their commitment to the national and imperial war effort, in part so that Maori would be better placed after the war to see their grievances favourably heard and acted upon. Pakeha leaders such as Prime Minister Fraser and Native Minister Frank Langstone told Maori during wartime to look to the future and advised against brooding over ancient wrongs. Indeed, Fraser, at the Waitangi centennial commemorations in February 1940, announced the establishment of a commission to look into Northland grievances. Two years later, during the Wellington conference with Te Puea and other Maori representatives, Fraser stated that following a successful prosecution of the war, the government would see to it that Maori would feel their birthright restored to them and protected for them. Again, at the same conference, Fraser spoke of laying the foundations for fair play in the future, and personally bringing about a sense of justice fulfilled and legitimate claims responsibly met. So it is evident that government officials made numerous promises to investigate Maori issues, though not until the war was over. The next chapter addresses the extent to which the government followed through on its commitments. Richard Hill s assertion that Maori were seen as a wartime asset is borne out by the fact that the MWEO proved a major success during the conflict. Maori leadership facilitated a range of political, military, social and economic activities in support of the national war effort, and Maori communities successfully undertook these with little influence by and interruption from the government. It is evident that Maori contributions to national service, both at home and overseas, greatly enhanced New Zealand s contribution to the allied war effort. Fraser, who became Prime Minister in March 1940 upon the death of Michael Joseph Savage, held the MWEO and the Maori MPs in high esteem for their contribution during the national crisis, to the point that following Paikea s death in April 1943, Fraser assumed the role of Minister-in-Charge of the MWEO and, in 1946, took over as Native Minister from Mason. 306

307 This chapter has stressed that the MWEO s structure, from the grass roots upwards to ministerial portfolio, provided Maori with a sense of purpose and a possible vision of their future once European fascism and Japanese expansionism in the Pacific had been defeated. Maori moved to the large towns and cities for war work, often not returning to their communities after the war. As this chapter has shown, the MWEO involved itself in social welfare problems encountered by those Maori who moved into urban areas to undertake vital war work. On the organization s recommendation, female welfare officers were appointed to the National Service Department to make contact with young Maori women, and they also assisted with job placements and accommodation. The tribal committees, as Orange noted, acted as contact agencies in the rural areas, thus the MWEO provided a vital link for Maori transitioning between rural and urban life The key aim of the MWEO was to supply Maori recruits for the armed forces, and man- and womanpower for essential war industries, often situated in the cities and larger towns. To achieve this it was essential that all Maori came together in pursuit of a common goal: the successful prosecution of the war. For Tirikatene, the war represented a new phase of Maori life. We have had our Church organizations, he stated, our confederations, and all kinds of different methods to bring about cooperation and co-ordination among the various tribes throughout New Zealand, and, under this great machine known as the Maori War Effort Organization we have every tribe interlocked. This organization was brought into being through the spilling of men s blood. In this, as in previous campaigns, Maori and pakeha stand shoulder to shoulder. Every Maori tribe has representatives serving in New Zealand and overseas... Among the Maoris, tribe stands with tribe in one great alliance. Inspired largely by the late Hon. Mr Paikea, the tribes have welded themselves together with only one object to render service in every possible way that will assist the war effort Undoubtedly, it was through the efforts of the MPC travelling the length of the country and speaking to Maori communities that helped establish close contacts between Maori and their parliamentary representatives. Love characterized this period as one of greater communication between the Maori population and the Maori s of Parliament than at any other time in the past Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p NZPD, 11 June 1943, p Love, Policies of Frustration, pp

308 It should be acknowledged that the Crown provided the funds to permit the MWEO to operate during the course of the war. Fraser, both in his role as Prime Minister and Minister in Charge of the MWEO, supported and encouraged the organization at every turn, though towards the end of the war, and in the early months of peace, he was preoccupied with national and international events. There were, however, government officials, Rex Mason chief among them, who feared that the MWEO began to operate beyond its remit by encroaching on his and the Native Department s sphere of influence. Mason believed that his department was best placed to provide long-term, sustained service to Maori communities around the country, one of the reasons he agitated to see the MWEO brought to a close when it had served its wartime purpose. Even CH Hemphill, Chief Liaison Officer of the MWEO, acknowledged that the organization had served its wartime functions, and opined that its continuation into the post-war world would not be the best outcome for Maori as it had no statutory powers and would find itself competing with the Native Department leading, he stated, to undesirable overlapping and divided control. It is clear from the evidence sighted for this chapter that Maori had seized the reins of many aspects of their own affairs. But would this prove to be a temporary advancement? Peter Fraser s words spoken at the July 1942 conference with Te Puea and Waikato leaders held in Wellington must have echoed in many people s ears as the war drew to a close: We cannot undo or unravel the past; but we can lay the foundations for fair play in the future. We must see that the Maori people and the Waikato people are not turned wanderers on the face of the country that was once theirs exclusively If Fraser wished to ensure in the post-war climate that Maori would not be turned wanderers, then retaining a structure akin to the Maori War Effort would be a good place to start. But aside from Fraser and, in particular, the Maori MPs who pushed for the MWEO to continue into post-war life, there appeared to be political and military figures who were vocal in their concern, especially towards the end of the war, that the MWEO had served its purpose and it was now time for the state to resume full control of Maori affairs, just as it had done prior to September With new legislation being debated, it was imperative that Maori leaders impress upon the government the need to recognize Maori wartime contributions by providing 1191 Personal file on Te Puea Herangi and leaders of the Waikato tribe; also report of conference between Right Honourable P Fraser and Waikato leaders with Maori leaders on the Maori war effort, MA31 21/53, ANZ, Wellington, p

309 some form of autonomy in their own affairs as the country settled into postwar domesticity. 309

310 Chapter Six: Te Raki Maori and the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act system in the post-war years, Introduction As the previous chapter has highlighted, the wartime achievements of Maori in general, and the Maori War Effort Organisation (MWEO) in particular, were increasingly in danger of being eroded as war drew to a close. Government officials reiterated that the organisation was established purely for the duration of the war; once victory was secured or, in reality, looked likely to be secured, attentions turned to what role it would fulfil, if any, in the post-war environment. As stated in the last chapter, the MWEO s achievements were considerable: initially established to supply recruits for the armed services and workers for essential industries, the MWEO soon found itself expanding its role to include dealing with an array of socioeconomic issues, many of them brought about by wartime conditions. The MWEO appeared to bring Maori political leadership closer to its people while also fostering a sense of pan-tribal unity the type of which had not been seen previously. The government divested total control of this grassroots organisation to the Maori Parliamentary Committee (MPC) which, in turn, authorised the Chief Liaison Officer and District Recruiting Officers to work alongside tribal executives and committees to maximise the Maori war effort. Great gains had been achieved in such a short space of time, yet it became clear as the war s end drew closer that moves were being made to not only rein in the MWEO s power, but to quash it altogether. This chapter addresses questions (b) and (f) in the commission. Question (b) focuses on the extent to which post-second World War Maori organisations contributed to Te Raki Maori political autonomy; whether central and local government powers and functions were devolved to Te Raki Maori, and the extent to which these powers and functions met the expectations and aspirations of Te Raki Maori in the post-war environment. Question (f) focuses on the extent to which Te Raki Maori participated in the committees and other bodies established under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act (MSEA) 1945 and later related legislation; the degree to which these bodies and their mandates met Te Raki Maori expectations; and it focuses on the Crown s responses to any Te Raki Maori proposals, expressions of concern or protest about Crown policy or the operation of the 1945 Act. In addressing these questions, this chapter examines the final few months of the war and the numerous debates which circulated at the time concerning the MWEO s post-war future; secondly, it assesses the 310

311 government s introduction of the MSEA 1945 and associated legislation, and Maori responses to these measures. It assesses the extent to which legislation and the bodies established as a result met Maori expectations for their post-war future and permitted them to harness their wartime gains and have a greater say in any future Crown policy and programmes that were directly aimed at and affected them. Finally, it examines the degree to which Te Raki Maori participated in the bodies established by the Act and, taking advantage of the subsidies system established under the 1945 legislation, worked for the social and economic advancement of their local communities between 1945 and It should be acknowledged here that information provided in this chapter such as lists of tribal executive and committee members, and details of subsidies received by committees, has been governed by available evidence. There has been no intention to focus on particular areas, committees or personnel within the Te Raki district. Further, discussion on the committees and executives subsidy claims covers the period up to the early 1960s, the cut-off point for this chapter. This is the setting up of committees and executives, the subsidy system in action, and the work of the welfare officers in the first decade and a half after the Second World War. It should be noted that the MSEA system continued, albeit with some alterations, after the passing of the Maori Welfare Act The MWEO, As war drew to a close, Maori leaders at a grassroots as well as national level were keen to retain the MWEO, or at least its structures and the level of unity and autonomy it had engendered; if not exactly, then a structure akin to what had been created in As was evident in the previous chapter, the organisation had highlighted, during its war work, a raft of socioeconomic problems facing Maori such as in the areas of education, health, employment and housing. The latter was particularly pertinent for those who had left their rural Northland communities to work in essential industries in Whangarei and Auckland. This extension to the MWEO s functions may have been viewed positively within Maori communities, but from 1943 onwards Native Department officials and particularly Native Minister Rex Mason, became increasingly concerned, as the previous chapter highlighted, about the MWEO s perceived encroachment into social welfare activities he viewed as falling within his department s purview. As stated in the previous chapter, Mason wrote to Prime Minster Peter Fraser providing examples of where MWEO activities were overlapping those of his department. Mason believed that the organisation should be 311

312 subsumed into the Native Department; it is suggested that he did so to curtail its actions in affairs he deemed beyond the MWEO s scope. As stated in the previous chapter, it was Mason who was active in reducing the MWEO s influence among Maori, and he had in Peter Fraser a Prime Minster who was increasingly pre-occupied with international affairs. In response to Mason s actions, Eruera Tirikatene, along with his Ratana colleagues, decided to host a conference of Maori leaders in Wellington at which 400 delegates and 30 principal tribes from all parts of New Zealand were present Ralph Ngatata Love, writing in the 1970s, described that this was a show of force regarding Maori desires and ambitions for the post-war administration of Maori affairs. On 11 October 1944, Tirikatene wrote to Mason, inviting him to attend the conference. He explained the conference was in response to: repeated and urgent requests from the various Maori tribes throughout New Zealand, to be given the opportunity to meet together and consider and deliberate on all matters affecting the welfare of the Race in the light of the past, present and particularly of the future. Although no definite Agenda has been laid down the discussion will inevitably devolve down to What of the Future A ministerial delegation comprising Peter Fraser, Rex Mason, Fred Jones (Defence), Ben Roberts (Agriculture) and Bob Semple (Works) attended the conference to observe and participate in discussions on various issues pressing to Maori including the future of the MWEO, health, housing, social security and soldier rehabilitation The Maori War Effort and Rehabilitation session of the conference was chaired by Turi Carroll who would, in 1962, become the first President of the New Zealand Maori Council (NZMC). Hone Heke Rankin of Kaikohe stated that the war had brought out the ability of the Maori, had brought them closer together, and its continuation in peacetime would prove a fitting memorial to Paraire Paikea, the MWEO s driving force. Lt. P Wellington, the recruitment officer for Tutukaka, stated that those he represented wished for the MWEO s continuation, and that it should be given statutory authority. Henare Tawhai from Waima stated that the name should change presumably to reflect the post-war environment but that its good work 1192 Maori Conference on Native Affairs, Wellington, 1944, MA /1/535, Archives New Zealand (ANZ), Wellington, p Tirikatene to Native Minister Mason, 11 October 1944, Maori Conference on Native Affairs, Wellington, 1944, MA /1/535, ANZ, Wellington For further information on this conference see Walghan Partners, Twentieth Century Overview Part II, , Wai 1040 #A38, pp and Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, Wai 898, #A72, pp

313 should be continued. This was the tone also adopted by MWEO Northland zone recruiting officers, WP Clarke and A Shortland, and representatives from other districts The proposed Maori Councils Bill was also discussed at the conference In mid-1943, shortly after Paraire Paikea s death, Mason called a meeting with the Maori MPs and some of the MWEO recruiting officers to discuss the updating of the Maori Councils Act Eruera Tirikatene and the recruiting officers disagreed with the proposal and requested broader Maori opinion be sought. Ralph Ngatata Love noted that Maori in general opposed the draft Bill because it diminished the authority the War Cabinet had bestowed on the MWEO Submissions were made opposing the Bill shortly after it was circulated in August 1943: tribal executives were unanimous in their opposition ; Lt. W Poka, recruitment officer for zone 2 (Waiotemarama, Hokianga) stated the idea of the Native Department being in it did not suit the people at all It is assumed that Poka was referring to the Native Department resuming control over Maori affairs. At the October 1944 conference, opinions had not changed: it was requested that the Bill be held in abeyance for the duration of the war as it was deemed that the MWEO was sufficient for all purposes What the debate regarding the Maori Councils Bill reveals is that Maori had achieved considerable success under the auspices of the MWEO and were understandably reluctant to allow the direction and control of their own affairs to be taken over by the Native Department. The war had changed people s perceptions of themselves and their situations. At the same time in Britain debates raged concerning the British people s post-war future. Wartime conditions and constraints had brought about a levelling effect in society through the shared experiences of indiscriminate bombing, rationing, conscription and other associated demands. As such, a large body of the British electorate seized the chance through the General Election of July 1945 to reject Winston Churchill and the Conservative Party in favour of the Clement Attlee-led Labour Party Among a raft of changes proposed by Labour was social welfare reform providing healthcare from the cradle to the grave, a policy which helped convince the electorate to vote for Labour 1195 Maori war effort and rehabilitation in Maori Conference on Native Affairs, Wellington, 1944, MA /1/535, ANZ, Wellington, pp Maori Conference on Native Affairs, 1944, pp Love, Policies of Frustration, pp Love, Policies of Frustration, p Maori Conference on Native Affairs, Wellington, 1944, MA /1/535, ANZ, Wellington, p Labour gained 393 seats (up 239 from previous election) to the Conservatives 197 seats (down 190 from previous election) in the 1945 election. Most British historians agree that the war had a significant effect on voting patterns in this election. 313

314 and avert the possibility of returning to pre-war conditions. Although New Zealand introduced comprehensive social welfare provisions in the interwar period, and its wartime experiences differed greatly from the British people s, the end result was effectively the same: there was a sense that incredible sacrifices had been made, there was an overwhelming desire to not return to the pre-war status quo, and, with Maori, a number of significant gains had been achieved through hard work and commitment to the national cause; gains which they rightly had no desire to relinquish. Mason addressed the conference to outline his post-war vision for the Native Department. Of the proposed updated Maori Councils Bill he stated: I would like to see the Act put in hand at once. Where ever people want it the Maori War Effort organisation can be fitted in. The people can make their own selection. [All?] it needs is to co-ordinate into the scheme. It is no use sitting down in front of the thing. Some may be worried about the name and wish to retain Maori War Effort; the War will not go on forever and we don t want it to [?] forever. It is a matter of adjustment to make use of the organisation as the people may think best. There is no difficulty about [putting?] things we want into the bill The tenor of Mason s speech was that there was room to incorporate the MWEO in any post-war legislation regarding Maori affairs. What was unclear to those assembled in Ngati Poneke Hall was the extent to which the influence that Maori had on their own wartime affairs would be retained through post-war legislation. Further Maori conferences were held throughout the first half of Central themes included the desire for a continuation of the MWEO and a general dissatisfaction with the Native Department s effectiveness in improving the overall Maori socio-economic position. In June 1945, just a month after Germany s surrender to the Allies, a conference of MWEO personnel was held in Wellington. Northland delegates in attendance were Hone Heke Rankin (Kaikohe, Maori member of the Rehabilitation Board) and recruiting officers Lts. Latimer, Poka, Heke, Wellington, Paikea and Clarke Notes on a speech by the Hon HGR Mason (Native Minister) delivered at a Maori Conference at Ngati Poneke Hall on Friday 20th Oct in Maori Conference on Native Affairs, Wellington, 1944, MA /1/535, ANZ, Wellington, p Evening Post, 20 June 1945 in Maori War Effort, , MA /1/219/pt 1, ANZ Wellington. 314

315 Image 9: Eruera Tirikatene, c.october 1949 (PAColl , ATL) It was at this conference that Tirikatene acknowledged the MWEO could no longer continue in its wartime form. He proposed that the government establish an organisation under Statutory authority, to take the place of the Maori War Effort Organisation, and to provide for the Social and Economic Reconstruction of our people with similar set-up to that of the present Organisation Tirikatene concluded by stating that Paikea s vision in 1942 was not just for the duration of the war but for all time. Paikea s intention was to ensure Maori became not only assets to the country, but to themselves, irrespective of what Government might be in power For Tirikatene, the second half of 1945 was characterised by further attempts to ensure Maori did not, in the post-war era, relinquish their wartime gains In September of that year, he proposed the establishment of a new government department from which all aspects of Maori social and 1203 Eruera Tirikatene, conference of Maori Recruiting and Liaison Officers, Wellington, June 1945, Maori War Effort, , MA /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington Eruera Tirikatene, conference of Maori Recruiting and Liaison Officers, Wellington, June 1945, Maori War Effort, , MA /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington. For further information on this conference see Walghan Partners, Twentieth Century Overview Part II, , Wai 1040 #A38, pp For further information see Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, pp

316 economic life health, housing, education, employment, etc. could be coordinated. He emphasised that just as Maori had managed their own affairs through the highly successful MWEO, similar responsibility needed to be passed to Maori in a new peacetime organisation. Attached to his memorandum to Fraser, was a diagram of the proposed organisational structure Tirikatene envisaged. This diagram is presented in Image 10 below. In November 1945, Mason wrote to Tirikatene stating that Fraser had intimated that progress should be made in the introduction of legislation to revise the Maori Council Act and at the same time incorporate within the new legislation the activities of the Tribal Committees under the Maori War Effort organisation Mason stressed that the matter was urgent as any legislation to be introduced had to be done so before the end of the parliamentary session. This meant that any legislation drafted to resolve the future of the MWEO would be done in haste Image 10: Eruera Tirikatene's proposed 'New Set-Up', 1945 (Tirikatene s New Set-Up, 1945, NP ) 1206 Mason to Tirikatene, 14 November 1945, Maori War Effort, , MA /1/219/pt1, ANZ Wellington Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, p

317 A number of proposals attempting to incorporate the MWEO into a new post-war structure were put forward As stated above, Tirikatene pushed for a new government department which would centralise administration for all Maori affairs and control a network of organisations similar to those fostered under the MWEO. R Blane, the Native Department s legal clerk, was charged with the task of bringing together Mason s Maori Council Bill and Tirikatene s proposal. According to Claudia Orange, Blane s first draft attempted to provide Maori with positions of administrative responsibility. It proposed the establishment of an organisation similar to the MWEO in structure whereby a new minister would head the ministry and be responsible for co-ordinating a network of national Maori organisations. Under the minister a director would act as the chief administrator. The draft Bill also proposed that the organisation comprise four levels of administration. The first level would be represented by tribal committees such as had operated under the MWEO. These would comprise annually elected members to be approved by the minister. Two delegates from each tribal committee would serve on a tribal executive, which formed the second tier. A single member of each executive would form the membership of new bodies known as district councils, the boundaries of which would reflect existing Maori electoral districts. The fourth tier would be a Board of Maori Social and Economic Reconstruction, which would replace the existing Board of Native Affairs. s of the Board would include the newly created minister and seven members elected from the district councils, the aim being to provide Maori communities with a voice at the highest level of state administration. To bring Maori communities closer to government, it was proposed that the Secretary to the Treasury, Director of Housing Construction, Director-General of Health, Director of Social Security and the under-secretary of the Native Department would also hold seats on the Board. Funding would be met from an appropriation from parliament. It seems likely that what was envisioned was an interdepartmental approach towards addressing Maori needs: one that involved an integrated pathway for delivering state-funded services alongside Maori rather than directing or dictating to them what they needed. Whatever was intended did not come to fruition as Mason rejected the proposal and ordered Blane to redraft the Bill along the lines of the already proposed and rejected by Maori Maori Councils Bill This draft became the basis for the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act For further information see Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, pp80-86; Love, Policies of Frustration, pp ; and Orange, A Kind of Equality, pp Orange, A Kind of Equality, p

318 Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 In December 1945, four months after the Japanese surrender brought an official end to the war, the redrafted Bill, now known as the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Bill, was presented to parliament and shortly after passed into law. The Act, known in full as An Act to make Provision for the Social and Economic Advancement and the Promotion and Maintenance of the Health and General Well-being of the Maori Community came into force in April It brought to an end the functions of the MWEO and with it the autonomy the organisation had enjoyed over the preceding four years. In short, the Act established a two-stream structure: the first was the system of tribal committees and executives which had been set up under the MWEO; and the second was the Welfare Division (originally the Maori Social and Economic Welfare Organisation), a new branch of the Native Department. Within the Welfare Division would be appointed a Controller, and under him an administrative staff based in Wellington; also a number of Welfare Officers a high proportion of whom were Maori would sit on the tribal committees throughout the country Their role was to co-operate with the committees and executives to improve Maori living standards by investigating working and living conditions; arrange employment and accommodation; assist with applications for housing and social security benefits; and to act as liaison between Maori communities and government departments. Section 11 of the Act provided for the establishment of Maori wardens to assist with the Act s administration. A primary role for the wardens was to enforce by-laws concerning public health (including water, sanitation and housing); the protection of tribal grounds and the licensing of billiard halls. The powers delegated to the wardens also included the authority to enter licensed premises and advise a bar owner to desist from serving an intoxicated Maori, or they could, with the assistance of a constable, force the patron to leave. Other duties included liaising with women s and church organisations, local welfare officers and the police force. While these tasks were performed on a voluntary basis, section 11(3) of the Act allowed for tribal committees to pay, out of their own finances, wardens for their services Graham Butterworth, A Rural Maori Renaissance?: Maori society and politics , The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 81: 2, 1972, p HH Pou, Welfare Officer Zone 4, annual report, 1 April 1952 to 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 318

319 No district Maori council the third tier proposed by Tirikatene s original proposal was included in the new legislation, though section 13 of the Act made provision for district conferences which could be called by the Minister when matters arose that required the consideration of two or more tribal executives The committees were to administer a tribal committee area that was to be gazetted under the provisions of sections 14 and 15 of the Act. Tribal executives would administer a larger geographical area known as a Tribal District ; members of the executive would be drawn from two members of each committee for which the executive was responsible. Executive members were to be appointed by the minister on the recommendations of the tribal committees that proposed them. As Francis and Sarich noted, while the committee and executive structures reflected those established under the MWEO, peacetime conditions brought with it a number of new administrative conditions The tasks of the tribal committees and executives were set out under the auspices of section 12(a) of the Act: to promote, encourage, guide and assist members of the Maori race: i) To conserve, improve, advance, and maintain their physical, economic, industrial, educational, social, moral and spiritual well-being; (ii) To assume and maintain self-dependence, thrift, pride of race, and such conduct as will be conducive to their general health and economic well-being; (iii) To accept and maintain the full right, privileges, and responsibilities of citizenship; (iv) To apply and maintain the maximum possible efficiency and responsibility in their local self-government and undertakings; and (v) To preserve, revive, and maintain the teaching of Maori arts, crafts, language, genealogy, and history in order to perpetuate Maori culture; This is one section of the Act that replicates what had been proposed within Blane s original draft. Under the Act, tribal committees were permitted to undertake any project that would advance one, several or all of the aspirations noted above, and they were permitted to attract funding from a variety of sources. Importantly, the Act included a provision stating that any revenue raised by committees would be met by a government pound-forpound subsidy. Executives were also charged with the collaboration and co Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, no.43,7 December 1945, New Zealand Statutes, 1945, pp Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, pp

320 operation with Government Departments and assisting local bodies and other associations in matters affecting the well-being of the Maori race A further provision of the Act, section 33, allowed for Maori to reserve exclusive fishing grounds and, on the recommendation of the Minister of Marine and the tribal executives, to make fishing regulations in respect of those reserved fishing grounds. Debates in the House made it clear that Pakeha would need to be informed ahead of any attempt to reserve for the exclusive use of Maori any fishing grounds; while some s were flatly opposed to the concept of reserving fishing grounds at all. As it transpired, the Marine Department policy of the time was to not give effect to the provisions of the Act and to seek to have it revoked as soon as was practicable. This provision of the Act was repealed with the passing of the Maori Welfare Act 1962, and there were no subsequent provisions to reserve fishing grounds for Maori until the 1980s Orange commented that the Act represented a partial victory for Maori. The Native Department, through legislation, was committed to a degree of cooperation with the Maori people which would have been unthinkable in the pre-war years ; for Maori, despite applying constant pressure which secured a shift in policy, they lost the flaxroots autonomy and Maori leadership at the heart of central government It was the tribal committees and executives structure established during the war that had made the MWEO such a success. Maori communities, free of government control, felt that they were making a significant contribution to the national war effort and at the same time working to improve their own socio-economic position. While on the face of it the legislation appeared a continuation of wartime structures in a peacetime context, the fact that the executives and committees were responsible to the Native Department was regarded as a major setback for Maori leaders. Any Maori disquiet over the direction of Labour s Maori policy does not appear to have significantly influenced the election results. The Ratana candidates of the Labour Party retained their hold on the four Maori seats. In the Northern Maori electorate, Paikea s son, Tapihana Paraire Paikea, was returned with a substantial majority. Indeed, just as with the 1957 general election, discussed in the next chapter, it was the Maori MPs who held the balance of power Department of Maori Affairs memorandum to Minister of Maori Affairs re MSEA 1945, 2 May 1950, Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, ANZ, Wellington Waitangi Tribunal, Report of the Waitangi Tribunal on the Muriwhenua Fishing Claim, Wai 22, Waitangi Tribunal: Wellington, 1988, pp Orange, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy, p For further information on the relationship between Labour and Ratana in the period, see Love, Policies of Frustration, pp

321 Further information regarding what the Act introduced can be found elsewhere What is important here is the extent to which Te Raki Maori engaged with the provisions set out in the Act. The introduction and operation of the legislation can be characterised by two distinct phases: the first covers the period approximately from 1946 to These were years in which the national administration became established, and executives and committees at regional and sub-regional level were formed and their boundaries gazetted. The second period, post-1949, witnessed the legislation in full swing. Evidence sighted for this reports suggests that Te Raki Maori partially engaged with the legislation, in particular with section 23, claiming pound-for-pound subsidies for marae and community improvement projects. Establishing committees and executives under the MSEA, post-1945 For administrative purposes, the pre-existing seven Native (from 1947 Maori) Land Court districts were sub-divided into 22 zones based on boundaries of counties, boroughs and town districts. There were five zones (zones 1-5) in the Tokerau District, whose headquarters were located at: Kaitaia (zone 1); Broadwood (zone 2); Kaikohe (zone 3); Whangarei (zone 4) and Auckland (zone 5). The five zones were served by 10 welfare officers (six male and four female). As described in a memorandum to all MSEA registrars and welfare officers, the keynote to the organisation would be close personal contact. The aim, it stated, is to bring every home into the picture and to make the people realise that they are part of the organisation, and that the organisation is designed and created to promote their wellbeing As of October 1946, it was envisaged four of the five zones in Northland would be: Table 21: Proposed MSEA zones in Northland, October Zone County Tribal executives Tribal committees Population 1 Mangonui and Whangaroa ,243 2 Hokianga ,137 3 Bay of Islands , For further information see Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, pp89-92; Walghan Partners, Twentieth Century Overview Part II, ,pp ; Raeburn Lange, To Promote Maori Well-being: Tribal Committees and Executives under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series, Number 8, Memorandum from Rangi Royal to Registrars and Welfare Officers re Organisation under The Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, 1945, 15 April 1947, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington Rangi Royal to the Under-Secretary, Native Department, 11 October 1946, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington. 321

322 Zone County Tribal executives Tribal committees Population 4 Whangarei, Hobson, ,783 Otamatea TOTAL ,684 In correspondence with the under-secretary of the Native Department, the newly-appointed Maori Controller, Rangi Royal, stated that he envisaged a Welfare Officer being appointed for each zone, and a Lady Welfare Officer would be appointed to cover all four zones The Welfare Officer s role, it was later stated, was to assist Maori to master the culture of the Pakeha for his worldly well-being and to encourage Maori to retain the essentials of his own culture as a sheet anchor in his own development, which was to be achieved through section 12(a) of the MSEA Royal was of Ngati Raukawa and Ngati Tamatera (Hauraki) descent. He was a Great War veteran and, when the Second World War broke out, he reenlisted, this time in B Company of the Maori Battalion. He was awarded the Military Cross and bar in 1941 for his actions in Crete and Libya. The following year he was medically discharged and returned to New Zealand after being wounded during the Libyan campaign. Prior to the war he had worked as a clerk to the Native Land Court and Waiariki District Maori Land Board in Rotorua, the place to which he returned from war service. In 1944 he was appointed Chief Welfare Officer in the Native Department and, two years later, appointed Controller of Maori housing, a position which took him to Wellington. During the war he had authored a report on the poor housing conditions of Maori living in Auckland When the MWEO was disbanded and the MSEA was implemented, Royal was appointed Controller of the Native Department s Welfare Division in September It is worth recording that to afford the controller s position its due status, Tirikatene recommended an annual salary of 950, which was on par with the salaries of a Native Land Court Judge and the deputy under-secretary of the Native Department It can be assumed that this was not realised as Royal s 1221 Rangi Royal to under-secretary, Native Department, 11 October 1946, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington Maori Affairs Department Annual Report, 1953, Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives (AJHR), G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1954, p Te Rangiataahua Kiniwe Royal, , Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, volume 4, Auckland: Auckland University Press and Department of Internal Affairs, 1998, pp Maori Welfare: Appointment of Controller, Nash Papers, NP , ANZ, Wellington. 322

323 annual salary in 1948 was recorded as 785 per annum, 190 per annum less than that of the Maori Affairs Department s Assistant-Secretary Figure 9: Distribution and location of MSEA Welfare Officers, Royal s hope was that the operational structure of the new MSEA welfare organisation would maintain the direct link between the people and the minister that had been experienced during the Second World War. Then, tribal executives dealt directly with their local liaison officers who communicated directly with the Chief Liaison Officer who in turn communicated with the minister. Royal s intention was to appoint District Registrars who would direct and control the work of Welfare Officers. In urgent situations, however, communication from tribal executives could be 1225 List of Persons Employed in the Public Service, 1949, Supplement to the New Zealand Gazette of 3 February 1949, Wellington: Government Printer, 1949, pp ; General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington. 323

324 made directly to the Controller or the Minister. Francis and Sarich note that the lines of communication between Welfare Officers, Registrars and the Controller were a continual source of tension as the Welfare Division attempted to maintain a relative independence within the [Native] Department infrastructure In May and June 1946 Royal took to the road to explain to Maori the MSEA and its implications and benefits for their communities. He felt that the New Act as it was commonly known, had been well received. A number of recurring concerns were addressed and resolved during the course of his tour, one being the provision of finances for local marae improvements. As Raeburn Lange noted, Royal s assessment was that there was a strong desire for practical schemes that would mean money and plenty of money It was in the wake of Royal s visits to Northland that tribal committees and executives were established. The MSEA organisation in Te Raki Legislation stipulated that before committees and executives were permitted to operate, members needed to be elected and boundaries gazetted. Maps or lithographs of boundaries had to be forwarded to the Department of Lands and Survey prior to gazetting. One criticism of this process was that it was laborious and time consuming to the extent that some Maori leaders and committee members became frustrated and lost interest Evidence sighted for this report, however, suggests that Te Raki inquiry district committees and executives were speedily formed to take advantage of the Act s benefits. Below is a sample of some of the committees and executives formed within the Te Raki inquiry district during this period. Refer to Appendices Three to Six of this report for information on personnel who sat on other committees in the area, as well as information on Whangaroa Tribal Executive-nominated wardens, tribal committee secretaries and tribal executive delegates. In March 1946, within weeks of the legislation being enacted, a committee in Kaikohe was formed and 11 members duly elected: 1227 Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, p Lange, To Promote Maori Well-Being, p Bryan Gilling, Paddling Their Own Waka or Rowing the Government s Boat?: The official system for Maori socio-economic development in the post-1945 period, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit Rangatiratanga Series, 15, Wellington: Victoria University of Wellington, 2008, p

325 Table 22: Inner Kaikohe Tribal Committee, March Inner Kaikohe Tribal Committee Charlie Hoka Tuhi Maihi Putahi Henare Winiata Rameka W Padlie F Tane H Dargaville B Nareta(?) H Kihi W Kihi Maihi Wiremu Wihongi(?) Position Chairman Secretary Treasurer Treasurer Committee member Committee member Committee member Committee member Committee member Committee member Committee member In a letter to an undisclosed recipient, secretary, Tuhi Maihi, stated that two tribal committees had been established and his committee would, therefore, be known as The Inner Kaikohe Tribal Committee At the same time, Maihi indicated that a meeting had taken place between members of local tribal committees (Inner Kaikohe no.2; Outer Kaikohe no.1; Ngawha; Mataraua; Te Ahu Ahu; Lake Omapere; Tautoro; Waimate North and Ti Waitangi) with the purpose of selecting a chairman and secretary for the central executive committee, and the selection of an executive member to serve on the Kaikohe District Rehabilitation and Farming committees. Those duly appointed were Waimate Anaru as chairman, Tuhi Maihi as secretary, and Eru Pou became the Rehabilitation and Farming representative Similarly, in November 1946, Haimona Tuoro wrote to the Controller enclosing details of the Okaihau tribal committee boundary and the list of elected members that would serve on it. A month earlier, David Toia, secretary of the Waimate North tribal committee and one of its two delegates on the district s tribal executive, submitted a list of elected members and the tribal boundary Zone 2 Tribal Committees, 1946, [Maori Councils and Committees] Western Hokianga Tribal District Tribal Committee and Executives, , AAMK W3730 Box 29 35/6/1, ANZ Wellington Correspondence from Tuhi Maihi, 29 March 1946, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington Correspondence from Tuhi Maihi, 28 March 1946, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington. 325

326 Table 23: s elected to Waimate North Tribal Committee 1233 Waimate North Tribal Committee Aperahama Kaiawe David Toia Mate Toia Ngawati Aperahama Tamati Shelford Wi Hau Nepia Tana Munroe Wiremu Pene Reihana Kaiawa Godfrey Rameka Sarah Rameka Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate The Waimate North tribal committee was one of seven committees that constituted the Eastern Kaikohe District. The other six were: Table 24: Remaining tribal committees in Eastern Kaikohe District 1234 Te Ahuahu Tribal Committee Hone Haimona Wiremu Marino Puru Tarau Kerei Mihaka Renata Komene Taa Arihana Hoori Manihera Tahurangi Karena Pita Tiatoa Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Oromahoe Tribal Committee Hewe Apiata Arawhe Ashby Mare Komene Huirua Taurua Te Turi Takirihi Piripi Wiremu Tane Haki Takimoana Paora Takimoana Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate 1233 Controller, Maori Social and Economic Advancement to David W Toia, 13 October 1946, Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, ANZ, Wellington Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, ANZ, Wellington. 326

327 Oromahoe Tribal Committee Hare Rapana Nake Taituha Hiri Parata Position Waitangi Tribal Committee Walter Ashby Tia Yorke Pouaka Taurua Tamati Poutawera Tom Cross Hirini Manihera Peata Yorke Maraea Shedlock Pinenga te Rangi Maki Joyce Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Te Tii Mangonui Tribal Committee Te Ihi Heihei Totonewa Heihei Kingi Heihei Te Rau Heihei Karu Heihei Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Kerikeri Tribal Committee Arawhe Kuku Matire Kuku Moa Kingi Akinihi Kingi Morehu Kingi Allen Strongman Rona Strongman Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Okaihau Tribal Committee Himiona Tuoro Paapu Tohu Tamati Hapimana Heemi Kingi Paenoa King Hone Rado Haare Wiremu Hapeta Rihari Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate 327

328 Okaihau Tribal Committee Pita Hare Sandy Hare Honi Taimona Position Native Affairs formally approved all of these committees on 9 August As a result of these appointments, the make-up of the Eastern Kaikohe Tribal Executive was thus: 1235 Table 25: Eastern Kaikohe Tribal Executive, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal Executive Hone Haimona David Toia Wiremu Marino Hewe Apiata Arawhere Ashby Walter Ashby Tia Yorke Te Ihi Heihei Totonewa Heihei Anawhe Kuku Matire Kuku Aperahama Kaiawe Himiona Tuoro Paapu Tohu Delegates Chairman Secretary The Mangakahia district tribal committees were established in October 1947 and the following personnel were elected to serve their communities It was established that Poroti had a tribal area population of 200; Parakao was home to 250; and Nukutawhiti had a local population of 150. No population figures have been sighted for Pakotai Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, 1945, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal Executive, approximately 1947, Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, ANZ, Wellington Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, ANZ, Wellington Mangakahia Tribal District, October 1947, [Maori Councils and Committees] Mangakahia TD [Tribal District] Tribal Areas, Executives and Committees, , AAMK W3730 Box 32 35/15/1, ANZ, Wellington. 328

329 Table 26: Mangakahia District Tribal Committees 1238 Poroti Tribal Committee Hone Tito Hoori Owene Rehe Peeni Akinihi Peeni Eruera Netana Kapiere Davis Te Ruma Norris Toma Heta Pari Mete Kataraina Mahia Haki Mahia Position Chairman and Executive delegate Secretary and Executive delegate Parakao Tribal Committee Heke Te Rangi Hopa Te Rangi Toko Komene Hari Rameka Rapunoa Pou Mihi Pongia Nau Inia Position Chairman and Executive delegate Secretary and Executive delegate Nukutawhiti Tribal Committee Wi Roera Adam Pou Riwhi Arona Maehe Perama Huka Pou Reta Ruwhiu Tame Wihongi Matini Tikena Position Chairman and Executive delegate Secretary and Executive delegate Pakotai Tribal Committee Eremiha Wharepapa Wiremu Rika Aperehama T Wharepapa Hemi Rika Taa Maihi Hiri Maihi Position Chairman and Executive delegate Secretary and Executive delegate 1238 Mangakahia Tribal District, October 1947, [Maori Councils and Committees] Mangakahia TD [Tribal District] Tribal Areas, Executives and Committees, , AAMK W3730 Box 32 35/15/1, ANZ, Wellington. 329

330 Pakotai Tribal Committee Alf Pehere Position The members who comprised the Mangakahia Tribal Executive circa 1949 were: Table 27: Mangakahia Tribal Executive, c Mangakahia Tribal Executive Heka Te Rangi Hoori Owene Hone Tito Wi Roera Huhana Arona Hopa Te Rangi Position Chairman Secretary Zone 2 (Hokianga and Part Bay of Islands Counties) was divided into three tribal districts: Panguru, which comprised five tribal committees; Northern Hokianga, which contained eight tribal committees, and Southern Hokianga, which oversaw six tribal committees. Tribal committees and executives were established and personnel duly elected. The tribal executives in zone 2 were Panguru; Northern; Southern and Northern Wairoa and are listed below. The tribal committees established in the Western Hokianga district appear in Appendix Three of this report Table 28: Tribal executives in Zone 2 of the MSEA 1241 Panguru Executive Pakihi Peita Whina Cooper Keepa Paaka Kirihato Kenara Himi Riki Hauata BH Hotere KN Kamira Manuera Ihaka Ritete Waipouri Position Chairman Secretary 1239 Mangakahia Tribal District, October 1947, [Maori Councils and Committees] Mangakahia TD [Tribal District] Tribal Areas, Executives and Committees, , AAMK W3730 Box 32 35/15/1, ANZ, Wellington Zone 2 Tribal Executive, 1946, [Maori Councils and Committees] Western Hokianga Tribal District Tribal Committee and Executives, , AAMK W3730 Box 29 35/6/1, ANZ Wellington Zone 2 Tribal Executive, 1946, [Maori Councils and Committees] Western Hokianga Tribal District Tribal Committee and Executives, , AAMK W3730 Box 29 35/6/1, ANZ Wellington. 330

331 Panguru Executive Henry Leaf Position Northern Executive Tohu Clark TJ Davis George Harris Mrs J Barber Steve Harris J Williams Karena Stevens Ruiha Heperi Takahi Anihana Miriama Hapeta Walter Smith Eru Tewhata Dick Pehi Teware Heremaia Puri Pererika Rogers Position Chairman Secretary Southern Executive Henry Tawhai Graham Mokaraka Rameka Hauraki Pera Rogers Sid Kaio George Wynyard Morgan Diamond Jack Tane Michael Diamond Piwai Toi Frank Smythe Matthew Hadfield Position Chairman Northern Wairoa Executive Jack Walters A H Lewis Waaka Tahu Jacob Dunn Nehua Motu Ruki Leef Dave Tuhiwai Henry Tito Position Chairman 331

332 Northern Wairoa Executive Bob Ihimaira Paiwiko Ananaia Friday Kera Kath Thompson Position For further information on Zone 1 Whangaroa executive committees and nominated Maori Wardens see Appendix Four of this report. As stated above, tribal executives were, under the 1945 legislation, given a range of powers. These included the authority to make and administer bylaws concerning public health (including water, sanitation and housing); the protection of tribal grounds; the licensing of billiard halls, storekeepers and itinerant traders; and the authority to impose penalties for breaches of bylaws It is most likely that those committees and executives that were already active in the first half of 1946 were those that had been operational under the MWEO. As a result, they were in a better position in the immediate postwar environment to voice their opinions and concerns to the Prime Minister. In April 1946 the leaders of Taitokerau met to discuss a number of issues including the Ngawha Mineral Springs, the future of Kaikohe Military Hospital, the rehabilitation of Maori ex-servicemen, the establishment of a Royal Commission to enquire into native land claims (this may have been what became the Myers Commission which is briefly mentioned below), and their proposed choice for the, at that point, undetermined Maori Controller. The outcome of this meeting has not been sighted except for the discussion on the proposed Maori Controller. On that point, they suggested the chosen man be someone imbued with the true spirit of the Act; who has a thorough knowledge of departmental procedure ; someone who possessed a deep understanding of Maori welfare ; and someone who is possessed of a sincere desire to foster the advancement of the Maori people in harmonious relationship with all the State departments, local bodies, etc ; criteria that Royal evidently met Department of Maori Affairs memorandum to Minister of Maori Affairs re MSEA 1945, 2 May 1950, Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, ANZ, Wellington Subject matters discussed by leaders of Taitokerau for presentation to the Prime Minister, 3 April 1946, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington. 332

333 The Myers Commission, Around the time that MSEA committees and executives were forming, the Myers Commission was established. The Commission, whose official title was the Royal Commission to inquire into and report on claims preferred by members of the Maori race touching certain lands known as surplus lands of the Crown was, in short, charged with investigating Maori claims over surplus lands. The three commissioners were Sir Michael Myers, the former Chief Justice; Hanara Reedy, a respected Ngati Porou leader; and Albert Samuel, former of Parliament for Ohinemuri and later Thames. More on the Myers Commission can be found elsewhere, though it is necessary to mention it here, albeit in brief, as it was the commission Fraser announced would be established when he spoke at the 1940 Centennial commemorations at Waitangi, and it is an example of Crown-Maori political engagement in the immediate post-war era The Commission sat four times between November 1946 and May 1948; three times in Auckland and once in Kaikohe. The commissioners, in their report, noted that there were around 100 Maori in attendance at the first session, a number of them having travelled down from Northland. It was suggested that given the interest in the north in the matter of surplus lands, the Commission should be asked to sit in the district. This was acceded to and, to accommodate for the potential large numbers who would attend the Kaikohe Magistrate s Court hearing, a marquee and amplifier sound system were erected for those unable to secure a spot in the Court itself Barry Rigby has noted that by the time the Commission arrived in Kaikohe in October 1947, Maori had lost all confidence in the Crown s willingness to conduct a full and fair investigation into both surplus and scrip land grievances Rigby further noted that the Commission had failed to conduct an adequate inquiry into the Crown s acquisition of surplus land. It adopted a narrow legal approach, it avoided historical analysis, and, above all, it denied Maori the right to speak with their own voice One recommendation the Commission did make at the conclusion of its investigation was that there was an area of surplus land for which Maori 1244 For further information on the Commission see Bruce Stirling and Richard Towers, Not with the Sword but with the Pen : The taking of the Northland Old Land Claims, Wai 1040, #A9, 2007, pp Report of Royal Commission to Inquire into and Report on Claims preferred by s of the Maori Race Touching Certain Lands Known as Surplus Lands of the Crown, AJHR, G-8, 1948, p Barry Rigby, Answers to Te Paparahi o Te Raki (Wai 1040) Statement of Issues questions concerning Old Land Claims, Wai 1940, #H4, 2013, p Rigby, Answers to Te Paparahi o Te Raki (Wai 1040) Statement of Issues questions, p

334 were entitled to compensation. Five years later, the Maori Purposes Act 1953 was passed, which implemented a number of the Commission s recommendations. The Act provided for the payment of compensation totalling 61,307. The Tai Tokerau Maori Trust Board, which was also established by the Act, received 47, The Myers Commission was established in the aftermath of the Second World War and on the back of the promise Fraser had issued at Waitangi in This report makes no judgement on whether Maori were satisfied with the Commission s findings; from a political engagement perspective only, it demonstrates that Fraser was true to his word and at least did establish a vehicle through which long-held Maori claims over land in the north could be assessed. In the context of the time, the Commission can be viewed as one way in which the Crown recognised Maori contribution to and participation in the nation s war effort over the previous eight years. Initial years of the MSEA It is apparent that in its early years, the MSEA s operation suffered a number of teething problems. Royal acknowledged that the system established in 1945 was not working as well as envisaged. In early 1947 he outlined proposals to effect a division of responsibilities between the district registrars and the Controller. The registrars would take control of a range of administrative duties such as pay, reimbursing travel costs, accommodation, stationery and general discipline, while the Controller would direct and control the flow of welfare officers work By doing this, the welfare officers could bypass the registrars and communicate directly with the Controller, thus ensuring a direct link to the Minister. Though not explicitly stated, Royal was attempting to maintain both control over the welfare officers, and a degree of distance from the normal day-to-day administration of the Department. The following year, Peter Fraser, in his capacity as Minister of Maori Affairs (he had taken over from Rex Mason in December 1946), wrote to the undersecretary for Maori Affairs regarding the position of welfare officers under the 1945 legislation. Fraser pointed out that although the MSEA organisation operated within the auspices of Maori Affairs, it was his intention that it would function as self-controlling and autonomously as possible. He had issued instructions to the Maori Affairs Department stating 1248 For further information see Michael Nepia, Muriwhenua Surplus Lands Commissions of Inquiry in the Twentieth Century, 1992, Wai 45, #G1, pp Rangi Royal to all Registrars and Welfare Officers, 15 April 1947, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt1, ANZ, Wellington. 334

335 that welfare officers should communicate directly with the Maori Controller and not through the district registrars. Doing so, he argued, slowed up the development, the effectiveness, and benefits of the Organisation to such an extent as would handicap all concerned and would dishearten the Welfare Officers, the Tribal Executives and the Tribal Committees. The Maori Social and Economic Welfare Organisation, he stated, must not be looked upon as merely another branch of the Maori Department. It is an Organisation that must be to a very large extent independent and self-reliant Fraser argued that, while tribal committees and executives would form contacts with several government departments, it was Maori Affairs that possessed the authority and resources to fully assist Maori social and economic advancement. Fraser s vision for the MSEA organisation here is clear. He believed Maori should look upon it as their organisation, which they controlled locally as a form of local expression, direction, and control and, up to a point, as provided in the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, even a measure of local government in matters affecting the living conditions, housing, health, and the general welfare of the Maori people I hope and believe, he concluded, that when the Organisation is complete and in full functioning order it will result in a great step forward in the advancement of the Maori people The Native Affairs Department annual report for 1947 noted that 95 tribal committees had been gazetted, and thus formed. While this was fewer than the Department had hoped, the report claimed that this was more to do with the slow administration of having tribal boundaries drawn up and gazetted. The report went on to note that the seven functioning Welfare Officers (of the proposed 36: 23 men and 13 women) had dealt with over 7,500 cases concerning general welfare, housing, rehabilitation, social security and employment A year later, the same report stated that the Maori race are taking advantage of the services provided by the Government and the Department for their general social and economic betterment. They discern, it continued, 1250 Peter Fraser, Minister of Maori Affairs to under-secretary Maori Affairs, 21 September 1948, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington Peter Fraser, Minister of Maori Affairs to under-secretary Maori Affairs, 21 September 1948, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W /1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington Peter Fraser, Minister of Maori Affairs to under-secretary Maori Affairs, 21 September 1948, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act Native Department Annual Report, 1947, AJHR, G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1948, p3. 335

336 the material progress that they will make as a people and as citizens of the Dominion in taking a full part in its social and economic life, and in assuming the rights, duties, and obligations of citizenship with the like opportunities for progress available to the rest of the community The 1948 report noted that 33 Welfare Officers were operating, an increase of 26 from the previous year, and just three below the number the Department wished to install. Also worth noting is that by 1948 the Department recorded that 85 per cent of the Maori population fell within the auspices of a local committee. Both Waikato and Ngati Porou remained aloof for various reasons, but the latter tribe has now indicated that it is prepared to organize under the Act Recorded at that stage were 370 committees and 60 executives. The Maori Affairs annual report for 1949/50 recorded that tribal executives and committees had, by this stage: a better appreciation of their responsibilities and are functioning soundly. Cooperation with Government Departments is coming into evidence, and it is anticipated that in the near future some of the more advanced Executives and Committees will be self-reliant bodies able to solve their problems on the spot as they arise Executives were engaged in collecting rates levied on Maori land and, in some instances, hospital boards sought assistance from the executives to secure staff for hospitals The 1945 legislation stipulated that elections for committee and executive membership would be held every two years; a clause with which Whina Cooper, who sat on the Panguru Tribal Executive, disagreed. In a meeting with Peter Fraser held at Kaikohe Pa in October 1949, she made the point that in her experience those who had done all the hard work in establishing their committees would find themselves elected out of office after the designated term by new members who had spent the preceding time sitting on the fence Fraser agreed and said he would discuss with Tipi Ropiha 1254 Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1948, AJHR, G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1949, p Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1948 G-9, p AJHR, 1950, G-9, p AJHR, 1950, G-9, p There is some confusion here as Cooper stated the term of office for committees was three years rather than the two years stipulated by the legislation; see Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, New Zealand Statutes, 1945, p385 and Notes of representation to Prime Minister (Rt.Hon. P Fraser) when he visited Kaikohe Pa, Friday 28th 336

337 (who in September 1948 had replaced GP Shepherd as under-secretary for Maori Affairs and was the first Maori to hold the position), Rangi Royal and others to see what could be done Within a month, however, Labour had lost the general election. The main role of welfare officers was to ensure tribal organisations functioned smoothly and, in conjunction with the committees and executives, develop proposals and plans for Maori advancement. They were at liberty to directly approach government departments and seek assistance from them. It was made clear that their purpose was not to police Maori, but to liaise between Maori communities and the state. Areas in which they worked included, but were not limited to, health, housing, education, employment, child welfare, moral welfare and rehabilitation A key area in advancing Maori social and economic status was access to funding via the MSEA s subsidies system. Development of Te Raki committees and executives under MSEA after 1949 The Department of Maori Affairs District Welfare Officers monthly, quarterly and annual reports provide a further level of understanding of socioeconomic welfare and the extent to which Te Raki Maori engaged with MSEA policies and provisions. They cover many aspects of social welfare including the role of wardens, housing, education, employment, hostels, health, child welfare, liquor, youth recreational services and urbanisation. In doing so they are, to an extent, indicators of the state of the district. From the reports we can ascertain that engagement with MSEA policies and provisions appeared to differ from committee to committee and district to district. While the reports are very useful indicators of the progress or otherwise of the committees and executives in the district, they do not, unfortunately, provide opinions or expressions from individual committees or committee members, or relay any information on the day-to-day functions of the committees and executives. By 1949, there already seems to have been a good deal of contact between the welfare officers of each zone and the tribal committees and executives, mainly in the form of attending meetings. For the year for instance, in zone 5, covering the Auckland area, 115 tribal committee October 1949, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W2490 Box 56 35/1/pt Notes of representation to Prime Minister (Rt.Hon. P Fraser) when he visited Kaikohe Pa, Friday 28th October 1949, General Policy and Administration Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA W2490 Box 56 35/1/pt Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1948, pp

338 meetings were attended, and a further 74 tribal committee matters dealt with, which constituted just under 7 per cent of all welfare officer business conducted both in the office and in the field. The bulk of their time was devoted, unsurprisingly to housing, health and other welfare-related issues At the same time in zone 4, covering the Whangarei area, HH Pou, the welfare officer, attended to 185 tribal committee matters, also constituting 7 per cent of the 2,630 contacts which took place in that zone In terms of progress, Pou noted that the Whangarei Tribal Executive had been doing wonderful work among the people and had often been approached by government officials, employers and local body officials on matters affecting the local Maori communities. Central to the MSEA system was the establishment and operation of Maori Wardens. HH Pou, welfare officer for zone 4 at Whangarei, noted in his annual report that wardens were, within the Whangarei, Mangakahia and Otamatea tribal districts working very satisfactorily. Duties carried out included periodic visits to licensed premises and billiard saloons; investigating welfare cases such as truancy, domestic disputes, and general child welfare; assisting police officers when requested to do so; collecting dog taxes; and the preparation of quarterly and annual reports requested by some committees Pou realised the value of the wardens and encouraged the committees to meet the out-of-pocket expenses incurred by the wardens as well as paying them some small honorarium for their services to the community and Maori people generally A year later Pou again raised the issue, stating that while he acknowledged the wardens should, where possible, be voluntary workers, a form of recompense needed to be established for fear of them taking an indifferent attitude to their work, which also included, above those already mentioned, serving summons on behalf of the committees There were 2,767 contacts, both in the office and out in the field in that year. Annual report, welfare work, 1 April 1948 to 31 March 1949, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington HH Pou, Welfare Officer Zone 4, annual report, 1 April 1948 to 31 March 1949, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington HH Pou, Welfare Officer Zone 4, annual report, 1 April 1952 to 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington HH Pou, Welfare Officer Zone 4, annual report, 1 April 1952 to 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington HH Pou, Welfare Officer Zone 4, annual report, April 1954, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 338

339 Table 29: Status of Zone 4 Tribal Committees, 31 March Committee Comments Whangarei Tribal Executive Whangarei Steady progress maintained during the year. Takahiwai The most dormant committee in the whole of the Tribal District; Hoped that new blood will be put into the committee after forthcoming elections. Pipiwai and Whakapara General support from people lacking; hope that reelections would breathe life into committee. Whananaki Much improved committee ; recent support of the people did much to bolster the morale of the whole Organisation again. Ngunguru At a disadvantage due to three Maori settlements being isolated from one another. Changes being made to ensure everyone had chance to attend and be heard. Whangaruru By far the most active Committee in the.district ; Much has been achieved. Support given at the committee s inception, confidence in the members. Mangakahia Tribal Executive Poroti A very sound and active committee main project in the area is the completion of their dining room and hall adjoining their meeting house. People very responsive in all matters dealt with by the committee. Steady progress maintained for both committees, met by the support and co-operation of the people. Parakao and Nukutawhiti Pakotai By far the weakest committee in the District however hopes that elections would instil new life. Otamatea Tribal Executive Naumai, Oruawharo and Te Kowhai Ruawai, Arapaoa, Pakiri and Otamatea Kakanui Despite all their efforts they have not been met with the support of the people to the extent they deserve. However they are steadily realising the importance of their committees. All done wonderful work throughout the year and the people have been most responsive in all matters dealt with by them. From end of 1948 this committee transferred to the Waitemata Tribal District progress to that point was most satisfactory HH Pou, Welfare Officer Zone 4, annual report, 1 April 1948 to 31 March 1949, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/plt 1, , ANZ, Wellington. 339

340 For further information on Zone 2 (Hobson, South Hokianga, North Hokianga and Pangaru Districts) tribal committee secretaries in the early 1950s see Appendix Five of this report. For tribal executive delegates in zones 1-5 for the same period, see Appendix Six of this report. Te Raki engagement with the MSEA s subsidy scheme The subsidies system developed under section 23 of the 1945 Act stated that tribal committees could apply for pound-for-pound subsidies which could be used to advance the physical, economic, social, educational, and moral benefit of Maori The Maori Affairs annual report for 1948 reported that it had set aside 10,000, while the amount claimed by Maori nationally was 16, For the next few years, government expenditure on and successful applications for subsidy assistance was thus: Table 30: Government MSEA subsidies expenditure 1269 Financial year Expended ( ) Running total ( ) ,694 40, ,054 92, , , , , , , ,627* 162, , , , , , , , , , , ,264** 28,701*** 361, , , ,955 * 21,627 was approved for the year but only 7,167 paid out to tribal committees; **58 approvals totalling 71,264; ***A further 73 applications were approved totalling 28,701. In the main, applications were for community development programmes such as repairing marae and the building of new meeting houses, dining halls and sports facilities. In Te Raki inquiry district, the swift establishment of committees and executives meant that communities could mobilise themselves to take advantage of the subsidy system and submit applications for financial assistance to undertake such projects. Theoretically, until 1267 Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1949, AJHR, G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1950, p Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1949, AJHR, 1949, G-9, p AJHR, , G

341 1957, when a limit of 4,000 was introduced for each individual project, Maori could claim as much money as was available It appears from the sources examined for this report, that committees within the inquiry district were swift in applying for subsidies. By the early 1950s, it was recorded that there were, within zone 2, four tribal executives and 23 committees at work. Efforts had been dedicated to raising funds for marae improvement projects. Though as H Rogers, the zone 2 welfare officer noted his 1952 annual report, some communities were experiencing difficulty in raising sufficient funds to complete the least of the projects considered sufficient for their communal needs. Fund finding is a difficult problem and during the past 12 months subsidies for the zone have been strictly limited Rogers statement highlights the difficulties of fundraising in some communities. Added to this was the fact that the MSEA legislation required that all committees financial books had to be reviewed and approved by a registered auditor, slowing down the process of having applications approved. Within his zone, however, subsidy applications were being approved and building projects were underway: Table 31: Zone 2 tribal committees building activities 1272 Tribal area South Hokianga Tribal Executive District Waimamaku Tribal Committee (TC) Waiwhatawhata-Kokohuia TC Comments Large social hall erected; new project to be dining hall; renovate old hui house to serve the needs of the people better. New building under construction; completion delayed by shortage of materials and finance. Next project social hall but some time before it can commence. Marae fairly well equipped ; Next project to be Pakanae-Horotu TC conveniences. Whirinaki TC Two marae in area; dismantling and rebuilding a dining hall underway. Omanaia TC Marae in good state, recently been painted. Improvement to drainage been carried out. Waima TC Two marae with two new buildings erected since TC 1270 Once the 4,000 limit had been exhausted for an individual project, a further 10s per 1 was available up to the value of 2,000; Maori Affairs Department Annual Report, 1956, AJHR, G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1957, pp H Rogers, Welfare Officer, Zone 2, to District Officer, Auckland, 22 April 1952, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt1, ANZ Wellington H Rogers, Welfare Officer, Zone 2, to District Officer, Auckland, 22 April 1952, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt1, ANZ Wellington. 341

342 Tribal area Taheke TC Hobson Tribal Executive District Tangiteroria TC Maunganui TC Oturei TC Metitai(?) TC Pouto TC North Hokianga Tribal Executive District Motukiore TC Utakura TC Rangiahua TC Mangamuka TC Tautehihi TC Motukaraka TC Panguru Tribal Executive District Motuti TC Pawarenga TC Whakarapa TC Comments came into being. Old meeting house been renovated which will serve the needs of the people for many years. New hui house erected and dining hall due to commence. People divided over project to erect a hui house to replace inadequate one. Initially, there was failure to agree on marae site, reconciliation then struck. No visible improvement; people seem divided and non-cooperative. Hall completed, dining hall next project. The latter hall when completed would make this social centre the best in the Executive area. Very small settlement with little activity. Renovations to hall and working party preparing the ground for concreting. Small isolated community, meeting house renovated and extended. Work due to be completed shortly; efforts of this small community commendable. No project, inactive area. Slight improvement but people appear not to cooperate with TC leaders. Social centre erection well underway. Project is straining the resources of the people but when completed would be a lasting memorial and a most valuable building. Work on the carved meeting house; new dining hall and improvements to the marae grounds. This marae has the finest buildings of any in the area. Considerable work done on meeting house and erection of new dining hall, which is partially completed. Further project for erection of meeting house at Orira, an isolated settlement in the locale. Tennis courts have also been completed. No activity. Has project planned for meeting house. Practically new meeting house been completed. Area fairly heavily populated and has four meeting houses. Only two have been improved and a considerable sum and effort must have been expended on the work done. Three meeting houses cloistered together, two worthy of note. Projects envisaged are: carved meeting house and renovation of Ngatimanawa Hall: logs presently being hauled for the purpose. Lower Waihou TC Small dining hall erected and meeting house renovated. 342

343 Tribal area Mitimiti TC Comments Ground improvements; tennis courts completed. In summation of activities within his zone, Rogers stated that there were 35 projects completed or underway, undertaken in often difficult times It seems clear from details represented above that, despite a small number of communities not overly embracing the MSEA subsidy scheme, many communities were actively fundraising and devoting their efforts to improving, where they could, the social, economic and cultural lives of their wider communities. By the mid-1950s, a number of projects had been undertaken: Table 32: Schedule of projects c Tribal District Projects Number Whangarei Otamatea Completed Started not completed Not started Completed Started not completed Not started Completed Started not completed Not started Completed Started not completed Not started TOTAL 37 In 1955, the District Welfare Officer s annual report noted that the granting of subsidies had amply proved a success. There must be only a few cases in the whole of Tokerau where work has been done without the assistance of subsidies One of the MSEA s requirements was that regardless of whether or not a subsidy was being applied for, each tribal committee was required to submit an annual statement illustrating its financial incomings and outgoings. Copies of these were to be sent to the tribal executive and the nearest District Officer of the Department of Maori Affairs. A bank or post office 1273 H Rogers, Welfare Officer, Zone 2, to District Officer, Auckland, 22 April 1952, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt1, ANZ Wellington Schedule of projects, c.1955, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General, Welfare Annual Report Tokerau District for year ended 31 March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington. 343

344 certificate verifying the closing balance of the account was required and auditors were required to divide what income was eligible for a subsidy and what was not. Donations that were eligible for subsidy included those from marae committees, sports clubs, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues (MWWL) and other bodies. Those that were not eligible included those donations from local authorities, public bodies, companies, Maori Trust Boards and Maori incorporations As stated, a number of tribal committees were well placed to take early advantage of the subsidies scheme. Returns for state that of the 22 zones in operation nationally, the four in Northland (zone 1: Kaitaia; zone 2: Waiotemarama; zone 3: Kaikohe; zone 4: Whangarei) claimed over 13,000 (approximately 28 per cent) of the national total of 46, set aside for subsidies. Table 33: Tribal committees subsidies, zones 1-4, Zone District Amount ( ) 1 Kaitaia Waiotemarama 4, Kaikohe 1, Whangarei 6, Zones 1-4 total 13, National total 46, In September 1949, the Whangarei Tribal Committee applied for and received a pound-for-pound subsidy of for general purposes In May of the following year, a further application for was made for local projects, comprising an already approved 700 grant from the Tokerau District Maori Land Board to be spent on the Porowini Maori Hostel in Whangarei; 100 for the Ngararatunua Meeting House; and the balance for committees administration purposes Further applications were submitted throughout the early 1950s for an array of projects, including purchasing equipment for the Whangarei Maori Youth Club and Youth Tennis Club. A statement for June 1951 records that the tribal committee 1276 Instructions for Preparation of Form, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, , AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/12/2/7/pt1, Archives New Zealand (ANZ), Auckland /51 Subsidies to Tribal Committees, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General, , MA W2490 Box 60 35/1/3/3/pt1, ANZ, Wellington Under-secretary to Minister of Maori Affairs re approval of Committee application for funding, 12 September 1949, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, Under-secretary to Minister of Maori Affairs, c. May 1950, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies,

345 had funds totalling 2, : a not insubstantial sum for the time period Statements for the end of 1956 record that this sum had increased to 5, , of which 1,200 was courtesy of a MSEA subsidy; 1,800 was held by the Maori Trustee; and over 1,800 was from funds and grants held for the Porowini Marae The need for greater facilities was explained in a report for Maori Affairs. It stated that, given the local Maori population, there was a need to establish a permanent marae and meeting place in Whangarei. To that point, the same YMCA hall was being used for all local meetings of the tribal committee and executive, local Welfare League, various church committees, as well as the Maori Progressive Group and youth organisations. A Maori Centre, it was argued, could accommodate all these groups with the hire charges being circulated within the compass of their own well-being and general welfare work. The centre, it continued, could generate revenue that would assist future projects. Arts and crafts and adult education classes could be held; extra rooms could provide accommodation for visiting parties; and local youth would have somewhere to spend their leisure time away from lesser desirable means of pastime such as billiard saloons and licensed premises Despite the subsidies the MSEA provided, there was considerable difficulty for communities to raise the funds required to even commence projects let alone assist with their completion. It was noted in September 1957 that the Whangarei Tribal Committee had to that point not spent the 315 it had received several years earlier for Toetoe Hall, nor the 900 it had received towards the erection of the hostel. Such a situation of having unspent subsidies on the books could halt the progress of any future subsidy claims Evidence indicates that the delay in the erection of a hall at Toetoe was due to the Maori Land Court failing to sanction a site for the hall on account of the limited population (estimates numbered around 50) and the fact that the Whangarei Marae and Maori Community Centre were just two and a half miles away from the proposed site. The Whangarei 1280 Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, The Reserve Bank Inflation Calculator states that this would equate to $163,900 today. URL: accessed 21 November District Officer, Welfare to Head Office, Wellington, 14 December 1956 re Application for subsidy: Whangarei Tribal Committee, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, (Possibly) District Officer, Welfare to Head Office, Wellington, 14 December 1956 re Application for subsidy: Whangarei Tribal Committee, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, , p Whangarei Tribal Committee subsidy, 9 September 1957, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies,

346 Community Centre was completed in 1958 at a cost of 6,200, with almost half the cost being met by MSEA subsidy funds totalling 3, Shortly afterwards, the Toetoe community asked that their MSEA subsidy of 315, which they had received in June 1951, be offered to the Whangarei Community Centre to pay for a retaining wall and further equipment Further subsidy applications were made as the 1950s came to a close. Eighty pounds was sought to assist with erecting a pavilion for the tennis club that had been formed in 1950 and had since rendered a great sporting service for the young Maori Community in the Whangarei Borough. Further funds were sought for the laying down of two asphalt tennis courts to accommodate the growing membership of the club, which had increased from 15 when the club was formed to 70 by HE Pou, for the District Officer, wrote to the Maori Affairs office in Wellington, stating that the club was formed to meet the growing need of recreational interests for Maori youth who were drifting into town from country areas in quest of employment Committees in the Southern Hokianga district also took advantage of the subsidy system. In January 1950, 85 was claimed by the Motuti tribal committee. Three months later, the Waima Tribal Committee had approved a subsidy application totalling to be used towards the cost of erecting a dining hall at the Otatara Marae A year later, in March 1951, the Waima Tribal Committee accounts revealed other projects were either underway or in the proposal stage: these were the erection of a dining hall at Raukura Marae and the renovation of new blocks at Waima Tuhirangi Marae Correspondence dated March 1955 indicates that both dining hall projects had been completed as subsidies applied for and approved in 1955 were for crockery, a meat storage house and conveniences As with other tribal committees in Te Raki inquiry district, Waima demonstrated a 1284 District Officer, Whangarei to Head Office, Maori Affairs Department, Wellington, 16 May 1958, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, Assistant-Secretary, Maori Affairs to Minister of Maori Affairs, 12 June 1958, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, HE Pou to Maori Affairs, Wellington, 9 December 1959, re Whangarei Tribal Committee subsidy application, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, Memorandum from T Ropiha, Under-secretary to Minister of Maori Affairs, 28 April 1950, Waima Tribal Committee, receipts, payments and subsidies Southern Hokianga Town District, MA W2490 Box 64, 35/8/2/4/pt1, ANZ, Wellington Waima Tribal Committee projects undertaken for last year to 31 March 1951, Waima Tribal Committee, receipts, payments and subsidies Southern Hokianga Town District This subsidy totalled , Assistant-secretary, Maori Affairs to Minister of Maori Affairs, 4 March 1955, Waima Tribal Committee, receipts, payments and subsidies Southern Hokianga Town District. 346

347 determination to take advantage of MSEA subsidies to continually improve local marae facilities and the socio-economic welfare of the local population. In 1956, a further subsidy of was applied for to complete both the Raukura and Otatara marae projects at Waima, to provide a health clinic, and to provide utensils for the Waima Tuhirangi Marae. Further, it was proposed that 44 would be spent on purchasing text books for secondary school children that would remain the property of the marae It is worth recording here that the Maori Affairs annual report stated that consideration had been given to the proposal that a portion of the subsidy funds available should be earmarked for educational purposes to assist parents who are generally financially embarrassed in the matter of sending their children to school By the early 1950s there were, nationally, 446 committees and 77 executives. The Tokerau district accounted for 112 committees and 16 executives, or 25 per cent and 21 per cent of the national total respectively A number were active in raising funds and submitting regular subsidy applications to the Department of Maori Affairs. Welfare subsidies paid out in one year during the early 1950s (most likely ) were thus: Table 34: MSEA welfare subsidies, c Zone Committee/Executive Number of projects Amount ( ) 1 Ngatikahu Whangaroa Rarawa , , TOTAL ZONE 1 2, Hobson Panguru Nth Hokianga Sth Hokianga , , , , TOTAL ZONE 2 9, Eastern Kaikohe Western Kaikohe Kawakawa , , TOTAL ZONE 3 3, Otamatea H Leef, Maori Welfare Officer and RW Yorke, Resident Officer to District Officer, Maori Affairs, Whangarei, 7 September 1956, Waima Tribal Committee, receipts, payments and subsidies Southern Hokianga Town District Maori Affairs Department Annual Report, 1953, AJHR, 1954, G-9, p Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1952, AJHR, G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1952, p MSEA welfare subsidies, c , Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General,

348 Zone Committee/Executive Number of projects Amount ( ) Mangakahia Whangarei 7 4, TOTAL ZONE 4 5, For , just under 2,000 was approved in the district. Table 35: MSEA welfare subsidies, Zone Tribal Executive/committee Amount (.s.d.) Zone Total (.s.d) 1 Wainui Matauri Rangiahua NIL NIL NIL 4 Whananaki Whangarei Otamatea Haranui Tahuna TOTAL 1, To put this figure into perspective, the other districts subsidies for the same period are as follows: Table 36: National MSEA welfare subsidies, c District Total % of national expenditure Tokerau 1, Waikato-Maniapoto 2, Tairawhiti 1, Waiariki 7, Aotea 6, Ikaroa 4, TOTAL 23, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General,

349 Table 37: MSEA welfare subsidies, c Zone Executive(?) Amount (.s.d.) Amount (.s.d.) 1 Ngatikahu Whangaroa Rarawa 1, , Hobson Panguru Northern Hokianga Southern Hokianga 3 Eastern Kaikohe Western Kaikohe Kawakawa 4 Otamatea Mangakahia Whangarei 2, , , , , , , , , , Manukau TOTAL 21, HK Rogers, the Welfare Officer for zone 2 stated in his March 1954 report that since the inception of subsidies in 1948, a total of 30,214 had been granted to the district. However, it is difficult to ascertain what percentage of these funds was granted to tribal committees and executives currently residing within the Te Raki inquiry district What is clearer is that in the second quarter of 1954, payments were approved for a number of committees within the inquiry district: Waimamaku tribal committee ( ) and Pakanae tribal committee ( ). A further three applications had been made for Waimamaku ( ), Rangiahua ( ) and Kokohuia ( ), while applications ready to submit to the minister for his approval came from Motuti ( ), Waima ( ) and Lower Waihou ( ) However, the apparent enthusiasm of some tribal committees and executives as illustrated by the scale of subsidy applications does not tell the whole story. Welfare officers regularly expressed concern throughout the 1950s that, in some communities, initial interest was waning for the MSEA and what it had to offer. The District Welfare Officer s report dated March 1953 stated that the overall position of committees and executives in the district was satisfactory, though there was room for vast improvement. A number 1296 Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General, Welfare Annual Report Tokerau District for year ended 31 st March 1954, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington HK Rogers, Maori Welfare Officer, Quarterly Report for period 1 April 1954 to 30 June 1954, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington. 349

350 of causes were highlighted: a lack of recognition for the committee members efforts; general frustration; infrequent visits by welfare officers called away on other business and, perhaps the most telling, the reduction in numbers as people relocated to the larger towns and cities in search of employment. This resulted in the amalgamation of weaker committees into one or two stronger ones This most likely explains why there were 112 committees and 16 executives recorded in the Tokerau district in 1952, and that a few years later this had been reduced to 89 committees and 15 executives In the same report, the District Welfare Officer also noted that those committees that were working well were directing their efforts towards marae improvements, local sanitation and hygiene. Further, the MSEA, he noted, had fostered more regular co-operation between Maori communities and government departments, local bodies and other organisations. The report concluded with an appeal to the committees to acknowledge that they formed an integral part of the Social and Economic structure of this country and [were] not merely instruments of expediency to be used only if and when required HH Pou, welfare officer for zone 4, stated in his 1954 annual report that the majority of the committees listed below were very active. He noted that many of the committees had established a very high prestige among those who have strived hard for their success, hence greater hopes for the future of the organisation as a whole. He noted further that, aside from dealing with many local issues, committee advice and opinion had been sought on several occasions by the various State Departments, the Resident Stipendiary magistrate, local bodies, voluntary and other organisations on matters affecting their community either singularly or collectively, directly or indirectly Leaving aside the habitual lack of funding to meet travel expenses and payment of wardens, the report noted that the committees 1299 JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Annual Report Tokerau District, 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington Figures from Welfare Division Tokerau District annual report for year ended 31 March 1952, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, p3, ANZ, Wellington, and Welfare Annual Report Tokerau District for year ended 31 March 1956, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Annual Report Tokerau District, 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington HH Pou, Maori Welfare Officer, Annual Report on Tribal Committees and Executives in Zone 4, period ending March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington. 350

351 cannot be too highly praised for the excellent manner in which they had carried out the spirit and purpose of the act Table 38: Zone 2 Tribal Committee subsidy applications, c Tribal Committee Value ( ) Applications forwarded Lower Waihou Pawarenga Rangiahua TOTAL 1,044:19:03 Applications approved during quarter Rangiahua Motiti TOTAL 404:05:06 Outstanding applications decision awaited Waima Lower Waihou Utakura Mitimiti Mitimiti Whirinaki Kokohuia Rangiahua Pawarenga Lower Waihou Waimamaku TOTAL 3,601:07:04 A small number of tribal committees in Pipiwai, Whakapara, Naumai, Tangiteroria and Pouto were, however, regarded as less active and lacking the support of their local communities evident elsewhere. One proposal Pou raised was the introduction of group activities to mobilise the local people in support of what the committees were attempting to achieve. Pouto tribal committee, he noted, has recently lost its chairman and suffered the temporary loss of the secretary. Since that point, the committee had been 1303 HH Pou, Maori Welfare Officer, Annual Report on Tribal Committees and Executives in Zone 4, period ending March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington HK Rogers, Maori Welfare Officer, Quarterly Report for period 1 October 1954 to 31 March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington. 351

352 re-organised and doubtless to say it would bring renewed vigour and life to the various activities anticipated in the settlement The following year, Pou noted that with the introduction of new and young blood in the committees there were marked changes not only in the Community itself but also in the enthusiastic manner in which their work was carried out. Pou noted further that a number of the social ills that had befallen some communities were now far less pronounced, and in some instances non-existent, where committees were alive and active In his 1956 annual report written after tribal executive and committee elections, Tokerau District Welfare Officer, James Henare noted that: one very pleasing feature about the re-elections [of members] has been the number of younger men and some woman [sic] elected to the Committees. The elders who have been members of the Committees since the inception of the organisation are gradually making way for the younger people of the various communities. This augurs well for the future and continuity of effort That younger men and women were showing a keen interest in being involved in the committee and executives system, as well as seeking alternative ways of benefitting their communities, is one indication that in the North, at least, engagement with the Act was alive and well. In 1961, this apparent upsurge of interest in the system was also acknowledged by the DMA in its annual report, which stated that such interest had sparked a push to establish both district councils (that were initially discussed in the early 1950s but never formed) and a national Maori council Establishing the Tokerau District Maori Council In the early 1950s Maori executives took it upon themselves to improve regional communication with government. In late 1952, executives within the Waiariki Maori Land District initiated the formation of a District Maori Council. It was envisioned that the district council a provision which had not been included in the 1945 Act would provide an effective two-way communication channel providing the committees and executives with further opportunities to voice opinion on government policy and legislation 1305 HH Pou, Maori Welfare Officer, Annual Report on Tribal Committees and Executives in Zone 4, period ending March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington EM Pou, Maori Welfare Officer, Annual Report on Tribal Committees and Executives in Zone 4, period ending March 1956, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Welfare Annual Report Tokerau District for year ended 31 March 1956, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wellington Report of the Board of Maori Affairs, AJHR, 1961, G-9, p6. 352

353 that affected Maori. In December 1952, Ropiha, the under-secretary for Maori Affairs, wrote to Ernest Corbett, the Minister for Maori Affairs, stating that he believed the creation of the district councils would increase Maori enthusiasm for the MSEA system. He concluded by asking the minister to approve the formation of district Maori councils in each district; a month later, Corbett agreed to Ropiha s proposals in principle Just two months later in March 1953, a meeting of tribal executive delegates and elders was held in the Kaikohe Courthouse. The purpose of the meeting was to determine the level of support among Maori communities for the establishment of a Tokerau District Maori Council. Department of Maori Affairs attendees were: JH Robertson, the District Officer and Maori Land Court Registrar, James Henare, the District Welfare Officer, and Welfare Officers H Manuera, H Rogers, H Pou, E Pou, W Clarke and Miss M Toia. One reason put forward for a separate district council was the size of the area s Maori population. Robertson noted that Probably a quarter to onefifth of the Maori people live in North Auckland. The idea of the District Councils, he continued, was that the various districts around the country could combine their particular problems and arrive at a proposed annual conference as a collective rather than as disjointed individuals It was agreed that the District Council would comprise one member from each Tribal Executive in Tokerau. Elections to the District Council would immediately follow Tribal Executive elections to maintain the two-year period in office. Table 39: Inaugural members of the Tokerau District Maori Council, Executive Aupouri Te Rarawa Ngati Kahu Whangaroa Panguru North Hokianga South Hokianga Rikihana Etana Eparaima Te Paa Wiremu Karaka Kira Wiremu Tame Pio Morunga Brown Muriwai Rangi Rogers (elected chairman) 1309 Tipi Ropiha to Ernest Corbett, 12 December 1952, New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives, , MA /2 pt1, ANZ, Wellington Conference of tribal executive delegates and elders for the purpose of forming Tokerau District Council held in the Kaikohe Courthouse on Saturday 28 th March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington Conference of tribal executive delegates and elders for the purpose of forming Tokerau District Council held in the Kaikohe Courthouse on Saturday 28 th March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington. 353

354 Executive Kawakawa Eastern Kaikohe Western Kaikohe Whangarei Mangakahia Hobson Otamatea Waitemata Whare Hauraki Kerei Mihaka Riiwhi Te Haara Paratene Wellington George William Owen Edward Taylor Kepa Netana (subject to approval) Kahi Harawira The Tokerau District Council immediately got to work adopting a range of proposals put forward from the floor, including subsidies for educational purposes, that Waitangi be included in HM Queen s forthcoming New Zealand tour itinerary (which it was), and a series of changes to administrative boundaries Six months later in September 1953, the District Welfare Officer stated that the Council was functioning reasonably well : Two meetings had already been held where they engaged with the Maori Affairs Bill. The report complimented the Council on the constructive proposals it put forward The improved chain of communication provided Maori with a further channel through which to express their dissatisfaction with a range of policies, especially those concerning land alienation. Francis and Sarich noted that Maori protest was almost immediate regarding certain aspects of the Maori Land Bill 1953 and the Government s decision to proceed with the legislation the Maori Affairs Act 1953, passed in November In short, the Bill caused controversy because it reduced the number of Maori who held title to land through the purchase of uneconomic interests by the Maori Trustee; one purpose being that fewer owners would be in a better position to develop the remaining land; it would, too, speed up the alienation of Maori land. In parliament, Tiaki Omana, for Eastern Maori warned of the consequences of legislation taking this path: the main feature of the Bill, he noted, was that the Maori loses his ownership of the land; he loses his mana, the standing that he has enjoyed in his tribe. Many hundreds of Maoris he continued, will be rendered landless Tapihana 1312 Conference of tribal executive delegates and elders for the purpose of forming Tokerau District Council held in the Kaikohe Courthouse on Saturday 28 th March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington Quarterly Report Tokerau District, period ending 30th September 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wellington Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, p NZPD, 18 November 1953, p

355 Paikea, for Northern Maori, relayed his constituents concern regarding the future of their lands: one opinion referring to the legislation as similar to confiscation and disinheritance Minister Corbett acknowledged that representations had been made by a number of groups, including a very strong deputation with a well prepared case from the Northern Maori District, from Tokerau However, further information concerning this deputation and its concerns are unknown. District councils opposed a raft of government proposals, and it was most acute regarding land alienation. Corbett was alarmed at the vociferous nature of this opposition, even more so when he was informed that district welfare officers (who served as secretaries on the district councils) had signed letters of protest; a further demonstration, Francis and Sarich noted, of the fine line welfare officers walked between the DMA they worked for and which paid their salaries, and the Maori bodies they sat on and helped to operate Ropiha, in a terse directive to all welfare officers, stated that Where matters of Government Policy are concerned it must be clearly understood that the Departmental Officers are to carry out and support that policy without question, insofar as their official actions are concerned It is unclear whether Te Raki-based welfare officers were involved in these protests, but what is clearer is that the DMA was unhappy about the negativity of some councils which led, Gilling suggested, to the cancellation of a planned district councils conference. As a result, the councils slipped into recess, where they remained until the late 1950s. Their resurrection will be discussed in the next chapter. Conclusion This chapter has addressed questions (b) and (f) of the commission. It has discussed a range of issues regarding Maori quest for political autonomy in the post-second World War era; the extent to which central and local government powers and functions were devolved to Te Raki Maori; and the extent to which these powers and functions met Te Raki Maori expectations and aspirations at that time. It has also sought to determine the extent to which Te Raki Maori participated in the committees and executives established under the MSEA 1945; the degree to which these bodies, their mandates and the results of their work met Te Raki Maori expectations; and it has assessed the Crown s response to any proposals, expressions of 1316 NZPD, 18 November 1953, p NZPD, 18 November 1953, p Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, p Ropiha to All District Officers, 31 August 1953, MA /2/pt1, New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives, , ANZ, Wellington. 355

356 concern or protest by Te Raki Maori about Crown policy or the operation of the Act. The end of the Second World War brought an end to the MWEO which had been officially established in The autonomy Te Raki Maori had enjoyed during the war was under threat as New Zealand returned to peacetime conditions. From late 1944 a series of conferences were initiated to discuss the post-war future for Maori. At one gathering in Wellington in October 1944, speakers stated that although the name of the MWEO should change, its good work and the level of autonomy Maori had enjoyed should continue. At the same conference, Maori attendees expressed their opposition to the proposed revamping of the Maori Councils Act 1900 as the Bill would erode much of the autonomy Maori had enjoyed through the MWEO. This Bill had been circulated among Maori communities in August 1943, where it had met with the same opposition. It is evident that the government did take notice of Maori concerns on the proposed legislation: in response Mason, the Native Minister, stated in a conciliatory tone that elements of the MWEO could be incorporated into the new legislation. Tirikatene, in particular, had emphasised the need for new legislation that incorporated a structure along the same lines as the MWEO. The end result was that the Bill enacted at the end of 1945 did incorporate the tribal committees and executives structure adopted under the MWEO, although, as it transpired, not the level of autonomy enjoyed during the war. Further, through the MSEA legislation, the government s focus was on providing local level autonomy through the committees and executives, rather than providing the scope or opportunity for Maori to have a more regional or national voice. For this reason, welfare officer reports from the time provide localised information rather than reporting on committees and executives necessarily discussing wider regional or national issues of concern to Maori. One major difference between the MSEA and the MWEO was that while Maori were at liberty to set up committees and executives as they saw fit, they were required to seek ministerial approval beforehand and negotiate a range of administrative hoops: a departure from what had transpired during the Second World War. But perhaps this says more about the contexts of the time: wartime conditions dictated that any assistance rendered the national war effort was much-needed and urgent. As a result, committees were hastily formed to assist in the national crisis with little or no interference from central government. Under peacetime conditions, however, it was understandable that if Maori communities wanted to avail themselves of state-funded subsidies, then an adherence to the government s administrative processes needed to be observed to ensure responsible spending from the public purse. What is clear is that regardless of the time, 356

357 the MSEA did not provide Maori with the same degree of autonomy or involvement in deciding, controlling and directing the allocation of resources as they had enjoyed under the MWEO. With Maori social and economic advancement at its core, the MSEA provided a subsidy system of which Maori communities through their committees and executives could take advantage on a pound-for-pound basis. Though he acknowledged the provision of subsidies in the Act, Graham Butterworth noted that there was no independent source of revenue available which meant that some committees were as financially helpless as their predecessors It is possible that this was the case, but evidence sighted for this report suggests that many of the executives and committees established in the inquiry district which stood at 16 executives out of 77 nationally (21%) and 112 committees out of 446 nationally (25%) by the early 1950s did engage with the provisions outlined in the Act and were keen to take advantage of the scheme on offer As stated in this chapter, an array of projects were undertaken and completed from the late 1940s through to the early 1960s, all of them assisted in some way by the MSEA subsidy system. The erection of meeting houses, dining halls, sports facilities and educational provisions were the dominant type of projects in which Te Raki Maori involved themselves throughout this period. The focus was on local level projects because Maori communities found it difficult, due to the structure of the MSEA organisation, to address issues of a national importance such as Maori urbanisation, health and education. Did the MSEA 1945 meet Te Raki Maori expectations? As stated above, the opinions of individual Maori expressed either independently or through committee and executive work have not been sighted. However, on a broader level, through the examination of Maori welfare officer reports, newspapers and DMA-generated files, a picture does emerge. It is clear that the MSEA system provided some local level autonomy but on the wider regional and national stages, Te Raki Maori were not afforded the opportunities to expand upon their wartime gains. Scholars have noted that this can be explained by the fact that the committees and executive bodies were part of the machinery of government, through the legislation that established them Kayleen Hazlehurst noted that the 1945 Act barely expanded the functions 1320 Graham Butterworth, Men of Authority : The New Zealand Maori Council and the Struggle for Rangatiratanga in the 1960s-1970s, Wellington: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series number 11, p It must be noted that this figure is for the whole Tokerau District; Welfare Division Tokerau District annual report for year ended 31 March 1952, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, p3, ANZ, Wellington Lange, To Promote Maori Well-being, p

358 of the self-regulating, self-government capacities of the traditional organisations which already existed at the community level However, it is suggested that once the committees and executives were established they were self-governing, albeit within the mandate provided by the MSEA system. The Act provided committees and executives with a wide brief in fact, a far wider brief than the MWEO had concerning the advancement of Maori social and economic life: aspects of which had caused Native Minister Mason concern throughout the Second World War. Further, committees did hold a degree of authority in making and administering bylaws regarding public health and the protection of recreation grounds; they issued licenses to storekeepers, traders and billiard hall proprietors; and could impose financial penalties on those breaking the laws. On a national level, this chapter has argued that committees and executives were established speedily in the post-war era. Government statistics claimed that by 1948, 370 committees and 60 executives were in operation, and approximately 85 per cent of the Maori population fell under the aegis of a local committee It has not been possible from the sources examined for this chapter to assess the extent to which Maori participated in the committees and executives established under the MSEA That said, this chapter has demonstrated that Te Raki Maori were vocal in a number of areas concerning proposed legislation, the shape of any post-mweo organisation, and a number of other concerns. At a local level there was, as a result of the 1945 Act, a degree of autonomy mirroring that enjoyed during the war, but evidence is lacking to make clear judgements on whether post-1945 legislation and government bodies met Te Raki Maori expectations in general. One matter that is clear is that the post-1945 legislation discussed in this chapter did not provide for a national Maori voice. The next chapter addresses the degree to which Te Raki Maori communities, through their committees and executives, made local concerns known on a national scale through the emergence of the Maori Women s Welfare League in the 1950s and the New Zealand Maori Council, which was established in Kayleen Hazlehurst, Maori Self-Government : The New Zealand Maori Council and its Antecedents, British Review of New Zealand Studies, no.1, 1988, p Department of Maori Affairs Annual Report, 1948, G-9, p5. 358

359 Chapter Seven: The Advent of the Maori Women s Welfare League, New Zealand Maori Council, Introduction The three decades following the end of the Second World War were, in New Zealand, characterised by refocusing and reassessing national affairs. For Maori, in particular, these years were ones of increasing urbanisation and changes to their economic situations. Further, Maori hoped for Crown recognition and support for them to control their own affairs given their contribution on the battlefield and the home front during the war. At the national political level, Ratana MPs occupied all four Maori electorate seats from Between 1949 and 1957 the Labour-Ratana alliance found itself in opposition though, after the 1957 election, the newly-elected Labour Government led by Walter Nash relied on those seats to maintain a majority. At the more localised level, Maori had shown after 1945 and the passing of the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act (MSEA) the gains that could be made, at least at local and district levels. While this may have been a move in the right direction, leading Maori figures wanted to be in a position to adequately respond to and influence matters affecting Maori at regional and national levels. One forum through which Maori grievances could be aired widely was at the annual Waitangi Day commemorations. The period covered by this chapter, , witnessed the growth of Maori participation in Waitangi Day commemorations and, throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s, the increase in protest and adopting different ways through which to highlight Maori disaffection. Previous chapters have highlighted that Maori autonomy had in the main been limited to local considerations, through health councils, the tribal committees and executives formed under the MWEO, then those formed or reconstituted under the MSEA As the last chapter described, affairs moved to the wider district level with the formation of District Maori Councils, but legislative structures under the MSEA were such that Maori did not have a forum through which a national voice, outside of the parliamentary voice given them by the four Ratana MPs, could be heard. Autonomy and the ability to make decisions affecting, or likely to affect, Maori were still targeted at a local level. However, in 1951 the Maori Women s Welfare League (MWWL) was established, which was followed, eleven years later, by the forming of the New Zealand Maori Council (NZMC). Both organisations, along with the Ratana MPs, involved themselves with the political, social, economic and cultural advancement of Maori. They 359

360 engaged with the government over a range of issues including the publication of the Hunn Report in 1960 that raised questions concerning assimilation; the establishment of the Maori Welfare Act (MWA) in 1962 (which was renamed the Maori Community Development Act 1962 by the Maori Purposes Act 1979); and the findings of the 1965 Prichard-Waetford Commission dealing with Maori land issues This chapter addresses questions (g) and (h) of the commission. Among other matters, it assesses how the Crown responded to the establishment of the Maori political and social movements listed above; it examines the extent to which the Crown listened to and acted upon advice emanating from these bodies; it assesses the principal ways in which the Ratana movement and the MWWL and NZMC and their memberships sought to engage with the Crown at both national and local levels in this period; and it assesses the Crown s response to such advances. Further, it assesses the extent to which, if any, post-war Treaty commemorations affected the Treaty relationship between Te Raki Maori and the Crown, in particular against the backdrop of increasing protest in the late-1960s and early 1970s. Political background: Ratana in the 1950s and 1960s When Labour-Ratana alliance s time in office ended in 1949, it had made some progress towards achieving the aim of greater equality between Maori and Pakeha addressing to an extent both inequality of status as well as social and economic difference. However, Maori had been unable to significantly influence the direction of government policy. As explained in chapter two, one of the key expectations that the Ratana movement held when Labour had entered office, was the hope that Maori would gain greater control over the formulation and implementation of policies that concerned them. Aside from the gains made by the Maori War Effort Organisation (MWEO) between 1942 and 1945, this aspiration, to a large extent, remained unfulfilled. The Maori MPs influence to secure positive change for Maori was limited, even when all of the Maori electorate MPs were members of the party that held office. The effectiveness of Ratana parliamentary influence in national policy remained limited when in opposition following Labour s successive losses in the general elections held in 1949, 1951 and In that time, however, Ratana MPs solidified their holds on their respective seats. Northern Maori MP, Tapihana Paikea, for instance, increased his majority from 2,438 votes 1325 Full title of the Maori Welfare Act 1962 was An Act to provide for the constitution of Maori Associations, to define their powers and functions, and to consolidate and amend the Maori Social and Economic Advancment Act 1945, New Zealand Statutes, 1962, vol 2, p

361 in 1943 his first election following his father s death to 4,310 votes following the 1957 election. In between those dates he had successfully defeated National candidates James Henare (three times) and Hemi Waetford (who features again later in this chapter) at the polls; though aside from the war years and the MWEO, decisions at a national level remained the preserve of the Labour Party s parliamentary leadership. The introduction of the MSEA in 1945 gave Maori some autonomy at a local and district level, but, as shown, even this was still subject to government funding and agreement. The 1957 general election saw the Labour-Ratana alliance returned to power albeit with a slender and precarious two-seat majority. As they had been since 1943, the four Maori electoral seats were occupied by Labour s Ratana-affiliated members Tapihana Paikea (Northern), Iriaka Ratana (Western), Tiaki Omana (Eastern) and Eruera Tirikatene (Southern). In fact, all four had been returned with increased majorities, which implied, according to Ralph Ngatata Love, that the unity that prevailed amongst the Ratana members would enable them to play a significant role in the formation and implementation of policy relating to Maori affairs This seems a fair assumption given Prime Minister Walter Nash s reliance on the support of the Ratana members to maintain power and that positions of greater authority and influence within the government would be forthcoming, at least for the longest-serving member, Tirikatene. In the event, Tirikatene was offered Minister of Forests, Minister in Charge of the Government Printing and Stationery Department, and Associate to the Minister of Maori Affairs. Nash made himself Minister of Maori Affairs. Keith Sinclair speculated that Nash may have believed that the best way of maintaining Maori loyalty was to lend the mana of the Prime Minister to the portfolio. Sinclair also noted that Nash may have had reservations about appointing Tirikatene to the ministerial post: he posited the notion that Nash may have felt Tirikatene was unpredictable; Nash may also have had concerns about Tirikatene s ability to do the job; or simply that by making a Maori the Minister of Maori Affairs would have led to accusations the minister was favouring one tribal grouping over another, something of which Apirana Ngata had been accused in an earlier period Whatever the reason, Nash s alleged snubbing of Tirikatene led many Maori to believe that, as Richard Hill claimed, this was essentially a reflection of the perceived need to constrain the Maori aspirations that had been heightened by Labour s electoral success. Hill 1326 Love, Policies of Frustration, p Keith Sinclair, Walter Nash, Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1976, p

362 claimed further that Maori perceived Tirikatene being allocated the Forestry portfolio as an insult to Maoridom What does seem evident is that Nash did not enjoy the same level of positive relations with Maori that Fraser had experienced during his time in office. Despite this obvious setback, the Maori Policy Committee (MPC) decided to engage the government by another means through submitting a 16-point list of urgent issues requiring the government s immediate attention Among them were housing, education, land title and development, the provision to make Waitangi Day a national holiday and the call for an independent report on Maori welfare in general and the activities of the Maori Affairs Department in particular. Hill noted that Nash and his inner circle were, before long, positively rejecting, rather than just ignoring, such pressure, sometimes against officials advice. One example of this was the flat rejection of the Department of Maori Affairs support for a national Maori representative body Love argued that there was particular anxiety over Nash s self-appointment to the Maori Affairs portfolio. Nash, during his lengthy political career, had had little contact with Maori or Maori affairs. Indeed, as Minister of Finance during and after the war he actively restricted funds that Tirikatene sought to develop an effective Maori organisation to replace the MWEO Throughout Nash s administration, the Ratana MPs grew increasingly frustrated by Labour s perceived inaction in addressing growing Maori concerns. Indeed, Tirikatene s appointment as Associate to the Minister of Maori Affairs seemed to carry even less meaning when, while Nash was overseas, he handed the Maori Affairs portfolio to Deputy Prime Minister, Clarence Skinner At the Labour Party conference held in Wellington in May 1959, an MPC report made clear that Maori had retained their faith in Labour since 1935 and it was now over to Labour and this Conference to prove its sincerity and earnestness by requiring the Parliamentary Party to carry out our wishes which are after all our concern This was not so much Ratana deliberately setting out on a collision course with Labour and its two electoral seat buffer, more that the Ratana MPs were losing patience 1328 Richard S. Hill, Maori and the State: Crown-Maori relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa, , Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2009, p The Maori Policy Committee members at this time were: the four MPs (Tirikatene, Omana, Paikea and Ratana) and Kio Tarawhiti, Ture Te Awe Awe, T Bennett, T Winera, S Te Hira, B Raukapu, E Bidois, K Edmonds, R Edmonds, B Otene, R Tamihana, C Nepia, MR Love, W Wetere and PT Watene Hill, Maori and the State, p Love, Policies of Frustration, p Skinner, for Motueka and later Buller, was also at the time Minister of Agriculture, Minister of Lands, and Minister in Charge of Rehabilitation Love, Policies of Frustration, pp

363 with the Labour leadership and its heel-dragging in the realm of Maori affairs. At a local level, too, there was discontent being voiced at the Labour Government s lack of action regarding Maori concerns. The MPC, whose members were regular attendees at hui and marae meetings, advised the government of a tremendous spate of complaints and objections which are appearing throughout the country from Maoris who are not satisfied with the administration of their own Maori matters Contributing further to the ire between Nash and Tirikatene, in particular, was the debate concerning the 1960 All Blacks tour to South Africa; a tour in which, for racial reasons, no Maori players were included. According to the New Zealand Football Rugby Union, Maori players were not included to protect them from potentially hostile apartheid South African conditions. The Kingitanga, church organisations and trade unions voiced their opposition to the decision, as did student associations, civic and professional bodies, and, as outlined further below, the MWWL. A petition containing 153,000 signatures called for the tour to be abandoned. Nash, an outspoken critic of apartheid over a number of years, decided, with the backing of all but one of his Cabinet colleagues, not to intervene in what he viewed as a sporting dispute In April 1960, Nash made a statement in support of the Rugby Union s decision, stating that it would be an act of the greatest folly and cruelty to the Maori race to allow their representatives to visit a country where colour is considered to be a mark of inferiority While this may have been a noble statement to make, it could be construed as a way of avoiding a confrontation with the Rugby Union. Tirikatene was the one dissenting voice in government. He made a public statement opposing the tour not, he emphasised, as a Cabinet Minister, but as a member of the Maori Race. While Nash himself explained that Tirikatene was free, as a Maori Chief to make such statements, it nevertheless weakened the relationship between the two men It is possible that what also frustrated the Ratana parliamentary leadership was the acknowledgement that, away from the political sphere, ordinary Maori had been mobilising since the late 1940s for the betterment of their local communities the length and breadth of the country. As discussed in the previous chapter, communities had made lasting use of the subsidies available under MSEA, and, in 1951, the MWWL was formed, giving Maori 1334 Love, Policies of Frustration, p Sinclair, Walter Nash, p Sinclair, Walter Nash, p Love, Policies of Frustration, p

364 women a national forum through which Maori social and economic advancement could be assisted. The Maori Women s Welfare League: Everything and everyone rolled into one The MWWL was indirectly created out of the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945 (MSEA). The Act, whose main aim was the Social and Economic Advancement and the Promotion and Maintenance of the Health and General Well-being of the Maori Community made provision for female welfare officers, though it did not provide a specific role for Maori women in general. There were a few women Whina Cooper among them who held positions on tribal committees and executives but to increase the number involved at a local level, Rangi Royal, the Controller of the Welfare Division, encouraged the female welfare officers who were appointed by Maori Affairs on Royal s recommendation to assist Maori women into organising what effectively became Women s Welfare Leagues: sibling organisations to the tribal committees. Aroha Harris notes that the leagues and the committees were deliberately coupled; the male and female counterparts of Maori voluntary organisation helped along by the Maori Welfare Division Women s committees had operated long before the Second World War: sources suggest that women were active participants in community affairs in pre-contact days; were active in tribal runanga in the 1850s; and participated in Native Land Court sittings where they were awarded lands in their own right Later, Komiti Wahine formed part of Te Kotahitanga movement in the 1890s and early years of the 20 th century; there were Maori women s branches of the Women s Christian Temperance Union, Country Women s Institute, and Maori representation at Pan Pacific and South East Asian Women s Association conferences Maori Women s Institutes had been operational in rural areas from 1929, and Maori Women s Health Leagues were also formed in the 1930s and 40s. Mrs K Maihi, a female welfare officer, assisted with the forming of a Health League committee in Waimate North to provide a link with mothers and their district nurse, Miss Hanlon. Mrs Maihi reported that she was asked to also assist in forming 1338 Aroha Harris, Maori and the Maori Affairs in Bronwyn Dalley and Margaret Tennant (eds), Past Judgement: Social policy in New Zealand History, Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2004, p O Malley et al (eds), The Treaty of Waitangi Companion, p Aroha Harris, Dancing with the State: Maori creative energy and policies of integration, , PhD Thesis, University of Auckland, 2007, p

365 committees at Te Ahu Ahu, Ngawha, Kaikohe and south Kaikohe League branches were also formed in Mataraua, Ohaeawai, Oramahoe, Whangarei, Poroti, Mangakahia and Oruawharo. Further information on the distribution of health leagues and their personnel in Te Raki can be found in the Appendices for this report. As recorded in chapter five, during the Second World War, women took over many tasks from men as they served overseas or were assigned to essential industries. Francis and Sarich noted that the Native Department recognised the success that women s organisations were having in improving the daily lives of Maori. By the late 1940s, Women s Welfare Committees had been established throughout the country with the assistance of the Native Department s Lady Welfare Officers. As a result of this success, Royal pushed for the establishment of a national organisation Effect of urbanisation on Maori social welfare organisations To understand fully the development of such organisations in the post-war world one must be aware of the context within which they advanced. The onset of rapid urbanisation during and after the Second World War is central to the development of the MWWL. While many of the branches that were established within the inquiry district were for, and of, those living in rural communities, the exodus of people moving to the larger towns and cities, for myriad reasons, had an effect on those that left and those left behind The DMA estimated that in 1945, 15,700, equating to 16 per cent of the national Maori population, lived in urban areas. Following the conclusion of the Second World War, Eruera Tirikatene expressed to parliament his concern that, while Maori had contributed enormously to the national war effort, it had taken its toll on some of those directed into essential industries in the main urban centres. s of our female population, he stated: were taken from their own homes and the different Maori controls in our own villages, and were brought into our main cities, where they have been discharging their duties with their pakeha friends in making munitions or giving service under some other category towards our war effort. In Auckland alone there are seven thousand Maoris. We can appreciate that, when seven thousand people who, up to a point, are strange to what we have in our cities 1341 Mrs K Maihi, Maori Welfare Officer to Rangi Royal, Controller, Department of Maori Affairs, 9 June 1948, Maori Women s Welfare League, Whangarei District, , MA1 Box /26/7, Archives New Zealand, Wellington Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, Wai 898, #A72, p For further information, see Melissa Matutina Williams, Panguru and the City: Kāinga Tahi, Kāinga Rua, Wellington: Bridget Williams Books,

366 are transferred to those cities, there is a danger that some may fall by the wayside It is assumed that the 7,000 Maori to whom Tirikatene referred were included in the 15,700 the DMA recorded as living within urban areas. Maori urbanisation began prior to 1939, but the war hastened it. Maori urbanisation continued unabated so much so that, by the early 1960s, this figure had increased to over 55,000, almost one-third of the national Maori population. Year Table 40: Maori urbanisation, National Maori population Urban Maori Percentage ,744 15, ,676 21, ,151 32, ,086 55, It was noted that the 1961 figure did not include the approximate 10,000 Maori who were living in built-up areas close to the larger towns, which increased the figure to 66,000, or 40 per cent of the recorded 1961 national Maori population of 167,086. To demonstrate the influx of Maori to Auckland, the city had an estimated Maori population of 1,766 in By the end of the Second World War, a decade later, this had increased to 5,000 which, in turn, had increased again by the early 1950s to approximately 8,000. Other areas less pertinent to the inquiry district also witnessed rapid increases in their Maori populations. Hamilton, Gisborne, Wellington and Christchurch have been included here for comparative purposes: Table 41: Selected areas of Maori urbanisation, Urban area Increase Increase (%) Auckland 11,361 19,847 8, Whangarei 955 1, Kaikohe Wellington 2,114 4,026 1, Hamilton 1,088 2,138 1, NZPD, 29 August 1945, p AJHR, 1964, G-9, p10, Walghan Partners, Twentieth Century Overview, Wai 1040, #A38, p589, and New Zealand Official Yearbook, 1962 Wellington: Government Printer, 1962, p AJHR, 1964, G-9, p

367 Urban area Increase Increase (%) Gisborne 1,712 2,937 1, Christchurch 851 1, What this table shows is that in all the centres listed above, Maori urbanisation was significant. Kaikohe, for example, had doubled its Maori population within five years; Whangarei was not far behind this percentage increase, and Auckland s Maori population had increased by 18,000 in a quarter of a century. Michael King listed the failure of land development schemes, more options for education and entertainment, higher wages and, generally, more employment opportunities than rural areas could muster, as among the reasons why urban areas increased their Maori populations Chapter five, which focuses on the role of the MWEO, noted the detrimental effects on Maori that rapid migration to urban areas could have. And it should be remembered that wartime migration was co-ordinated by the tribal committees and executives and, to a degree, by the state, to assist with the essential wartime industries. In peacetime, however, those organisational structures were, to a large extent, absent. As a result, Maori, under their own steam, sought work in the larger towns and cities in what became known as Maori urban drift. The term drift can have negative connotations, implying that Maori aimlessly and with poor planning left their communities on a whim. The reality was that in the rapidly changing nature of post-war New Zealand society and the global economy, Maori and Pakeha, it should be added were compelled to seek work out of economic necessity rather than through ill-informed choice. Indeed, in the post-war years, the issue was the subject of many parliamentary debates. In 1947, Walter Broadfoot, for Waitomo, expressed concern that Maori living in Te Kuiti were doing so in appalling conditions Though Broadfoot s focus was on the King Country, the debate nevertheless was equally pertinent to all areas where Maori urbanisation was taking place, none more so than in the north. Broadfoot asked Peter Fraser, in Fraser s capacity as Native Minister, to explain why Maori were forsaking their homes in the rural areas and migrating to the cities and larger towns. Further, he asked whether the minister would urge the DMA s welfare officers to impress upon Maori that doing so was detrimental to their health. In response, Fraser stressed that: 1347 Michael King, Whina: A biography of Whina Cooper, Auckland: Hodder and Stoughton, 1983, pp Broadfoot had served in the War Administration in 1942 as Minister of National Service. 367

368 The movement of Maoris from rural areas to cities and towns is a phase of modern conditions due to economic circumstances which apply alike to pakehas and Maoris, resulting in their seeking employment in those localities where it can be more readily obtained. Maori labour now available in urban areas is meeting a definite need in industry. It is not considered that such migration is necessarily detrimental to the Maori race if it is to take its proper place in the social and economic structure of the Dominion. Any undue migration can be arrested by the provision of secondary industries in those rural areas having a large number of Maori workers. Officers are pointing out to the Maori people the advantages for families of life on the land under sound economic conditions as compared to work in large industrial centres If this was the case, welfare officers advice appeared, in many areas, to have fallen on deaf ears as Maori migration to the towns and cities increased throughout the late 1940s and 1950s. Little or no improvement in the living conditions that had existed during the Second World War exacerbated the need for social welfare assistance in urban areas for newly arriving Maori. As King noted, the tribal committee system, described in some detail in chapter six, was one dominated by men discussing men s issues such as land, legislation, soldier rehabilitation, and assistance to farming. However, the most pressing issues facing urban Maori were sanitation, hygiene, diet, infant mortality and a number of associated concerns What was required was an organisation devoted to addressing these issues. As stated above, Women s Health Leagues had been in existence since the mid-1930s. The welfare officers, encouraged by Royal, assisted in the formation of welfare committees run by women with the aim of eventually merging with the Health Leagues. In the year , 180 Maori Women s Welfare Committees had been formed. The DMA annual report noted that the committees had as their aim the fostering of homecraft and mothercraft... It is intended to form a dominion body of this organization comprising delegates nominated from the districts By 1950 there were 165 branches throughout the country, including Te Rarawa ki Hokianga, led by Whina Cooper NZPD, 20 August 1947, vol 277, p King, Whina, pp Maori Affairs Department Annual Report, 1950, AJHR, G-9, Wellington: Government Printer, 1950, p King, Whina, p

369 In response to the growth in support among the welfare committees for a national organisation, Tipi Ropiha, under-secretary of Maori Affairs, stated in a memorandum to the Minister of Maori Affairs, Ernest Corbett, that: The draft constitution of the Maori Women s Welfare League provides for League Branches affiliated with District Councils which in turn affiliate with a N.Z. Council of Maori Women. Finally it is the intention to link up with the National Council of Women. Welfare Officers have been reorganising with this objective in view and to date there are 160 branches formed and 14 District Councils The organised Districts, he continued, are requesting a General Conference to consider and approve the constitution, to elect its officers and to discuss future policy The following year, in September 1951, a national conference was held in Wellington which attracted 87 delegates elected by local membership from 22 newly-formed MWWL District Councils representing 187 branches (and a further 27 isolated branches which were independent though did report to the central executive) and approximately 2,500 members Corbett, in the opening speech, expressed his pleasure at the numbers in attendance. He stated that the strength of any people lay in the calibre of its womenfolk and the nurturing and improving and maintaining of the homelife spiritually as well as materially A range of committees were established including health, housing, child welfare and employment. Princess Te Puea was appointed the League s first patroness, while Whina Cooper, former secretary of the Panguru Executive, became the MWWL s first president. Richard Hill noted that these two appointments indicated that the organisation intended to make its voice fully heard, and they became the first Maori women to have truly national profiles Whina Cooper was born at Te Karaka on the Hokianga River in December Her father was the Te Rarawa chief Heremia Te Wake of Panguru and 1353 Tipi Ropiha, Under-secretary Maori Affairs to Ernest Corbett, Minister of Maori Affairs, 31 March 1951, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn Tipi Ropiha, Under-secretary Maori Affairs to Ernest Corbett, Minister of Maori Affairs, 31 March 1951, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn Isolde Byron, Nga Perehitini: The presidents of the Maori Women s Welfare League, , Auckland: Maori Women s Development Inc, 2002, p9. Also see The First Conference of the Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn The First Conference of the Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn Hill, Maori and the State, p

370 her mother was Kore, also of Te Rarawa with Taranaki links. After an education at St Joseph s Catholic College in Napier, she returned to the north and married Richard Gilbert from Whangarei. Later they bought a general store in Panguru and maintained it for 18 years. She also worked on land development schemes, bred cattle and pigs, and ran her own timber mill. After Richard died, she married William Cooper from Hawke s Bay During the Second World War she and William relocated to Otiria, where Cooper devoted her efforts to the local MWEO committee Image 11: Whina Cooper at 1953 MWWL Dominion Conference (T. Ransfield Ref: 1/ ; F (NPS-A31014), ATL) Cooper worked for the Panguru/Hokianga area prior to her elevation to MWWL president, which took her from a local activist to a national figure. It was noted in a 1955 Te Ao Hou article on Cooper that she had already served as president of the Panguru branch of Federated Farmers and president of the North Hokianga Rugby Union. Her dynamic personality, it recorded, has been a wonderful asset, particularly in recent years when she has been one of the foremost in establishing and guiding the Maori Women s Welfare League Te Ao Hou, the DMA s magazine, launched in 1952 to provide coverage of news regarding Maori development and activities, stated that further assets Cooper possessed included the ability to grasp in an instance the ramifications of a situation and quickly makes the appropriate decisions. The article noted that the league had continued to flourish under Cooper, who had fought and won so many battles in the cause of Maori 1358 Te Ao Hou, no.12, September 1955, p King, Whina, p Te Ao Hou, no.12, September 1955, p

371 progress; she who from the nikau whare has risen to the most honoured public position for a woman in Maoridom today It should be recorded here, however, that, as discussed later in this chapter, some MWWL members later viewed Cooper s style as too autocratic, so not everyone was in agreement with Te Ao Hou s encomium. One main aim of the MWWL was to promote fellowship and understanding between Maori and European women and to co-operate with other women s organisations, departments of state and local bodies in the furtherance of these aims. As Isolde Byron noted, the efforts of the membership, both Maori and Pakeha, to translate this aim into practical reality for the good of the community served as a unique vehicle for better understanding, tolerance and the exchange of views Crucially, however, though the leagues were considered sibling organisations to the tribal committees and executives, they were, unlike their brothers, not a statutorily recognised body, but one based on its own constitution, agenda and functions. While this may have provided for an ambiguous relationship with the government, it did allow the League the freedom and flexibility to involve itself in a wide range of social issues affecting Maori; further, in a similar way to the MWEO, as it was an organisation established by Maori, for Maori and led by Maori, it was more likely to be appealing to Maori women than a government-sponsored entity. The MWWL in Te Raki The MWWL appears to have developed quickly north of Auckland. Further information on the formation of Kaikohe and Whangarei districts can be found in the appendices of this report. By the first quarter of 1952 there were, in the Tokerau district, six MWWL councils, 71 branches and a membership of Welfare officer reports from this period state that welfare leagues were having a positive effect on their communities. League branches in and around Kaikohe devoted their energies to fundraising to erect a pre-natal rest home at Rawene with an estimated cost of 3, Reports also state that there were clear signs of improvement in homes and marae amenities. Fundraising for marae projects was often handed over to 1361 Te Ao Hou, no.12, September 1955, p Byron, Nga Perehitini, p Welfare Divison Tokerau District Annual Report for Year Ended 31 March 1952, District - Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wgtn Welfare Divison Tokerau District Annual Report for Year Ended 31 March 1952, District - Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wgtn. 371

372 the leagues, who were better equipped to extract water from the proverbial rock As elsewhere in the country, the leagues in Tokerau also received the support and guidance of the female Maori welfare officers who completed the circle of contact between tribal committees, the MWWL and the DMA. Links between the welfare officers and the MWWL grew quickly. In August 1952 alone, DMA Welfare Officers in the Tokerau district attended 52 MWWL meetings. By the end of that reporting year in March 1953 the yearly cycle ran from April to March welfare officers had attended 398 meetings, 377 of which had taken place within the Whangarei, Kaikohe and Kaitaia zones Mrs Toia, the female Welfare Officer for the Kaikohe area (part zone 2 and 3 of the MSEA zones), recorded in her annual report that there were 16 active welfare leagues within her district (Oramahoe in the east to Waimamaku in the south), comprising 242 members as well as a further 19 members from outside the scope of her district, making a total of 261 paying members. She outlined in her report a list of projects in which the MWWL had been involved. These included fundraising for health clinics and sports teams, tutoring in Maori crafts, and assisting a semi-disabled man to find employment In his 1953 report to the DMA, James Henare, Tokerau s District Welfare Officer, recorded that the MWWL had to overcome the initial suspicion and hostility of tribal committees. This he credited to a misunderstanding of the Leagues aims and objects, fear of the women usurping [male] authority and mana, and the inherent dislike of the Northern Maori male to his womenfolk departing from their customary place in the household. Fortunately, he concluded, this barrier is being gradually overcome by the good work the Leagues are doing and the kindly assistance of the Welfare Officers In the early 1950s the MWWLs of South Hokianga developed a co-operative health scheme, resulting in health clinics being erected. It has not been possible to ascertain from the sources how many clinics were erected nor their locations. One MWWL branch purchased the latest amenities including Plunket scales, bed pans, wheelchairs and stretchers for the local 1365 JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Annual Report Tokerau District, 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wgtn Schedule of Annual Reports for the year ending 31 March 1953, District - Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wgtn Ms Te AM Toia, Maori Welfare Officer to District Officer, Auckland, 17 April 1952, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt1, ANZ Wgtn JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Annual Report Tokerau District, 31 March 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, ANZ, Wgtn. 372

373 community s use. The MWWL district s contribution of 500 towards a proposed rest home at Rawene had been exceeded by 30, though, as was reported, the leagues were pushing to raise 600; and with the spirit of unity existing there should be no effort experienced in raising this sum The Rawene rest home, located in the grounds of Hokianga Hospital, was completed and officially opened in The home provided accommodation for five women, each having a sizeable bedroom. There was also a sitting room and facilities to prepare meals. Te Ao Hou stated that the home would eliminate the last-minute transport difficulties encountered by women in isolated districts. The overall cost of the rest home amounted to 4,000, of which 1,100 was contributed by welfare leagues in the North and South Hokianga and Bay of Islands districts, which was raised via dances, basket socials and other types of functions held since The balance of 2,900 was met by the Health Department By April 1955 the Women s Welfare Leagues appeared well-established in Te Raki. Fifteen branches were affiliated to Kaikohe MWWL District Council, which extended from Waimamaku eastwards to Oramahoe; these 15 branches comprised 200 members. There were four branches affiliated to the Moerewa MWWL District Council, which covered the rest of zone 3. League membership here was only 40, though this was an increase of 18 from the previous year Evidence suggests that Maori communities benefitted greatly from the MWWL s efforts at a local level. One League branch in South Hokianga fundraised for and purchased a full set of crockery for their marae; assisted with the electrification of the marae; and sponsored a range of sports. It appears that the Kaikohe District Council was responsive and able to conduct its affairs without resorting to the Dominion Executive. Likewise, the Moerewa District Council busied itself cooperating with other bodies in the pursuit of social and educational advancement for local Maori, including youth. In conjunction with local tribal committees and the Bay of Islands County Council, the Moerewa District Council erected six shelter sheds for the use of children attending the Motatau District High School, Matawaia Primary School and Kawakawa District High School. Following initial discussions at district council level, the project was brought before the local county council who pegged out the 1369 Ms Te AM Toia, annual report Zone 3 and part Zone 2, 9 April 1953, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt1, ANZ Wgtn Te Ao Hou, no.23, July 1958, p Ms Te AM Toia, Maori Welfare Officer, Kaikohe office, Annual Report 1 April 1954 to 31 March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wgtn. 373

374 sites. Funds were raised through bring-and-buy sales, timber was donated and local men voluntarily erected the sheds In Tokerau District as a whole there were, in March 1955, 49 branches and 622 members, though, according to the tables below, these figures had altered slightly. Nationally there were 304 branches, 88 district councils and 3,916 members This meant that Tokerau accounted for 16 per cent of both the national number of branches and total national membership. By the end of 1955, Tokerau accounted for one in every five members of the MWWL. Table 42: Tokerau District MWWL membership, 1954 and District Council Te Aupouri (Zone 1 Tokerau Rarawa (Zone 1 Tokerau) Whangaroa (Zone 1 Tokerau) North Hokianga (Zone 2 Tokerau) Raraina-ki- Hokianga (Zone 2 Tokerau) Kaikohe (Zone 2 Tokerau) Affiliated Branches Te Kao Te Hapua Ngataki Parapara Pukepoto Manukau Ahipara Matangirau Matauri Bay Pupuke Mahinepua Mangamuka Motuiti Te Karae Tautehihi Mangataipa Motukaraka Pawarenga Mitimiti Panguru L. Waihou Kaikohe Kokohuia Ngawha 1954 ship NEW ship -/+ on previous year Te AM Toia, Maori Welfare Officer, Kaikohe office, Annual Report 1 April 1954 to 31 March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wgtn AJHR, 1955, G-9, p Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn. 374

375 District Council Moerewa (Zone 3 Tokerau) Utakura IB (Individual Branch) (Zone 3 Tokerau) Whangarei (Zone 4 Tokerau) Affiliated Branches Omanaia Okaihau Oromahoe Pakanae Te Ahuahu Waima Waimamaku Waimate N Whirinaki Taheke Te Iringa Waitangi Karetu Moerewa Pokapu I Pokapu II Opahi 1954 ship NEW ship -/+ on previous year Utakura Oturei Arapaoa Pipiwai Whananaki Tangiteroria Waihu Otamatea Mangakahia Whangarei Naumai Mititai Oruawharo Kaitara NEW 0 NEW TOTAL:

376 Table 43: National Growth of MWWL, Mar 1952 Mar 1953 Mar 1954 Dec 1954 Dec /+ on previous year Increase over fouryear period District (2 in Councils recess) Branches ( in recess) Total 2,702 3,758 3,842 3,916 3, membership Total Tokerau membership Not known Not known Not known Not Known Tokerau membership as a % of national total 14.78% 20.20% A Kaikohe (zone 3) welfare report dated March 1955 noted that the welfare leagues councils and branches in zones 1, 2 and 3 were very active, largely due to the efforts of the female welfare officers, Miss Paitai and Miss Toia. Zone 4 branches, it noted, had been neglected following the illness and resignation of its welfare officer, Mrs Maihi. With a new appointee in place, it was expected this zone, too, would once again flourish This prediction appears, according to evidence sighted, to have proved correct. The following year s District Welfare Officer s report noted that, with the appointment of Mrs Malcolm as a Welfare Officer, defunct branches in zone 4 had been revived and new ones formed, resulting in 14 branches for that zone To maintain the interest and enthusiasm of its members, the Tokerau League branches initiated the hosting of a District conference every two years in the years between Dominion conferences. The first was held in Waitangi in February 1956 and was deemed a great success The Maori Affairs Annual Report, AJHR, G-9, p33; and Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn EM Pou, Maori Welfare Officer, Kaikohe (Zone 3), annual report, 1 April 1954 to 31 March 1955, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wgtn JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Welfare Annual Report Tokerau District for year ended 31 March 1956, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wgtn JT Henare, District Welfare Officer, Welfare Annual Report Tokerau District for year ended 31 March 1956, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt3, ANZ, Wgtn. 376

377 following year, the fifth MWWL annual conference (there was no conference in 1956) was held in the Caledonian Hall in Christchurch. Apart from Whina Cooper and Mira Szaszy, who were Dominion President and Secretary- Treasurer respectively, Northland delegates who attended were: Figure 10: Tokerau MWWL zones and branch committees, c Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , MA W2490 Box /26/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn. 377

378 Image 12: s of Northland MWWL, 1962 (Te Ao Hou, no.38, March 1962, p20) Table 44: Northland delegates to MWWL Dominion Conference, District Te Aupouri Raraina Whangaroa Northern Hokianga Southern Hokianga Kaikohe Moerewa Whangarei Delegates Mrs I Etano and Mrs T Neho Mrs K Phillips and Mrs R Rudolph Mrs M Broughton and Mrs S Shepherd Mrs M Toki Mrs N Barlow and Mrs W Paniora Mrs M Joyce and Miss M Henare Mrs R Pou and Mrs M Mangu Mrs L Kaire and Mrs H Puru Other district attendees were: Mrs H Wiki; Miss M Toia; Mrs W Timoko; Mrs M Toia (Welfare Officer); Mrs A Tatana; Mrs L Heperi; Miss M Faithful; Mrs U Weti; Mrs M Morunga; Mrs S Motu; Miss R Puru. Official visitors and observers included EB Corbett (Minister of Maori Affairs) and Ratana MPs Iriaka Ratana, Tapihana Paikea and Eruera Tirikatene From the sources sighted for this chapter it is evident the leagues in Te Raki were active throughout this period. Aside from the examples outlined above, 1380 Notes from 5 th Annual Conference, Caledonian Hall, Christchurch, 9-11 April 1957, New Zealand Maori Women s Welfare League Collection, MS-Papers 1396 Folder 003, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington (ATL, Wgtn) Notes from 5 th Annual Conference, Caledonian Hall, Christchurch, 9-11 April 1957, New Zealand Maori Women s Welfare League Collection, MS-Papers 1396 Folder 003, ATL, Wgtn. 378

379 the League campaigned strongly for te reo to be recognised in schools. A 1951 MWWL resolution stated that even children who learn Maori in the home tend to lose their language owing to its absence in the school curriculum Undeterred by Minister of Education Ronald Algie s unsympathetic response, which stated that English remained paramount in the education of Maori from a purely utilitarian point of view, the League continued its campaign. In 1954 the League requested that te reo be taught at the four main centres of the Teachers Training Colleges. The League had the support of newly-appointed Auckland University lecturer, Bruce Biggs, though to little avail. For the same reasons outlined above, Algie rejected the request. Following the 1959 Dominion Conference, the League further requested that the language be taught at infant school. The League also campaigned for the improvement of school conditions. Mira Szaszy, in her capacity as Dominion Secretary, wrote to the Minister of Education, pointing out the sorry state of Kamo School, which had been inundated with children sent there after fire had destroyed Ngararatunua School in Whangarei in Kamo School, Szaszy claimed, leaked to the point that staff and children wore protective clothing in classes, and the school had already been condemned several years before. Parents made allegations of racial discrimination (the school was predominantly Maori) and requested a new school be erected immediately. A new school at Ngararatunua was finally built five years later In the late 1950s the Te Karae branch of the League criticised the DMA for its lack of funding to erect new housing in the Hokianga, alleging a strategy to drive young Maori into towns such as Kaikohe, Whangarei and Auckland, where housing was available. The knock-on effect of this would be that Maori youth would be taken away from their marae, churches, families, burial grounds and pipi beds MWWL funding and independence from the DMA Byron noted that despite being a voluntary organisation, the MWWL functioned to a large extent under the auspices of the DMA. The DMA provided administrative and financial support to the MWWL, which included meeting the salary of the MWWL Dominion Secretary. Funds were also made available to cover travel expenses and day-to-day office costs. By the mid- 1950s, personnel within the MWWL expressed a desire for the league to run 1382 Ernest Corbett, Minister of Maori Affairs to Ronald Algie, Minister of Education, 1 October 1951 quoted in JM Barrington, Northland Language, Culture and Education: Part One: Education, CFRT, 2005, Wai 1040, #A2, p JM Barrington, Northland Language, Culture and Education, p Walghan Partners, Twentieth Century Overview Part II, , pp

380 its own affairs; the downside of this being, though, the forfeiture of state assistance. An annual day of giving, organised for Waitangi Day, was instituted in 1954, with each member asked to pay an annual subscription that was forwarded to the central administration From 1957, the MWWL and DMA officials began to note a decrease in activity and membership within the organisation There had been no annual conference for two years and some discontent had risen with Whina Cooper s alleged autocratic leadership of the organisation. In that year, she resigned her role as Dominion President and was replaced by Miria Logan from Hastings. Mira Szazsy, Dominion Secretary-Treasurer and Tokerau representative on the Executive retained her position At this time debate turned to the possibility of making the league more independent from the DMA. To that point, the DMA s annual financial assistance to the MWWL was: Table 45: DMA financial assistance to MWWL, Purpose Amount ( ) Salary of Dominion Secretary 810 Annual grant to Dominion President 75 to help defray travelling expenses Secretary s travelling expenses for 11 period 1/4/58 to 31/12/58 Stamps 50 Duplicating paper and stencils 75 Typing and duplicating service 75 Total 1,096 At the April 1959 MWWL annual conference in Napier, Prime Minister and Minister of Maori Affairs Walter Nash told delegates that you should stand more on your own two feet, and offered the league a diminishing annual grant of 2,000 to cover expenses to establish itself as a fully independent body In response, Mrs Iriaka Ratana, MP for Western Maori from agreed, expressing a desire for the league to become independent and in doing so freeing itself from the DMA s coddling. The debate sparked discussions concerning the league s prevailing financial situation. As things stood, a member s annual subscription of 2/6 was split thus: 1/- to the 1385 Francis and Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975, p Hill, Maori and the State, p Te Ao Hou, no. 19, August 1957, p Assistant Secretary of Maori Affairs to Minister of Maori Affairs, 26 January 1959, p3, MA W /26/12/pt1, Maori Women s Welfare League Government, , ANZ, Wgtn. 380

381 Dominion Executive to assist with its expenses, and 1/6 shared between the branches and district councils. In addition, there were the proceeds of the annual Day of Giving which, in 1959, amounted to It was stated that this income did not come close to matching expenditure, so it was proposed to increase subscriptions for the approximately 3,000 members to 5/-, of which 3/- would go into the Dominion Executive s coffers. The Maori Affairs annual report for 1959 recorded that the league had increased its membership by 248, taking it over the 3,000 mark. The League s emphasis, it observed, was directed at housing, education, home management and community welfare matters Referring to the government s offer of a grant of 2,000 for the league to establish its own secretariat, Nash, in his capacity as Minister of Maori Affairs, affirmed that the services of women welfare officers would remain available for advice and guidance in branch activities In the DMA s annual statement the year before, the minister stressed the League s strength came from its independence, and while the female welfare officers were on hand to assist and guide the branches, they and the DMA refrained from exerting any influence which might imperil the full independence of the league in policy and action At the centre of the league s considerations was the issue of the timeframe within which the proposed 2,000 per annum would diminish. Delegates at the 1959 annual conference in Napier welcomed the offer but hoped that the initial 2,000 grant could remain in place for at least three or four years while the league stabilised its finances through increased membership and subscriptions From the government s perspective, it had little to lose in offering the yearly sum of 2,000, even aside from the fact that given the work the MWWL was undertaking, 2,000 represented a very good return for the government. The secretary for Maori Affairs, M Sullivan, pointed out in correspondence with the minister, the sum would be approximate to that already set aside for the administration of the league. It estimated the annual running costs of the Dominion Secretary s salary, travel expenses of the Dominion President, and a series of other costs equated to 1,096: the expenditure from the previous year. In addition there would be the services of a typist, accommodation rental, and travel expenses for the Secretary Te Ao Hou, no.29, December 1959, p Te Ao Hou, no.29, December 1959, p AJHR, 1959, G-9, p AJHR, 1959, G-9, p AJHR, 1958, G-9, p Joan Stone, Maori Women s Welfare League Dominion Secretary to Minister of Maori Affairs, 14 July 1959, Maori Women s Welfare League Government Grant, , MA W2490 Box /26/12/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn. 381

382 Organiser, which together was estimated at 862; the overall total being 1, The secretary for Maori Affairs opined that independence was a positive move for the league and was indicative of the growing spirit among women who herefore have had by custom to defer to the wishes of their menfolk. He observed that: there is no wish on the part of the Department to put anything in the way of the League s avowed intention to source their independence and is prepared at all times to provide such assistance as is within its power to give, to help them achieve this desirable end Sullivan concluded by recommending that following independence, the DMA would continue to supply the services of the women welfare officers. By 1961, the league s independence from the DMA had become a reality. The annual grant received from the public purse covered salaries, rental of office space, lighting, heating and stationery. All other expenses were expected to be met through membership subscriptions and the annual day of giving. Mary Findlay, the league s assistant secretary who likened the league to a Gilbert and Sullivan character: everything and everyone rolled into one noted in 1961 that with the level of independence the league had secured, it was important that it not only justify its independence by standing on its own two feet, but also to steady and lead others in the march of progress The government, for its part, assisted greatly the move to independence. The annual grant of 2,000 was secured on the strength of the league submitting annual accounting returns, and the DMA guaranteed that the annual sum would not decrease if it meant threatening the league with financial hardship. The league was also reassured that a potential change of government would not jeopardise the arrangement struck between the incumbent Labour government and the league. In fact, Ralph Hanan, Minister of Maori Affairs after National took office in November 1960, reiterated in mid-1963 his appreciation of the work the league was undertaking, before acknowledging the government s annual commitment of 2, Secretary for Maori Affairs to Minister of Maori Affairs, 26 January 1959, Maori Women s Welfare League Government Grant, , MA W2490 Box /26/12/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn Secretary for Maori Affairs to Minister of Maori Affairs, 26 January 1959, Maori Women s Welfare League Government Grant, , MA W2490 Box /26/12/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, p JR Hanan, Minister of Maori Affairs to Miss JF Bell, Dominion Secretary, Maori Women s Welfare League, 17 July 1963, Maori Women s Welfare League Government Grant, , MA W2490 Box /26/12/pt1, ANZ, Wgtn. 382

383 Erik Schwimmer, Te Ao Hou s editor and correspondent at the 1959 conference, stated that: The league works in a rapidly changing Maori world where social and educational work of the most varied kind is needed. No other New Zealand women s organization is to the same extent responsible for vital innovations in hundreds of communities. If the league is to be independent and therefore has to frame its own approach, then guidance should come from the national conference Schwimmer s point readily identified the work undertaken by the MWWL and the expanding areas in which it operated, and noted that the national conference was the forum through which its activities could be guided and administered. The principle aims of the MWWL: promoting fellowship and understanding between Maori and Pakeha, and furthering the welfare of Maori were apparent during the aforementioned 1960 New Zealand Rugby Union s decision to send an all-white team to play a test series in South Africa. The league met on 15 June 1959 to consider its response. President Miria Logan issued a statement in full support of those who had already voiced their opposition and condemned racial discrimination. The League s secretary, Mira Szaszy, who was also secretary of the Citizens All Black Tour Association (CABTA), stated that our battle is a domestic one against an act of racial discrimination committed by a New Zealand sports organisation It became clear as the debate increased that the issue had gone beyond sporting circles and into daily New Zealand and international life. It brought into focus, as Byron noted, the wider implications and responsibilities of two races living side by side striving to attain mutual understanding and respect The government s decision to not intervene in what it considered a sporting issue, resulting in the tour going ahead as planned without Maori players, merely crystallised the league s resolve to address discrimination wherever it occurred. The Dominion Executive reminded members of this in that year s annual report by noting: it is prudent to recognise one s limitations but fatal to aspiration and real endeavour to dwell upon these, and never to discover positive strengths which are developed by experience and tempered by adversity It was around this time, the late 1950s, MSEA marae committees and executives began to discuss the possibility of establishing their own national organisation with a view to providing a 1399 Te Ao Hou, no.29, December 1959, p Hill, Maori and the State, p Byron, Nga Perehitini, p Byron, Nga Perehitini, p

384 similar forum to express views or positions on issues affecting Maori at a national or multi-regional level as the MWWL had done through their national conferences. The Hunn Report, 1960 As stated above, the Ratana political leadership s relationship with Nash s government had, by the late 1950s, deteriorated considerably. A perceived lack of interest or desire on behalf of the government to introduce policies to advance Maori social and economic status, and the government s unwillingness to intervene in the 1960 All Blacks tour to South Africa when, clearly, the debate had progressed way beyond a sporting dispute and into the realms of race relations, added to the Maori MPs frustrations. Hill noted that a focus on social maladjustment in New Zealand s cities had drawn the government s attention to Maori issues: Maori were, according to statistics, featuring disproportionately in court records and their educational achievement was not where it should have been. Equally, Nash was aware, throughout his tenure, of grassroots Maori ambivalence, or even hostility, towards the DMA. Though this has been stated earlier, it is important to stress again the context in which these events were happening. Rapid urbanisation throughout this period changed not only urban and rural Maori perceptions, but also Pakeha perceptions of modern-day New Zealand society. Nash, attuned to this, recognised the need to revisit the provisions of the 1945 legislation and the prevailing status of Maori in a rapidly changing environment. Towards this end, Nash appointed Jack Kent Hunn as Acting Secretary for Maori Affairs and Maori Trustee for a fixed period He requested Hunn get an accounting of Maori assets and see what we can do with them. As Sinclair noted, Hunn included within his broad remit human as well as physical assets such as land Nash s intention was to use Hunn s findings to inform structural and policy changes to the way the DMA operated and to assist the government more generally in dealing with Maori issues. Hunn was also tasked with injecting an increased vigour and sensitivity into the DMA In short, over the next eight months, Hunn and nine interdepartmental research teams with personnel contributed from Statistics, State Advances Corporation, Health, Justice and Land Transfer travelled the length and breadth of the country investigating, consulting and probing a vast array of statistical, policy and operational matters relevant to 1403 For further information on Hunn see RM Williams Te Ara entry: accessed 28 August Sinclair, Walter Nash, p Hill, Maori and the State, p

385 Maori. The teams covered the following areas: Population, Land Settlement, Housing, Education, Employment, Health, Land Titles, Legal Differentiation and Crime Hunn discovered throughout his and his team s research that the DMA s welfare officer roles had been blurred from their original 1945 intention. He recommended the welfare officers be withdrawn from community affairs in favour of local efforts: The exhortatory work on the marae, for example, takes up a lot of time and, after proper coaching, could be left to the local tribal executive and Maori Women s Welfare League. The welfare officers could then devote more time to case work, which is more positive and profitable By this stage, whether or not Hunn was unaware of the fact, the MWWL in Te Raki and elsewhere in the country had been undertaking marae-based health and welfare initiatives for more than a decade. Hunn completed his report in August 1960, just three months ahead of the general election. Nash informed him that he would not have time until after the election to digest Hunn s findings. As it transpired, Labour lost the election to National and Nash was replaced as Prime Minister by Keith Holyoake and as Minister of Maori Affairs by Ralph Hanan. The report, officially titled Report on Department of Maori Affairs, was resubmitted to Hanan in January 1961 and, without consulting parliamentary colleagues, he ordered its publication and release the same month Hill noted the report would become one of the most famous documents of Crown-Maori interaction in New Zealand history In brief, Hunn and his teams found that the activities of the Department [of Maori Affairs] need to be accelerated to keep pace with the fast rising population which, by 1960, stood at 158,000, an increase from 56,000 just 40 years before. The report made clear that the Department needed to redouble its activities across many socio-economic areas, none more important than employment, education and housing. Urbanisation was also an influence in Hunn s findings. As stated in chapters five and six, Maori urbanisation rapidly increased during the war years, when Maori were placed in war-related industries to assist with the war effort. The majority of Maori who did relocate to the larger town and cities tended to remain there after the war JK Hunn, Report on Department of Maori Affairs, Wellington: Government Printer, 1961, p Hunn, Report on Department of Maori Affairs, p Butterworth and Young, Maori Affairs, p Hill, Maori and the State, p

386 Indeed, they were joined by ever-increasing numbers throughout the 1950s and beyond. Hunn welcomed this so-called urban drift as the most expeditious way of integrating the two species of New Zealander Further, he noted that with some exceptions, people understand and appreciate one another better and mutually adjust themselves easier if living together as neighbours than if living apart in separate communities In his foreword to the published report, Hanan recorded that Hunn s findings were of a far-reaching nature and all have a fundamental bearing on the well-being of the Maori people, the well-being of New Zealanders as a whole, and on race relations in New Zealand As stated earlier, the term urban drift conjures up the impression that Maori drifted to the towns and cities in an uncoordinated, undirected, spurof-the-moment manner, without due consideration of what they were leaving behind nor what they would face. This, however, is far from the truth of the situation: as stated in earlier chapters, Maori were, after 1939, drawn into the towns and cities to fulfil essential wartime work; after 1945, they made the deliberate choice based on economic needs because no longer could rural locations sustain the pressure of rising Maori populations and thus increased competition for employment Waitangi Day 1961: The old net is cast aside In his 1961 address at Waitangi, Maori Affairs Minister Ralph Hanan stated that Maori urbanisation was inevitable and, as such, Maori and Pakeha would increasingly come into contact with one another. It was beholden on both communities to be accepting of the other and, in terms of employment, he stated: We cannot afford wastage of such potential workforce as the Maori people now constitute. So in the Maori interest and in the national interest, we must welcome, plan, and provide for a redistribution of Maori people Though much has been achieved, Hanan continued, I am sure you will all agree that the picture could be better. Much remains to be done Hunn, Report on the Department of Maori Affairs, p14. Also see Anita Miles, Te Horo Development Scheme Wai 1040, #E3, 1993, p Hunn, Report on the Department of Maori Affairs, p JR Hanan in Report on the Department of Maori Affairs, p This was a point made by the Maori Synod of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand in its response to the Hunn Report. For further information see Maori Synod of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, A Maori View of the Hunn Report, Whakatane: Presbyterian Bookroom, Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, p Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, p

387 In response to the prevailing situation of rapid Maori urbanisation which would lead to further demands on substandard and inadequate housing, as well as other socio-economic considerations, Hanan pledged the government s support to assist Maori where possible: We will do all in our power to promote more education and vocational training for the Maori people. We will do all in our power to carry out more energetic programmes in housing and land development. All these measures will in turn, I am sure, help solve some of the other problems and generally lead to better race relations Hanan acknowledged that Maori featured heavily in crime statistics, were lacking in university students and work apprenticeships, and one in three Maori were living in overcrowded conditions. The Minister emphasised that the government could not undertake this work on its own: both Maori and Pakeha communities would need to ensure that we do not allow an unhealthy race consciousness to develop on either side, and so divide our people. In reference to the initial Maori migration to Aotearoa, Hanan appealed to Maori to: prepare the canoes for another migration as adventurous as the last. But this time, let us build a canoe to lead the fleet a canoe called Aotearoa, the New Zealand canoe. How better could we mark this historic day, our first official New Zealand Day! 1417 It should be made clear here that the first official New Zealand Day to which Hanan referred was the result of the Waitangi Day Act 1960 passed in October of that year, and therefore one of the last Acts passed under Nash s administration. Rather than creating a national holiday, the Act established 6 February as 'as a national day of thanksgiving in commemoration of the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi' and simply allowed provinces to replace their existing anniversary days with a Waitangi Day holiday. Nash had emphasised at that time of the Bill s passing that to create a national holiday would cost the country too much money. Hanan concluded his speech in nautical terms with reference to the proposed formation of a national Maori council and on-going consultation with Maori: I look forward to consultation with the Maori leaders about the course and speed of the canoe on their great voyage into the future. In particular, we will confer together on the setting up of a Maori Tribal Council so that the leaders 1416 Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, p Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, pp

388 of the people may have a forum for discussion at [a] national level and a channel of communication with the Government. I trust that the Maori people will co-operate with me whole-heartedly in safeguarding and advancing their interests, as I can assure them that the Government has their best interests at heart we dedicate ourselves to the task of facilitating the advance of the Maori people as citizens of New Zealand so that two ways of life can become one. And this is now our clear objective, not only the Maori but also the Pakeha must be guided by those celebrated words of that great soldier and scholar of the Maori people, Sir Peter Buck: Ka put e ruha: ka hao te rangatahi/the old net is cast aside: the new net goes a-fishing [emphasis added] Hanan s words here were clear: the National Government, within which he played a central role, pledged Maori its support to assimilate Maori with Pakeha; he stated there would be a consultative process unfolding, in particular, on Maori wishes for a national forum through which opinion could be voiced; and he reiterated the government s commitment to assist Maori wherever possible to attain socio-economic parity with Pakeha. How this was to play out throughout the rest of the 1960s a decade in which National enjoyed total parliamentary dominance would be another matter Waitangi Day commemorations It is during this period that government officials and Maori alike reassessed the importance, focus and underlying purpose of Waitangi Day commemorations. Those held during the 1950s often included seven official speakers, who the Northern Advocate wrote were inescapably repetitive in many of their remarks From 1960 the ceremony was reorganised, moving to the evening and having a stronger focus on entertainment. The number of official speakers was cut to three: the Governor-General; a member of Cabinet; and a Maori representative, usually a Waitangi National Trust Board member. Local mayors no longer played any part in the ceremonies, a change which Dargaville Mayor, SS Green, said showed that Waitangi is becoming a national event and is losing its purely northern significance Green s statement illustrates the point that there appeared to be no clarity regarding the meaning of Waitangi Day. Should the event have been regarded as significant to northern Maori only, or should Waitangi Day be viewed as a date in the calendar of national importance to 1418 Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, p For further information on the relationship between National and Maori see Barry Gustafson, The First 50 Years: A history of the New Zealand National Party, Auckland: Reed Methuen, 1986, pp Northern Advocate, 5 February 1960, p Northern Advocate, 8 February 1960, p1. 388

389 Maori and Pakeha alike? Further, what was it that was being remembered: an opportunity for thanksgiving that New Zealand s racial and other fortunes had been enabled to flourish under the protection of such a supposedly progressive iconic document, as Hill stated, or, as the 1960s progressed, an opportunity for protest aimed at Maori rights to land and resources, equality and autonomy, discrimination and other issues affecting Maori? 1422 Image 13: Waitangi Day, 1961 (Te Ao Hou, no.35, June 1961, p32) Pita Heperi delivers a speech by Tamati Waka Nene. Seated is Walter Kawiti, who delivered the speech of his ancestor, Kawiti. A further issue was the extent to which northern Maori were consulted on and participated in the annual commemorations. Prior to 1963 and the Queen s visit to Waitangi, consultation with Maori appeared limited. While there was a strong Maori component in the evening of the 1963 commemoration, there was very little Maori involvement in the Queen s first arrival at Waitangi earlier in the day. As the Evening Post pointed out, Maoris had no part in the initial ceremony of reception. However dozens of Maori elders were presented to the Queen at the Treaty house, including eight from Northland The eight were: Ihaka Ihaka; Michael Ngawaka; Wiremu Keina Poata, MC; Mihi Tipene; Mohi K Tito; Waaka Weir, Reverend 1422 Hill, Maori and the State, p Evening Post, 6 February 1963, p

390 Henare Paraone and Mrs Te Aira Maioha This Waitangi Day was overshadowed by the deaths of 15 passengers, ten of whom were Ngati Whatua from Kaipara, when the bus in which they were travelling left the Brynderwyn Hills road near Whangarei and crashed into the Piroa Stream; a further 21 were injured. Those on board had been returning home after attending the Waitangi Day commemorations Three years later the Tai Tokerau District Maori Council voted in favour of making the Tiriti o Waitangi marae a national marae. The New Zealand Maori Council, of whom more is discussed in detail below, was asked to appoint trustees representing all parts of New Zealand The Waitangi National Marae Board consisted of 12 members, of whom two represented Te Raki Maori: the MP for Northern Maori, and a Tai Tokerau representative. When the Board met for the first time in February 1968, it planned to develop the marae to include more visitor amenities, and possibly a Maori cultural centre By 1969 the plans had expanded to include a 700-seat auditorium surrounded by a lake, a 450 seat restaurant, and a large area of reclaimed land on which a sports field was to be built The creation of the national marae was in part an acknowledgment that the whare runanga on the Treaty grounds was not a living meeting house. As the Northern Advocate argued, a marae is a live place, where the people meet, live, talk and decide in their traditional way. They haven t done this in the whare runanga, which therefore remains mainly a tourist attraction At the same time, the commemorations themselves continued to attract criticism. One official argued that the day was becoming a thorough discreditable affair. The most recent [in 1969] was a shambles. This was at least partly the fault of the government, since the duty of being the principal speaker was ducked by Minister after Minister until in the end it was amazing that any government representative turned up at all Another official felt that the average (Pakeha) member of the public paid little attention to Waitangi Day, except to watch the television coverage if he happens to have nothing better to do Meanwhile, Maoris seem to think that the present form of dual-race observance is a Pakeha gimmick which 1424 Te Ao Hou, no.42, March 1963, p accessed 28 August Northern Advocate, 7 February 1966, p Northern Advocate, 5 February 1968, p Northern Advocate, 5 February 1969, p Northern Advocate, 6 February 1968, p Waitangi Celebration, 29 April 1969, Maori History (Waitangi), , TO3 66 IPS 18/17/9 pt 3, ANZ, Wellington G Wills Johnson to Minister of Lands, 15 October 1970, Maori History (Waitangi), , TO3 66 IPS 18/17/9 pt 3, ANZ, Wellington. 390

391 only coincides with their own, more heartfelt remembrance More professional organisation was suggested, along with an education and public relations campaign, and events in other locations as well as Waitangi The New Zealand Maori Council: All the canoes are united As stated in chapter six, the 1945 MSEA made no provision for national or regional bodies through which to further advance shared matters considered pertinent to Maori development at the national level. Because of this incompleteness the government noted that there had been a lack of enthusiasm for the system in some areas What the MWWL system illustrated was that with the right balance of committed personnel at regional and national level, and a driven constituency of branch members working together for a common purpose, a national Maori voice could be coordinated and directed. It is almost certain that male Maori leaders were inspired by the gains the MWWL had made in the previous decade and, by the beginning of the 1960s, calls for a similar structure partly achievable by expanding the MSEA system became more commonplace. In 1959 Waiariki Maori established a district council. They were soon joined by the other seven districts following Waiariki s invitation to attend a hui in Rotorua The aim was to add a third tier onto the existing MSEA committee and executive structure, with a view to later adding a fourth: a nationwide body as later alluded to by Hanan in his 1961 Waitangi Day address. Given the participation of the other seven district councils, the Rotorua hui was, in essence, an informal convening of a national body. Hanan agreed that it was impossible to unify Maori opinion from over 450 committees and 55 executives without a co-ordinating, overseeing body. In June 1961, attendees at a meeting arranged to discuss the Hunn Report s findings once again raised the issue of a national council. Butterworth noted that it was in the National government s interest to support this request, especially in light of National s poor showing among the Maori electorate and its failure to make in-roads into Ratana-Labour held seats A further consideration was perhaps that aspects of the Hunn Report would be more easily implemented if the National government showed its support for Maori 1432 G Wills Johnson to Minister of Lands, 15 October 1970, Maori History (Waitangi), , TO3 66 IPS 18/17/9 pt 3, ANZ, Wellington G Wills Johnson to Minister of Lands, 15 October 1970, Maori History (Waitangi), , TO3 66 IPS 18/17/9 pt 3, ANZ, Wellington AJHR, 1962, G-9, p Lange, To Promote Maori Well-being, p Butterworth, Men of Authority, p

392 initiatives. Just as with its support of the MWWL after 1951, the National government encouraged the establishment of a further national Maori organisation designed to direct and disseminate Maori opinion; the main difference between the two, however, being the national Maori Council would be statutorily recognised. Matters moved ahead quickly. Hanan s pledge in February 1961 was swiftly followed by an address from the Governor-General, Viscount Cobham, who outlined the government s commitment to provide Maori with a national voice. Legislation, he noted, would be brought down to introduce a Dominion Council of Maori Tribal Committees. Further, a ten-point Act amending the 1945 MSEA was introduced in October The Maori Social and Economic Advancement Amendment Act (MSEAA) aimed, in part, to take account of the changing nature of New Zealand and, in particular, Maori society. Section 2(8) of the new Act allowed for District Councils to be convened from tribal executives so that representatives could elect a chairman, secretary and any other officials that were required. Section 2(11) excluded Maori Welfare Officers from representing a tribal executive on one of the eight District Maori Councils. Section 7 of the Act created the New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives, the forerunner of the NZMC, in which each district council would provide three representatives The New Zealand Council s functions were to advise and consult with the other bodies in the system, from tribal committees to district councils, on matters referred to it for the purpose of the social and economic advancement of Maori and of putting into effect any measures that will conserve and promote harmonious and friendly relations between Maori and other members of the community It has been noted that the Act was far from being a charter of Rangatiratanga with the Minister and Secretary of Maori Affairs retaining considerable powers over Maori organisations. That said, the New Zealand Council had a very broad brief and could raise all manner of issues with the Minister. Butterworth noted that the executives and councils were free of Maori Welfare Officers control, though evidence examined for this report suggests that welfare officers in the north were more of a help than a hindrance. Within months the MSEAA was superseded by the Maori Welfare Act 1962, an Act known for, among other things, the establishment of the New Zealand Maori Council. The 1962 Maori Welfare Act, renamed the Maori Community Development Act in 1979, was designed to amend the 1945 Act which, in the light of the 1437 For further information, see Maori Social and Economic Advancement Amendment Act 1961, no.41, 18 October 1961, New Zealand Statutes, 1961, pp Butterworth, Men of Authority, p

393 rapid Maori urbanisation outlined earlier in this chapter and elsewhere in the report, appeared out of touch with modern Maori social and economic demands The epithet tribal was also dropped in favour of Maori, leading to the creation of Maori Committees and Maori Executives. Te Ao Hou, celebrating the advent of the NZMC, declared: For the first time, all the canoes are united; the tribes speak with a single voice. Twenty-four delegates, it continued, from the eight District Councils bring to the New Zealand Council the experience and opinions of the people in their own area; there is a democratic, unbroken line of communication from the individual Maori, through the local tribal committee, to the District Council, and now on to the New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives: a vehicle for the formation and expression of Maori views on a national level It should be remembered, however, that, as noted above, Te Ao Hou was a DMA publication and, as such, needs to be viewed with a critical eye. The magazine was designed to give coverage of news about progressive Maori development; stimulation of activities that welfare generally aims to encourage; and development of the Maoris valuable inborn gifts of self-expression through story-telling, poetry, description of tribal events As an official government publication, it had its own motivations for publicising the more positive aspects of Maori development and Maori- Pakeha relations, and did not draw attention to areas where Maori progress and optimism were less in abundance. That said, the reality remained that the NZMC was the first statutorilyrecognised, government-supported Maori organisation established to act as an advisory body to the government of the day. Ranginui Walker noted that over the next two decades the Council developed considerable skills in monitoring parliament, scrutinising legislation and making submissions to ministers and select committees within the House. The Council, along with the MWWL, were, he concluded, the conservative expressions of Maori activism, pursuing Maori rights within the framework of the parliamentary system The Maori Welfare Act name change to the Maori Community Development Act was enacted by the Maori Purposes Act 1979; New Zealand Statutes, 1979, pp Te Ao Hou, no.40, September 1962, p AJHR, 1957, G-9, p RJ Walker, The Genesis of Maori Activism in The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 93:3, 1984, p

394 The NZMC s inaugural meeting took place in Wellington on June Sir Turi Carroll, nephew of Sir James Carroll and Chairman of the Wairoa (Hawke s Bay) County Council, was elected as the Council s first president, and Pei Te Hurinui Jones was elected as vice-president (he succeeded Carroll as president in 1969). Other senior positions were filled by Henare Ngata as secretary-treasurer, Norman Perry as associate secretary and Puti Tipene Watene was elected as the Council s representative on the Committee for Maori Health Both Hanan and Hunn were present and were given the opportunity to address the meeting. Hunn stated that: Maori people today are on the march and this meeting is a milestone on the road of their progress. It is a goal achieved that brings many other goals in sight and with it there is a rising spirit of hope and confidence right throughout Maoridom today To me the emergence of this council is a very healthy sign. Henceforth the Maori people are committed to think nationally and not tribally. Tribal loyalties are still strong and enduring may they always be so because identification with a place or a people is a source of strength but let those loyalties be a tributary to the main stream of national effort on behalf of the Maori people Hanan, in his address to the assembly, noted that: This is the first time that there has been any assembly to speak for the Maori people as a whole and therefore it is an occasion that will be remembered in the history of the Maori people and in the history of their relations with the pakeha people... Gentlemen, I hail this meeting as the dawn of a new day in Maori affairs. The progress we make from now on depends on your deliberations and to what extent you can obtain unanimity on some of the problems of our time Hanan concluded by stating that the Maori Welfare Act 1962 had put the top brick on the structure of the Maori organisation. We now have the setup for a permanent organisation to provide a line of communication from the individual Maori in the community through to Government Te Ao Hou, no.40, September 1962, p JK Hunn, speech at inaugural meeting of NZMC, BAZQ 4958/814c 4/21 part1, Waikato Maniapoto District Council, , ANZ Akl, p AJHR, 1963, vol.ii, G-9, p7; for the full speech see BAZQ 4958/814c 4/21 part1, Waikato Maniapoto District Council, , ANZ Akl Ralph Hanan speech at inaugural meeting of NZMC, BAZQ 4958/814c 4/21 part1, Waikato Maniapoto District Council, , ANZ Akl. 394

395 NZMC and Te Raki Maori The Council was comprised of three representatives from each of the eight district councils: Taitokerau, Auckland, Waikato-Maniapoto, Waiariki, Tairawhiti, Ikaroa and Waipounamu; these, as stated earlier, represented the Maori executives and, below them, the Maori committees within their districts. Butterworth noted that all 24 representatives were aged over 50, were native Te Reo Maori speakers, possessed mana through whakapapa and their actions within their communities and, in a number of cases, shared Maori Battalion experience H Maioha, W Weir and HT Waetford were the initial three representatives from Taitokerau. The Council quickly mobilised itself: within its first two years it had established committees to deal with a range of issues including the Maori Education Foundation; fishing reserves and regulations; social problems; unclaimed monies and uneconomic interests in land; community efforts in education; council administration and government legislation The NZMC initiated Meet the People meetings in which Council sessions would be held within the districts rather than solely in Wellington. One such meeting was held at Ahipara marae in February 1964 to coincide both with Waitangi Day and the visit of the Governor-General, Sir Bernard Fergusson and Lady Fergusson. This meeting and the vice regal visit are of interest to understand the extent to which the district s representatives participated at the national NZMC level. Seventeen of the 24 representatives attended the meeting; also attending were representatives from Maori Affairs and the Women s Welfare League. The Governor-General s visit, according to the NZMC s report, was a success: Sir Turi Carroll assured the Governor-General that the NZMC was not a pressure group opposed to the general welfare of the country, while the Governor-General responded that he was anxious to assist Maori in any non-political way his office would allow. He expressed a desire to act as a mouthpiece for the Maori people in matters that are not controversial. He invited the Council to inform him whenever they felt he could be of assistance After the Governor-General s departure, Council s normal business resumed. Waata Tepania stated that land problems were the greatest worry in his district and he, and the other Tokerau representatives reported back to council on a number of land-related issues including 1447 Butterworth, Men of Authority, p Report of the First New Zealand Maori Council, 1964, MS-Papers , Maori Women s Welfare League Collection, Alexander Turnbull Library (ATL), Wellington, pp New Zealand Maori Council meeting, 4-6 February 1964, MS-Papers , Maori Women s Welfare League collection, ATL, p2. 395

396 recommendations to reduce rates paid on undeveloped land; that Maori committees should work closer with DMA staff to settle local people on abandoned land; and that greater effort should be made in the amalgamation of unoccupied farms Image 14: The New Zealand Maori Council, c.1962 (Te Kaunihera Maori, 1:1, July 1966, p9.) Financing the NZMC The Maori Purposes Fund Board (MPFB) made a grant of 750 to assist the NZMC with its initial expenses. This was supplemented by a grant of 2,000 from the DMA to allow the Council the time to organise its own finances and 1450 New Zealand Maori Council meeting, 4-6 February 1964, MS-Papers , Maori Women s Welfare League collection, ATL, p3. 396

397 fundraising. It was agreed early on by Council members that each Maori district should be levied 5 for each Maori committee within its boundaries. During the course of the first three years of operation, Tokerau, Auckland and Waikato-Maniapoto district councils applied to the NZMC to have written off levies for committees within their districts which were no longer functioning; in all three cases this was turned down Financing the NZMC was a continual problem. In 1965 the council took the decision that each district council would pay a 200 levy to finance the NZMC. Just as the marae subsidies operation had done and was doing, these levies attracted a one-for-one subsidy from the government. Butterworth noted that it was in each Maori committee s interests to ensure they kept up their levies as the NZMC controlled the government s funding for marae improvements. The downside to this, of course, was that once a committee had received its subsidy, the incentive to maintain payments to the council seemed less pressing. Butterworth also noted that in rural areas with stable populations, a sense of tribal identity and strong incorporations, committees were more likely to receive assistance to meet their levies; urban committees lacking these attributes found it more difficult to keep up their financial commitments Table 46: NZMC income and expenditure, Income ( ) Expenditure ( ) Balance1 April ,118 Seminar 580 expenses Levies 480 Newsletter expenses 114 Seminar donations 660 Printing and 309 stationery Newsletter 20 Travelling 352 subscriptions expenses Sundry receipts 128 Salaries 919 Sundry expenses 517 Balance at bank 615 TOTAL: 3,406 TOTAL: 3,406 In October 1965, the council met and agreed to ask the Maori Trustee to make an annual grant of 10,000 to cover the running costs of the national and district councils. The Maori Trustee, it was noted, held approximately 1451 It is not known how much Tokerau District Council wished to have written off. Waikato- Maniapoto DC requested the sum of 105 be cancelled; NZMC minutes, 2-4 April 1965, MS-Papers , Maori Women s Welfare League collection, ATL, p Butterworth, Men of Authority, p Report of the First New Zealand Maori Council, MS-Papers Maori Women s Welfare League collection, ATL, p3. 397

398 4,000,000 and, as such, would be in a position to assist. It is assumed that this request was declined as no evidence to the contrary has been sighted. Also in 1965, the McKenzie Trust, established at the start of the Second World War to assist in the building of stronger communities, donated 750. Aside from the government s subsidy programme, the MPFB was a regular contributor to the NZMC s coffers. Table 47: Maori Purposes Fund Board funding to the NZMC 1454 Year Amount in and $ $1, $1, $2, $2, $5, $4,000 The issue of a lack of funding appeared to plague the NZMC for many years, just as funding issues had plagued Maori councils in the past, as discussed in chapter three. In 1972, the government increased its financial commitment to the NZMC by amending the subsidy payment established back under the Maori Welfare Act 1962 to a fixed annual grant out of money appropriated by Parliament for the purpose such sum as is approved by the Minister This sum appeared to be initially set at $6,000 though, according to Graham Latimer, who was Council president by this time, it was still insufficient for the effective running of the Council Latimer later recorded: We weren t asking for much. Maoridom didn t set up the Council. It was established by an Act of Parliament. We shouldn t have had to ask for anything. What other government body is set up and then expected to pay for itself by running raffles to keep going? At first we didn t even have a typewriter Latimer s biographer noted that Hanan s lack of knowledge regarding Maori issues and Hunn s refusal to adequately finance the NZMC implied that 1454 AJHR, , G-11 and AJHR, 1973, E Decimalisation was introduced in July Maori Purposes Act 1970, section 18, no.120, 27 November 1970, New Zealand Statutes, Wellington: Government Printer, 1971, p Butterworth, Men of Authority, p43 and NZMC President s Report, June 1976, MS- Papers /4, ATL Noel Harrison, Graham Latimer: a biography, Wellington: Huia Publishing, 2002, p

399 Hunn had no intention of creating a strong Council which could compete with the DMA There are noticeable parallels here with Mason s wartime efforts to reassert DMA authority over the MWEO in terms of what he regarded as non-mweo matters such as social welfare provision, and the MSEA 1945 which, as discussed in the previous chapter, limited, in favour of the DMA, the level of autonomy Maori had enjoyed during the war. Image 15: NZMC second annual conference, March 1964 (Te Ao Hou, no.47, June 1964, p28) Prichard-Waetford Commission, 1965: Toward a progressive future One of the recommendations of the Hunn Report had been the formation of a committee to inquire into Maori land utilisation and administration. In 1965 the Committee of Inquiry into Laws Affecting Maori Land and Powers of the Maori Land Court was formed. The commission was more commonly known as the Prichard-Waetford Commission after its principal leaders Ivor Prichard, a former Maori Land Court judge who had served in Tokerau, and Hemi Waetford, a long-serving Maori Land Court interpreter, initial Tokerau member of the NZMC and former National candidate for the Northern Maori seat. At the outset of their work, Prichard and Waetford attended a NZMC meeting where those present pledged their assistance to the commission Harrison, Graham Latimer, p

400 Hanan requested the Prichard-Waetford Commission consider the measures required to improve Maori land titles and land utilisation. In response, the NZMC, through its secretary, John Booth, circulated to all Council members a proposal which, if agreed to, would be forwarded to Prichard and Waetford. In brief, the NZMC proposed the establishment of a land trust either to take the uneconomic interests in Maori land or even to take control of all remaining Maori land in a particular area. The purpose of this was to establish a body which would overcome the defects of multiple ownership of Maori land, and to preserve a residue for the lasting benefit of the people The proposed body would be granted the authority to take over from any poorly managed local trusts, assist those that were operating well, and to provide the freedom for those that were succeeding under their own steam. The paper proposed handing over this authority over to the government or the Maori Trustee but, if Maoris want a controlling voice in the conduct of Maori land policy, it stated they must be willing to accept the responsibility that goes with it. If they wish to preserve any land as a vital element in Maori national identity they must find the leadership to do this within themselves If Maori chose this option, it continued, the NZMC was the obvious body to exercise leadership. The proposal was to be sent out to all the district councils, including Tokerau, presumably to seek agreement at Maori committee and executive levels, which was in keeping with the purpose of the NZMC to communicate down to grass-roots level. A search of the NZMC s minutes does not reveal whether the membership accepted the proposal or, indeed, if it was ever submitted to the Prichard-Waetford Committee for its consideration. Regardless of this, it does illustrate that the NZMC considered itself by the mid-1960s to be the only nationwide Maori organisation to control, administer and safeguard Maori land through the establishment of a national land trust as well as providing, through its structure, guidance and assistance at a local level New Zealand Maori Council Maori Land Trust discussion paper, 20 August 1965, MS- Papers , Maori Women s Welfare League collection, ATL New Zealand Maori Council Maori Land Trust discussion paper, 20 August 1965, MS- Papers , Maori Women s Welfare League collection, ATL. 400

401 Table 48: Tai Tokerau District Maori Council membership, Year Tai Tokerau District Maori Council, ship, Aug 1965 Tai Tokerau District Maori Council membership, Nov 1967 Tai Tokerau District Maori Council membership, Nov 1973 s EM Pou (Chairman); VJ Gregory; W Tepania; HJ Toia; AW Ashby; AH Teihi; A Baker; SW Ihaka; HK Nathan; GS Latimer; PR Pene; R Taka; T Karena; W Matiu W Tepania (Chairman); V Gregory; J King; W Clark; H Rika; TP Heperi; W Eruera; AW Ashby; EM Pou; W Matiu; TRW Kawiti; M Davis; P Pene; J Ruatara; H Pihema; G Latimer (Sec); Dr B Gregory (Chairman); W Brown; N Conrad; J Toia; P Campbell; A McMath; G Alexander; M Kemp; A Moon; M Davis; K Thomas; J Ryder; E Busby; C Urlich; H Apiata; PT Eruera; Mrs H Rapatini; Mrs E Latimer; Mrs E Kingi The Commission published its findings at the end of In short, it recommended the compulsory elimination of uneconomic interests or small interests in Maori land and the removal of other legal distinctions between Maori and general land In response, the NZMC co-organised a conference to discuss the Commission s findings. Those present included Tipi Ropiha, Michael Rotohiko Jones (a former liaison officer to the Minister of Maori Affairs was among many positions he held), Matiu Rata and an almost full turn-out of the Council. Also in attendance were academics, solicitors, representatives from five Trust Boards and the four Ratana- Labour MPs. As Butterworth noted, the conference attracted very great intellectual firepower The conference produced 10 pages of resolutions rejecting most of the Commission s initial recommendations. As Butterworth noted, this put the NZMC in a slightly difficult position given its close affiliation to the National Party. But the Council was not alone: a number of DMA staff were also opposed to some of the recommendations and attempted to dissuade Hanan from implementing them The New Zealand Maori Council Maori Community Development Act Claim, supporting papers, Wai 2417 #B26(R) and B26(S) For further information see Associate Professor Michael Belgrave, Anne Deason and Dr Grant Young, Crown Policy with Respect to Maori Land, , prepared for the Crown Forestry Rental Trust s Central North Island Stage One Research Programme, Wai 1200, #A66, 2004, pp Butterworth, Men of Authority, pp Belgrave, Deason and Young, Crown Policy with Respect to Maori Land, pp

402 Image 16: Delegates at Taitokerau District Council meeting, 1966 (Te Ao Hou, no.55, June 1966, p31) Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1967 The government waited to act on the Commission s recommendations until the outcome of the November 1966 general election. With a further threeyear term secured, the government introduced the Maori Affairs Amendment Bill. In brief, the Bill introduced provisions to compulsorily change the status of land held by four or fewer owners from Maori land to European land; it made provisions for greater involvement from the Maori Trustee and the DMA in Maori land administration; and it provided for the free-holding of Maori reserved and vested lands. Commenting on the relationship between the Bill and the Prichard-Waetford Commission, the New Zealand Herald stated that: Mr Hanan told Parliament recently that while some Maori leaders thought winds of change capable of carrying the canoe of Maoridom toward a progressive future, he had always thought it better to provide an outboard motor to increase speed. The Maori Affairs Amendment Bill, a drastic approach to some basic Maori land problems, is in that sense an outboard motor... While Mr Hanan s hand can be seen in the legislation, the basic ideas are contained in the 17-month-old report of Mr Ivor Prichard... A few 402

403 minor recommendations from the Prichard report do not appear in the bill. Most are there, some blunted, many of them honed sharper Maori parliamentary opposition to the Bill was equally clear. Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan, elected MP for Southern Maori after the death of her father, argued: The most fundamental desire of the Maori landowners is that Maori land be retained in Maori ownership. I do not think that Government members can deny that there is inadequate provision of this in the Bill. The Maori landowners want to have the right to self-determination in devising methods by which their land might best be utilised; they want an increasing share of the total administration and management of their lands Western Maori MP Iriaka Ratana added: never have I heard such bitter opposition and disapproval among the Maori people over a Maori Affairs Bill as has been heard about this we are discussing today. Without exception the Maori people condemn and oppose it, and that is true even of the Maori race who support the National Party. The Bill is so revolutionary in destroying Maori interests and Maori ideals that no Maori who has the welfare of his race at heart could possibly be in favour of it Northern Maori MP, Matiu Rata, reminded parliament that the NZMC had rejected many of the Prichard-Waetford Commission s recommendations on which the Bill was based. While Labour MP, Jonathan Hunt, stressed that: the basic thing wanted by the Maori people is retention of Maori lands in Maori hands, and I say that this Bill is another example of consistent and regular alienation of Maori land to European hands, going back over the last 102 years... a significant number of Maori who, until now, might have been considered supporters of the Government have come out against this Bill. I believe that even the submissions of one branch of the National Party to the Maori Affairs Committee were not wholly in favour of the Bill... I say that this Bill one of the most iniquitous pieces of legislation that has come into this House is being forced through New Zealand Herald, 11 May 1967 quoted in Belgrave, Deason and Young, Crown Policy with Respect to Maori Land, p NZPD, 1967, Vol.354, p NZPD, 1967, Vol.354, p NZPD, 1967, Vol. 353, pp

404 Despite parliamentary opposition the Maori Affairs Amendment Bill was enacted in November The passing of the Bill, or rather the manner in which it was passed, achieved three main things: it helped stimulate Maori opposition to future government proposals; it placed the government under greater Maori scrutiny than was hitherto the case; and it helped to radicalise a young Maori elite into a protest movement that gathered pace in the early 1970s. This emerging new attitude was also reflected in the changing personnel of the NZMC executive. In 1973, Pei Te Hurinui Jones stepped down as president in favour of 47 year-old Graham Latimer, the former vicepresident of the Tai Tokerau Maori District Council and member of the NZMC since Hill noted that a younger leadership was necessary to relate to both rural and increasingly urban Maori communities, and to modernise the NZMC to more closely reflect changing society. Under Latimer s leadership, the NZMC became more independent from the National Party that established it in 1962 and to which it retained close traditional ties. The 1970s The early to mid-1970s were years of increasing radicalisation of political ideas around the world. The civil rights movements in the United States and Northern Ireland saw hundreds of thousands take to the streets in search of equality. These were also the years in which paramilitary organisations such as the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), the Red Army Faction (better known as the Baader-Meinhof Gang) in Germany and the Red Brigade in Italy emerged, or in the case of the IRA, reemerged. The IRA and the PLO were both committed to achieving sovereignty through violent means. In addition, throughout this period, the decolonisation of British territories in Africa and the Caribbean was taking place. In this atmosphere it is unsurprising if it encouraged protesters in New Zealand to adopt more assertive, if not violent, strategies to achieve their aims. A more forceful attitude was evident at Waitangi Day commemorations around this time. Waitangi protests of the late 1960s and early 1970s illustrate changes in the Treaty relationship between Maori and the Crown, in Northland as much as other parts of the country. While Te Raki Maori leaders had previously expressed their grievances only privately, from the 1470 Also see Butterworth, Men of Authority, pp Harrison, Graham Latimer, p

405 late 1960s kaumatua such as Walter Kawiti and Brownie Puriri began to publicly express their anger. Protest intensified in 1969 when anti-vietnam War slogans, one signed Hone Heke, were painted on public buildings. A notice was sent to media in Auckland and Whangarei claiming responsibility and calling for an end to the Maori land grab and to the war in Vietnam. It ended Maori lands for the Maori people. Viet Nam for the Vietnamese. United Action Front There were no protests at the ceremony itself, although this may have been due to heavy rain which forced the event to be considerably shortened Speaking to a small crowd inside the whare runanga, Puriri stated that although no native race in this world... has been so well treated by another race, there was very little he could celebrate on Waitangi Day. My people have seen their lands and their fishing rights dwindle before their eyes, their mana, their language and their authority eroded. Hobson was right, he continued, that we are all one people. Where we differ, Puriri argued: is in the beliefs engendered by our different environments. Some people subscribe to the view that until such time as we, the Maori, do things exactly like you, and become brown-skinned Europeans only then can we be one people. Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, God forbid that anyone should make you or me into something that we are not or have no wish to be. Each of us has our own life to live. This is our right. We all come from differing backgrounds. That Diversity is the very essence of unity is paradoxical but true The speech was given more coverage by the Northern Advocate than was then standard for Maori speeches at Waitangi. However the New Zealand Herald reproduced only one sentence, a positive one about the blending of Maori and Pakeha cultures, and the other major newspapers ignored it altogether Writers for the activist newsletter Te Hokioi were aware of Puriri s speech, however, and congratulated him and Kawiti for their protests Northern Advocate, 6 February 1969, p Northern Advocate, 7 February 1969, p Waitangi Day Speech, 6 February 1969, Maori Affairs Waitangi (Includes Royal Visit 1963), , AECB TO 3 12 INF 18/17/9, pt 1, ANZ, Wellington; see also New Zealand Herald, 7 February 1969, p Robinson, Remembering the Past, p Tiopira McDowell, Riria te riri, mahia te mahi : The politics and development of modern Maori activism, , MA thesis, University of Auckland, 2007, p

406 In 1971 the Nga Tamatoa activist group travelled to Waitangi and successfully disrupted the ceremony by heckling, slow-clapping and performing a haka while Finance Minister Robert Muldoon gave his speech Earlier in the day they had attempted to set alight the naval ensign, foiled only by its fireproof fabric Nga Tamatoa had decided to go to Waitangi after hearing that footage of each year s Waitangi Day commemorations was screened overseas as evidence of New Zealand s ideal race relations. The protesters therefore wanted to disrupt the event enough to make the footage unusable for such a purpose Official speaker Pei Te Hurinui Jones also expressed dissent, stating that Maori were frustrated at the lack of legal recognition of the Treaty The following year Nga Tamatoa called for a Waitangi Day boycott, saying that only Pakeha had anything about the Treaty to celebrate, and that if Pakeha were celebrating alone they would realise that there were real problems Around 50 or 60 marchers attended the commemorations, mostly making a silent protest Shortly after Labour s re-election to power in November 1972, Matiu Rata indicated there would be a review of the Maori Affairs Amendment Act I see it as my task, he stated, within the collective responsibility of the Government to pursue a policy not of negative integration but of full participation The government, realising the importance of land to Maori, published the White Paper on Proposed Amendments to the Maori Affairs Act 1953, the Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1967 and Other Related Acts. The purpose of the White Paper was to consult Maori on legislation likely to affect them. This was, as Belgrave et al highlighted, a distinct departure from the previous National Government, which ignored vociferous Maori opposition when introducing the 1967 Act For the purposes of this report, the contents of the White Paper are less important than the extent to which Maori engaged with the government over its proposals. Maori organisations including the NZMC, the Presbyterian Maori Synod, the National Council of Women of New Zealand, and the Association of New Zealand Maori University Graduates all made submissions. The Maori Council stated that the spirit which animates the Bill is one with which the Council finds itself in complete harmony. The Council endorses the 1477 Northern Advocate, 8 February 1971, p Northern Advocate, 6 February 1971, p McDowell, Riria te riri, mahia te mahi, p New Zealand Herald, 8 February 1971, p McDowell, Riria te riri, mahia te mahi, p Northern Advocate, 7 February 1972, p NZPD, vol.382, 7 March 1973, p Belgrave, Deason and Young, Crown Policy with Respect to Maori Land, p181; also see this report for further information on what the White Paper outlined. 406

407 principles embodied in the Bill, and the submissions herewith made are directed at matters of detail only In November 1974, the Bill passed into law. Hill noted the reforms contained in the Act were hailed as a major breakthrough in Crown recognition of rangatiratanga In short, the Act repealed the Maori Trustee s authority to compulsorily acquire uneconomic interests, provided for the reverting of Europeanised land back to Maori land status, and established a Maori Land Board to replace the Board of Maori Affairs, which had been established in The new board was charged with assisting in the administration of the Act and to implement government policy as communicated by the Minister of Maori Affairs. Government officials appointed to sit on the board were the Minister and Secretary of Maori Affairs, the Director-General of Lands, and the Valuer-General. In addition five Maori members one of whom sat on the NZMC were appointed, guaranteeing a Maori majority While the repeal of the 1967 Act addressed a number of Maori concerns, many felt that there was still a great deal of work to be done in retaining and preserving Maori rights and culture in the wider sphere. Along with the Te Reo Maori Society, Nga Tamatoa, a Maori activist group that emerged from a Young Maori Leaders conference held at the University of Auckland in 1970, initiated a nationwide petition calling for the inclusion of te reo Maori in schools. In September 1972 they presented to parliament a petition that had gathered 30,000 signatures, an important development towards the establishment of the Maori Language Commission. The government introduced the teaching of te reo Maori as an optional extra in schools, and later supported Maori Language Day which subsequently became Maori Language Week. Equally, the Land March in 1975, led by Whina Cooper, drew national attention to the plight of landless Maori and the effect on Maori of New Zealand land legislation, and sought to protect remaining Maori land from further land alienation. The march set off from Te Hapua, Matiu Rata s home, and arrived in Wellington a month later after covering 700 miles (1,100 kms). There a petition containing 60,000 signatures was presented to Prime Minister Bill Rowling. The same week the marchers arrived in Wellington, the government, following the efforts of Matiu Rata, introduced the Treaty of Waitangi Act which established the Waitangi Tribunal, thus 1485 Quoted in Belgrave, Deason and Young, Crown Policy with Respect to Maori Land, p Hill, Maori and the State, p For further information see Maori Affairs Amendment Act, 8 November 1974, New Zealand Statutes, no.73, Wellington: Government Printer, 1974, p

408 providing a forum through which alleged Treaty grievances could be investigated. Ten years later, in 1985, the Act was amended and the Tribunal was empowered to investigate historical claims dating back to Conclusion The period covered by this chapter, the early 1950s to the mid-1970s, as stated in the introduction, was characterised by, among other things, postwar reconstruction. Maori political and tribal leaders disappointed that the MSEA reflected only parts of the wartime MWEO and did not fully acknowledge the Maori contribution to the war effort, became highly active in creating pan-maori organisations through which a national Maori voice could be expressed. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a more radicalised movement led by young urbanised Maori developed alongside organisations like the MWWL and the NZMC. Whereas the NZMC sought to provide advice and guidance to the government of the day on matters pertaining to Maori affairs, and the MMWL developed numerous health and social welfare assistance schemes and was at the forefront of preserving Maori cultural traditions, a new generation of Maori were influenced by international movements seeking their own sovereignty and/or equality within their respective state apparatus, and used the spotlight of national Waitangi Day commemorations to further their own causes. The MWWL was established in Led for a number of years by Northland figures Whina Cooper as president and Mira Szaszy as secretarytreasurer Szaszy also served as president in the 1970s the MWWL was involved with a wide range of political, socio-economic and cultural initiatives pertinent to Maori post-war development. The perception was that rapid wartime and post-war Maori urbanisation created health, housing, education and employment issues which extant DMA structures were inadequately resourced or experienced to deal with in an effective manner. As a result, the MWWL, through its national membership, which passed 3,000 by the end of the 1950s, led Maori health, social welfare, fundraising and cultural preservation projects. Enthusiasm for the MWWL was evident, most likely due to the fact that they were an independent organisation which reflected the modern Maori woman s viewpoint. Committees were quickly established throughout the Tokerau district and, by the mid-1950s, the district accounted for one in every five members throughout the country. Mira Szaszy, reflecting in 1984 on the League s campaigning, stated: Since 1954 the League has protested at the involvement of Maoris in South African tours and at South African tours of New Zealand. The League has also 408

409 been involved with the issue of nuclear testing in the Pacific. The men have not taken it up Importantly, national conferences were regularly held whereby national delegates could discuss the pressing issues of the day and formulate policy that could then be delivered to political allies. The MWWL was established through Maori women s initiative, unlike the NZMC which, 11 years later, was formed by the government through legislation. That said, the government, through the DMA, provided administrative and financial support to cover the MWWL secretary s salary, travel expenses and office running costs. By the late 1950s, the organisation had developed enough to be able to operate independently of the DMA. The Labour Prime Minster, Walter Nash, proposed an annual grant of 2,000 to assist the league until such time that it could meet its own expenses; an offer that was accepted in It should be reiterated here that evidence sighted for this report has shown nothing but government support for the league s efforts. It provided advice and guidance throughout the period covered here and, most importantly, provided the necessary funds for the league to operate effectively and independently of government intervention. The NZMC was established to provide a direct line of communication from the individual Maori through their local committee, executive, district council and on to the national body. The council itself would then articulate this opinion for the government and also offer advice and be consulted on issues and decisions likely to affect Maori. This was put to the test within the first three years with the findings of the Prichard-Waetford commission. As this chapter has outlined, the NZMC recommended changes to the Commission s findings and proposed the establishment of a land trust managed by and for Maori, though, as stated above, it is unclear whether the proposal was ever forwarded to the Prichard-Waetford Commission. A national conference was organised which resulted in those present broadly rejecting the Commission s findings. Despite this, the Keith Holyoake-led National government introduced the Maori Affairs Amendment Act two years later which incorporated many of the Prichard-Waetford recommendations. The NZMC, however, was a consultative body; it had no political authority with which to hold accountable the government of the day. The government, for its part, was well aware of Maori feelings over land (and numerous other issues) yet chose to continue with its policies regardless. This chapter has demonstrated that Maori, just as they had done for many years, actively 1488 New Zealand Listener, 3 November 1984, p85 quoted in Dr Manuka Henare et al., He Whenua Rangatira : Northern tribal landscape overview (Hokianga, Whangaroa, Bay of Islands, Whāngārei, Mahurangi and Gulf Islands), CFRT, 2009, Wai 1040, #A37, p

410 engaged with the government over issues affecting or likely to affect their well-being and development. Through the main two organisations discussed here, a national, pan-maori voice was articulated and Te Raki Maori were represented at a high level within both. For its part, the government, which changed from Labour to National then back to Labour within the period under review, did support Maori initiatives, in particular the MWWL and the NZMC. It provided guidance and advice where possible and financially supported though perhaps insufficiently their organisational operations. Government ministers and officials were regular attendees at conferences and meetings, and as such were kept abreast of feelings throughout the country. While the Crown showed a degree of willingness in the post-war decades to engage more fully and directly with Maori at regional and national levels, the evidence sighted for this report indicates that Maori were unable to influence government policy to any great extent. By the early 1970s, Maori activists and protesters, frustrated at the lack of progress being made, sought new ways in which to make their views known. As stated, Waitangi Day became a focal point for Maori disaffection with government policies. As discussed in chapter five, the centennial commemorations in 1940 were boycotted by Waikato and Taranaki Maori for a number of reasons including the Crown s perceived failure to make amends for past injustices. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Waitangi again became the site of protest by, among others, Nga Tamatoa, who used the day to further publicise their grievances to the wider New Zealand public. Supporters of these protests stated that action of this kind raised the profile of the Treaty more than other methods. In this period there was a shift in the Treaty relationship between Maori and the Crown as, to that point, grievances had generally been expressed privately; from the late 1960s onwards, a more public airing of perceived injustices had developed which altered the Crown s understanding of the Treaty and ultimately the relationship itself. In the period covered by this chapter alone, the Hunn Report, the Prichard- Waetford Commission, the passing of the Maori Affairs Amendment Act, rapid Maori urbanisation, a succession of seemingly unfulfilled promises dating back many years, and the belief that Maori opinion was being ignored had, in one way or another, led to greater Maori dissatisfaction with Crown policies. Increased urbanisation, in particular in Auckland, placed an even greater strain on an already overburdened housing stock, and the lack of Maori education, health and employment provisions were of increasing concern. The 1965 Prichard-Waetford Commission s recommendations had 410

411 been met with fierce opposition from the four Ratana-Labour MPs, Maori academics, Trust Board members, and the NZMC, the very organisation the government had established to provide pan-maori opinion on matters affecting all Maori. This chapter has shown, however, that Maori opposition appears to have been largely ignored as the passing of the 1967 Maori Affairs Amendment Act testified. This Act, which incorporated many of the 1965 Commission s findings, again provoked strong Maori opposition, leading Matiu Rata to remark that the legislation was a further example of consistent and regular alienation of Maori land Regardless, the legislation was passed, further entrenching Maori opposition to government policies. Moreover, ministerial statements promising positive government action for Maori had been made over many years. Just as Peter Fraser during the Second World War had warned of Maori being turned wanderers on the face of their own country, and stated further that he would do all he could to see justice fulfilled and legitimate claims responsibly met, Ralph Hanan, too, at the 1961 Waitangi Day commemorations, spoke of facilitating the advancement of Maori as New Zealand citizens. But, by the mid-1970s, it can be argued that these promises were far from being fulfilled. Governments, in the period covered here, do not appear to have heeded Maori opinion when formulating policy affecting or likely to affect Maori. That opinion, whether expressed through parliamentary speeches, Maori conferences or the resolutions of the NZMC, was harshly critical when it felt that Maori were not being treated as an equal Treaty partner. It is therefore unsurprising that Waitangi, replete with the symbolism and significance as the site where Maori and the Crown were allied as Treaty partners, became the scene for protest and increased activism. What this chapter has demonstrated is that Maori were faced with perceived government inaction in advancing Maori social, political and economic progress in line with Pakeha; the financial hardships of Maori organisations established to assist this process; the inadequacy of initiatives to deal effectively with growing Maori concerns such as rapid post-war urbanisation; and legislation that altered the status of Maori land. However, through the various means presented above, including MWWL or NZMC membership; marae committee or executive activities; or public demonstrations and protests, Maori persevered and were resourceful in ensuring they did not go unheard and utilised a range of methods through which to engage with the Crown. 411

412 Conclusion This report has analysed a number of selected issues and developments in the political relationship between Te Raki Maori and the Crown from approximately 1910 to the mid-1970s. Chapter one, covering the whole of the period between 1910 and 1975, has discussed issues concerning the ability of Te Raki Maori to participate and gain representation within the national and local government electoral systems. In respect of the national electoral system, it has explained that in 1910 the electoral system that applied to the four Maori parliamentary seats differed in a number of important ways from the system under which the European seats operated. Many of these differences had a statutory basis, while others resulted from the administrative practices under which polling was carried out. Some of the statutory differences, particularly those that concerned procedures for voting, were not necessarily discriminatory towards Maori, as they enabled Maori voting to be carried out in a way that more closely reflected traditional forms of decision making. However, other statutory differences were disadvantageous to Maori, including the legislation that enabled the number of European electorates to be reviewed and increased, while the number of Maori seats remained fixed. Problems arising from the administration of polling in the Maori electorates also disadvantaged Maori voters. Of particular note, during elections held towards the end of the period covered by this report, a significant proportion of votes cast in the Northern Maori electorate were disallowed a problem that stemmed from a lack of polling booths. Te Raki Maori initially did not call for reform of the features of the Maori electoral system that distinguished it from the European system, indicating that they were comfortable with the less formal voting procedures. Electoral reform was, however, an issue of importance for the Ratana movement, which during the 1920s gained significant support within the inquiry district. Offering a new model of leadership, Ratana looked to unify Maori and move away from traditional tribal forms of association. Through reform of the electoral system, Ratana possibly looked to limit chiefly influence during polling something that would assist Ratana candidates to achieve electoral success. 412

413 The Ratana MPs who began entering parliament from 1932 consistently called for the reform of electoral law, and this pressure continued after Ratana and Labour entered into their formal alliance in 1936, following Labour s success in the 1935 election. Electoral reform was one of the areas where the Ratana-Labour Maori MPs successfully pushed for change during Labour s time in office. Most notably, provision was made in 1937 for the introduction of the secret ballot, and in 1948 a measure to provide for the enrolment of Maori electors was enacted. After Labour lost the 1949 election, statutory reform of the Maori electoral system continued hesitantly. National was responsible for some reforms that brought the two electoral systems closer together, while other reforms enacted by National impacted negatively on Maori. Within Labour, Matiu Rata, who held the Northern Maori seat between 1963 and 1980, continued to push for electoral reform. In 1975, the Labour Government introduced a number of important statutory changes, which eliminated almost all remaining differences between the two electoral systems. However, the most controversial of these changes, which provided for the number of Maori seats to be reviewed, was repealed soon after by National. In respect of the administrative practices under which voting was carried out, Te Raki Maori do not appear to have expressed concern about polling in the Northern Maori electorate. The Ratana-Labour hold on the Maori seats may have limited Maori concerns about administrative shortcomings, as it is very unlikely that election outcomes in any of the Maori electorates would have been any different if fewer votes had been disallowed. Unlike the national electoral system, special provision for Maori representation was not made at the local government level. Research for this report has focused on the electoral system of the county councils the most important form of local government in the inquiry district during the period covered by the report. Though decisions made by councils were often wideranging and of concern to all residents, voting in the county electoral system was, until 1944, limited to ratepayers. However, while Te Raki Maori had interests in rateable property, they faced several difficulties that seriously limited the extent to which they were able to satisfy the ratepayer qualification and participate in county voting. These obstacles, it is clear, did not affect Pakeha landowners to the same degree. Following the introduction of residential voting in 1944, it seems doubtful that there was any immediate, significant improvement in Te Raki Maori involvement in the county electoral system. For at least the first decade after this reform was introduced, the new residential qualification was poorly 413

414 communicated to Maori. Counties within the inquiry district as well as the Department of Maori Affairs appear to have misinformed Te Raki Maori and did not actively encourage them to take advantage of the new voting entitlement. The limited involvement of Te Raki Maori in county voting is reflected in evidence that shows that, for almost the whole period covered by this report, Te Raki Maori were not represented on the county councils of the inquiry district. No evidence has been located to suggest that the Crown actively monitored the extent to which Te Raki Maori were able to participate in the county electoral system. Moreover, the Crown was unresponsive to Te Raki Maori protests concerning their inability to secure representation on county councils. For much of the twentieth century, as a result of this lack of representation, Te Raki Maori were confronted with often unsympathetic local bodies, which had little understanding of Maori concerns and no real incentive to be responsive to Maori needs. Examining several key developments in the period between 1910 and 1939, chapter two has looked at the involvement of Te Raki Maori in the First World War, the influence of the Ratana movement within the inquiry district, and the work of Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson. It has argued that Te Raki Maori involvement in the First World War and the Ratana movement represented, in part, different strategies of engaging with the Crown. During the First World War, those who supported the war effort hoped that it would result in long-term benefits, including greater Crown responsiveness to their concerns. Overall, there was strong support for the war effort among Maori of the inquiry district, and it is notable that the government expressed satisfaction with the number of volunteers from the Northern Maori electorate. However, in the decade following the end of the conflict, the Crown substantially failed to engage more closely with Te Raki Maori and respond to issues of importance to them. The discussion in chapter two focuses on a number of issues that Northland Maori raised with Prime Minister Massey during a meeting held in March 1922 mostly matters that related to land and land development. The government was unresponsive to these concerns. Elsewhere in the report, evidence has been presented of the Crown s failure to respond to other issues raised by Te Raki Maori in the post-war period concerns relating to the local government electoral system, the Maori council system, and the payment of state welfare assistance to Maori. It has been argued that growth in support for Ratana arose partly from the frustration that Te Raki Maori experienced in the 1920s, when it became 414

415 evident that the government remained unresponsive to their concerns. In the post-war period, Te Raki Maori continued to be economically and politically marginalised, and Ratana appealed especially to such Maori those who had been widely dispossessed as a result of earlier land loss. The new model of leadership that Ratana offered looked to supersede existing forms of tribal leadership, which were viewed as inadequate to meet the challenges that Maori faced. While Ratana initially did not engage with the government or official bodies including the Maori Health Councils discussed in chapter three the movement developed an increasingly political focus and, allied with Labour, came to dominate Maori parliamentary representation for many years. Paraire Paikea s success in the Northern Maori seat in the 1938 election meant that, at the beginning of the Second World War, three of the four seats were held by Ratana MPs. As part of the Labour Government, the Ratana MPs (backed by the wider movement) looked to secure a substantially stronger voice for Maori in the way that government policy and legislation was developed. Hopes of a new role for Maori in government were not, however, to be fulfilled, and the dominant influences that shaped Labour s policies were the needs and views of the Pakeha majority. But the Ratana MPs did help to eventually secure some gains for Maori, particularly reforms that provided greater equality of treatment, which Prime Minister Savage had identified around the time of the 1935 election as the key focus of Labour s Maori policy. Reforms of the electoral system and reform relating to state welfare assistance payments (discussed in chapter four) were among the advances that Maori made during Labour s time in office. Native Land Court judge Frank Acheson also sought to advance Northland Maori concerns and address their socio-economic status a focus that contrasted with the prevailing attitude of the government. After assuming his position in the North in 1924, Acheson became involved in land development work, and he sought to provide greater protection of Maori ownership of land. He also heard title applications involving claims to areas of foreshore and lakebed. In Acheson s view, there was room for greater recognition of the Treaty in judicial decision-making; in this respect there was common ground between Acheson and the Ratana movement, which at the same time sought to have the Treaty enshrined in legislation. Acheson also inquired into historical land grievances and reported upon petitions that Maori lodged in connection with earlier transactions. 415

416 The Crown s response to Acheson, however, limited the extent to which he was able to advance Te Raki Maori interests, illustrating further that the government was not focussed on addressing these concerns. The Crown, for example, appealed Acheson s judicial decisions that recognised the Treaty, and the government did not accept his recommendations regarding Te Raki Maori historical land grievances. This was the case both prior to and after 1935 when Labour entered government. Indeed, it appears that government tolerance of Acheson deteriorated while Labour was in power. While Acheson appears to have gained the respect of Northland Maori, the Crown increasingly viewed him as difficult and obstructive. This led to clashes with Native Department officials and Native Ministers. In the end power lay with the government and it was in a position to remove him from office, which it did in 1943, resulting in Te Raki Maori being deprived of their most committed Pakeha advocate within the Crown-government system. Chapter three has examined the operation of Maori Councils in the inquiry district between 1910 and 1945, looking particularly at the extent to which the council system enhanced Te Raki Maori rangatiratanga and autonomy. It has explained that the council system was set up under the Maori Councils Act Though this legislation was introduced in response to Maori demands for greater autonomy at the end of the nineteenth century, it offered Maori only a Limited Measure of Local Self-government. Central government powers were not devolved upon the councils, but their ability to make and enforce bylaws meant that the council system mirrored aspects of the system of local government under which the counties of the inquiry district operated. The Maori council system did not, however, compensate for the exclusion of Te Raki Maori from the county system of local government, as it fell well short of providing Te Raki Maori with an equivalent alternative. While councils were able to make bylaws, these were only to concern matters that related primarily to health and welfare issues. Also, the geographical areas within which council powers could be exercised were confined almost exclusively to kainga and pa. The Maori Council system was also characterised by operational problems. A key issue concerned the funding of the councils. Though necessary for any form of local government, the government did not ensure that the Maori Councils of the inquiry district were provided with sufficient and reliable sources of funding. There were, it has been explained, two phases to the Maori Council system. The first phase was from 1900 to 1920; the second phase, which arose from government efforts to reinvigorate the council system after the First World War, spanned the years 1920 to The councils that operated during the 416

417 second phase were known as Maori Health Councils. The first phase of the council system has not been closely examined as it is evident that the initial Maori Councils of the inquiry district were in decline by the beginning of the period covered by this report and by 1915 had become largely inoperative, reflecting both their failure to satisfy the expectations of Te Raki Maori and a lack of government support. The second phase of the council system has been examined within the wider, post-war context. It has been argued that Te Raki Maori who welcomed the renewal of the council system, would have expected that the government would address the system s deficiencies, particularly in light of the Te Raki Maori contribution to the national war effort. Some may have anticipated that the new councils would serve as bodies through which they would be able to engage more closely with the Crown. However, not all Te Raki Maori were enthusiastic about government efforts to reinvigorate the council system. Followers of Ratana, who initially shunned engagement with the government, generally challenged the authority of the councils. Those Te Raki Maori who welcomed the establishment of the Health Councils after the First World War faced disappointment. Not only did council powers remain restricted, but the system continued to be characterised by problems that had a serious impact on the ability of councils to operate effectively. The government, once again, did little to address these problems and was unresponsive to calls for reform of the council system. Neglected by the government, the councils did not provide a strong platform for closer engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown, and nor did they enhance Te Raki Maori rangatiratanga and autonomy. From 1930, the inquiry district s Health Councils became increasingly inactive and, though not formally abolished until 1945, they became inoperative during the Second World War, falling in the shadow of the Maori War Effort Organisation. Chapter four has examined engagement between Te Raki Maori and the Crown over access to state pensions and welfare benefits. In particular, it has focused on inequalities that Te Raki Maori faced in connection with the payment of income support to the aged, especially the practice of paying of reduced rates of assistance to Maori. Though Maori faced discrimination in the payment of other forms of welfare support, inequality of treatment associated with welfare assistance payments to the aged took place over the longest period (reflecting that the Old-age Pensions Act 1898 was the first comprehensive state welfare measure), and it also affected more Maori than discrimination involving other forms of assistance. The chapter has covered 417

418 the period from 1910 to the mid-1940s, when Maori began to be paid age benefits at the same rate as Pakeha. By 1910, Maori commonly faced different treatment within the pension system. In the Te Raki inquiry district, as a result of moves to restrict pension payments to Maori, there had been a significant decline in the number of Maori who received the old-age pension between 1901 and However, while pension rates paid to Maori were being reduced in some districts by 1910, no evidence has been located to suggest that this was happening in the inquiry district. Justifying the different treatment of Maori, pension officials consistently expressed the view that Maori who lived in traditional communities did not have the same needs as Pakeha. There was also a concern that the pension, an individual entitlement, would be accessed by younger members of the community. Overall, an assimilationist agenda is evident: Maori would only receive full entitlements after adopting a Pakeha way of life. Following the passage of the 1898 Act, the government did not consult with Te Raki Maori over issues concerning payment of the old-age pension, and this continued after Significantly, there is no evidence that Te Raki Maori were consulted before the practice of reducing old-age pensions to Maori began in the inquiry district. This was happening in some parts of the inquiry district by 1922, and the practice became standardised from 1926, when the Commissioner of Pensions assumed responsibility for annual pension renewals. For Te Raki Maori, the absence of engagement over the old-age pension system in the 1920s further illustrated that their contribution during the First World War had not resulted in a closer relationship with the Crown. Responding to the reductions, Te Raki Maori and their representatives directed their concerns to the government. There is evidence of ongoing complaints and expressions of concern after the practice began. In response, the Minister of Pensions simply explained the statutory basis for the reductions. He expressed no willingness to review the policy or address the obstacles that made it difficult to obtain sufficiently clear evidence of Maori claimants land interests. The lack of such evidence, which was required in connection with the means-testing provisions of the legislation, provided the pretext for reducing Maori pensions. Te Raki Maori and their representatives continued to call for reform after Labour entered office at the end of Discrimination against Maori within the pension system was an issue of direct relevance to Savage s promise of equality of treatment, made around the time of the 1935 election 418

419 and before Labour and Ratana entered into their formal alliance in April But steps to address inequality within the pension system were slow, illustrating again that Labour s Pakeha leadership was not strongly focused on issues of concern to Maori. The government failed to act decisively and allowed officials to continue to reduce Maori pensions using the discretionary powers available to them. A lack of consultation with Maori also continued, including during the development of Labour s key piece of welfare legislation the Social Security Act Though the Act removed all separate mention of Maori, it did not explicitly require equality of treatment and officials retained and continued to use discretionary power to reduce Maori pensions. Eventually though, in the face of ongoing protest from Te Raki Maori and others, equality in the payment of welfare assistance was substantially achieved in As noted earlier, along with reform of the voting system, this was one of the advances that Maori made during Labour s time in office. Chapter five of this report has described how the Maori War Effort Organisation proved a success during the course of the Second World War. For the first time Maori, albeit in a wartime climate, dictated the political, social and economic aspects of their lives with little interruption from the government. The MWEO s structure, from the grass roots upwards to ministerial portfolio, provided Maori with a sense of wartime purpose and a possible vision of their post-war future. Marae-based committees and executives were established, creating a pan-maori national network which helped to foster closer ties not only between Maori communities, but also with their political representatives. The MWEO in Te Raki was very active: many committees were established and fundraising, agricultural production and recruitment campaigns were fully supported. In the words of Eruera Tirikatene, the Ratana-Labour MP for Southern Maori, the war represented a new phase of Maori life. One key MWEO success was that Maori not only supplied man- and womanpower during the national crisis, it also directed and controlled the national Maori workforce in what it would do and where it would go: a position that was unprecedented for Maori. Maori men and women from the district were relocated to the larger towns and cities to carry out vital war work. One knock-on effect of this was the impact on health and welfare. To combat this, the MWEO investigated health, housing and education issues and improved them where it could. This caught the attention, in 1943, of Native Minister Rex Mason. From this point onwards Mason, increasingly wary of the widening scope of the MWEO, was determined to re-establish the 419

420 authority of the Native Department in what he perceived as Departmental matters. It has been made clear that the Crown provided the necessary funds for the MWEO to operate in the way that it did. Fraser, as both Prime Minister from 1940 onwards and Minister in Charge of the MWEO after 1943, supported and encouraged the organization in its endeavours. Maori political and community leaders, impressed with the Maori national war contribution, pushed to have a similar system put in place in the post-war period. Indeed, it has been noted that through regular contact with Maori communities up and down the country, the Maori Parliamentary Committee was brought much closer to its electorate than had hitherto been the case. Chapter five has also discussed the effect that Treaty commemorations ceremonies at Waitangi had on the Treaty relationship between Te Raki Maori and the Crown. It has stated that the Centennial commemorations that took place in February 1940 did so at the very time young Maori men, many of them from Northland, were enlisting in the armed forces. Despite harbouring long-held grievances, Maori leaders, as they had during the First World War, affirmed their support for the national war effort, in part so that Maori would be in a more favourable position in the peace to ensure perceived injustices were addressed by a grateful government. Chapter five has also assessed the assurances the government made to address Maori concerns once victory was secured. As early as 1940, at Waitangi, Fraser, in the spirit of improving relations at a time of national crisis, advised Maori against brooding over ancient wrongs and announced that a commission (which became the Myers Commission) would be established to investigate Northland land grievances. Later, at a conference in Wellington in 1942, Fraser informed Maori that following the war, his government would lay the foundations for fair play in the future, and he personally would facilitate a sense of justice fulfilled and legitimate claims responsibly met. It is unsurprising therefore, given Te Raki Maori s contribution to and participation in the war effort, and ministerial pledges that grievances would be addressed, that Te Raki Maori would expect advancements in their social and economic status in the post-war world. Chapter six has assessed the extent to which Te Raki Maori participated in the committees and executives established under the MSEA Act 1945, and the Crown s response to any proposals, expressions of concern or protest by Te Raki Maori about Crown policy or the operation of the Act. It has been explained that the MSEA Bill was met with almost universal Maori opposition when it was proposed during the war. In response, Native Minister Mason stated that elements of the MWEO could be incorporated 420

421 into the new legislation. The Bill that was enacted at the end of 1945 incorporated the tribal committees and executives structure adopted under the MWEO, although, as it became clear, not the level of autonomy enjoyed during the war. One major departure from the MWEO system was that Maori were obliged to seek ministerial approval before establishing committees in their districts, rather than the wartime practice of establishing them as required on an adhoc basis. With Maori social and economic advancement central to the Act, the MSEA system provided a subsidy scheme in which Maori communities through their committees and executives could take advantage on a pound-for-pound basis. Evidence sighted for this report suggests that many of the executives and committees established in the inquiry district which stood at 16 executives out of 77 nationally (21%) and 112 committees out of 446 nationally (25%) by the early 1950s did engage with the subsidies provisions in the Act and were seemingly keen to take advantage of what was on offer. This led to an array of marae-based schemes from the late 1940s through to the early 1960s, including the erection of meeting houses, dining halls and sports facilities It seems evident from the sources sighted that the 1945 Act failed to meet Te Raki Maori expectations. Opinions of individual Maori attending committee and executive meetings have not been sighted; however, on a broader level, it is clear that the MSEA system did not provide Te Raki Maori with the same degree of autonomy as had been experienced during the war. Despite this, Te Raki Maori communities were resourceful and did embrace certain aspects of the legislation and made it work in their favour. Evidence suggests that committees and executives were self-governing to the extent that they were able to make and administer by-laws regarding public health and the protection of recreation grounds; they issued licenses to storekeepers, traders and billiard hall proprietors; and could impose financial penalties on those breaking the law. But again, this did not compare to the freedom from state influence experienced during the war. Further, a recurring theme that ran throughout this time was that the 1945 Act did not provide for a national Maori voice and, as such, Te Raki Maori committees and executives had no avenue through which to make known local concerns on a national scale. This would not be realised until the emergence of the (Maori-driven) Maori Women s Welfare League in the early 1950s and the New Zealand Maori Council, which was established in That said, through Maori initiative, the Tokerau District Maori Council was formed in this period which at least allowed local opinion to be expressed at a district level. 421

422 More generally, the 1945 MSEA Act represents the First Labour Government s reluctance to provide greater autonomy through separate initiatives that focussed specifically on Maori concerns. While the government formalised the MWEO s tribal committee and executive structure in the 1945 legislation, it did not provide the same level of autonomy experienced during the war. However, as explained in chapters one and four, Labour was prepared to provide greater equality of treatment to Maori. It would seem that the main gains that Maori made under Labour were through policies that had a universal focus, rather than initiatives directed specifically at Maori. In particular, Maori benefitted from universal healthcare and the broadening of state welfare assistance. This is evident in the improvement of key indicators of Maori socio-economic wellbeing during Labour s time in office Chapter seven, covering the period , has examined the Crown s response to the Maori Women s Welfare League and the New Zealand Maori Council, which were established in 1951 and 1962 respectively. It has also discussed how Treaty commemoration ceremonies during this time reflected both Crown and Te Raki Maori perceptions of the Treaty relationship and, in particular, how Maori used the commemorations to highlight their increasing disaffection with the Crown s Maori policies. Chapter seven has described how Maori political and tribal leaders, frustrated that the MSEA system reflected only parts of the wartime MWEO and did not fully acknowledge the Maori contribution to the war effort, became highly active in creating pan-maori organisations through which a national Maori voice could be expressed. As the chapter describes, the MWWL was established in 1951 and was, for a number of years, led by Northland figures Whina Cooper as president and Mira Szaszy as secretarytreasurer and later president. The MWWL was, in part, established as a response to the rapid Maori urbanisation which began during the war. It became involved in a wide range of political, socio-economic and cultural initiatives pertinent to Maori post-war development. Sources suggest that the DMA s Maori welfare provisions were insufficient to assist Maori in an effective manner. Attuned to this, the MWWL, through its national membership which passed 3,000 by the end of the 1950s, provided social welfare assistance, developed co-operative health schemes, and was at the forefront of preserving and highlighting Maori cultural traditions. Importantly, national conferences were held on a mostly annual basis 1489 Pool, for example, details that the Maori population continued to grow strongly during these years. D Ian Pool, The Maori Population of New Zealand, , Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1977, pp

423 whereby delegates could discuss the pressing issues of the day and formulate policy that could then be delivered to political allies. In Tokerau, committees were quickly established and, by the mid-1950s, the district accounted for one in every five members throughout the country. The NZMC was established through the passing of the Maori Welfare Act 1962 to provide a direct line of communication from the individual Maori through their local committee, executive, district council and on to the national body. The council was set up to articulate this opinion for the government and also to offer advice and be consulted on issues and decisions likely to affect Maori. This was put to the test within its first three years with the findings of the Prichard-Waetford commission. As chapter seven has outlined, the NZMC recommended changes to the Commission s findings and proposed the establishment of a land trust managed by and for Maori, though it is unclear whether the proposal was ever forwarded to the Prichard-Waetford Commission. A national conference was organised which resulted in those present rejecting the Commission s findings. Despite this, the Keith Holyoake-led National government introduced the Maori Affairs Amendment Act two years later which incorporated many of the Prichard- Waetford recommendations. For its part, the government, which changed from Labour to National then back to Labour within the period under review for this chapter, did support Maori initiatives, in particular the MWWL and the NZMC. It provided guidance and advice where possible and financially supported, though perhaps insufficiently, their organisational operations. Government ministers and officials were regular attendees at conferences and meetings, and as such were kept abreast of Maori opinions throughout the country. While the Crown showed a degree of willingness to engage more fully and directly with Maori at regional and national levels, the extent that this engagement influenced government policy varied. The National Government, for example, ignored Maori opposition to the 1965 Prichard-Waetford Commission, contrasting with the Third Labour Government s handling of Maori concerns. This is demonstrated in the reforms that Labour introduced in respect of the national electoral system, discussed in chapter one, and also, significantly, in the passage of the Treaty of Waitangi Act At the end of the period covered by this report, these advances represented the beginnings of a shift in the political relationship between Maori and the Crown. In part, this was due to the emergence of a new generation of young, urbanised Maori who, frustrated at the lack of progress being made, sought new ways in which to make their views known. This new generation, amid the atmosphere of international movements seeking their own sovereignty 423

424 and/or equality within their respective state apparatus, particularly used the spotlight of national Waitangi Day commemorations to further their own causes. Supporters of these protests stated that action of this kind raised the profile of the Treaty more than other methods. In this period there was a shift in the Treaty relationship between Maori and the Crown as, to that point, grievances had generally been expressed privately; from the late 1960s onwards, a more public airing of perceived injustices had developed, which altered the Crown s understanding of the Treaty and the Crown-Maori relationship itself. Ultimately, what can be determined about Te Raki Maori in the period covered by chapter seven and, indeed, the whole report is that when they were presented with a range of obstacles (in the case of chapter seven, perennial financial hardship, the introduction of legislation altering the status of Maori land, or perceived government inaction to address Maori political and socio-economic status), Te Raki Maori displayed a resilience and resourcefulness to engage with the Crown. This was achieved through a number of avenues, many of them of their own making, and through these efforts, Te Raki Maori helped to secure change for their people and Maoridom as a whole. 424

425 Appendices Appendix One: Charges Judge Frank Acheson laid against Registrar, Charge Charge no. 1 Registrar deliberately and persistently held up the work of finalizing consolidation titles in the Tokerau District. 2 Told the Judge to go to Hell during the course of a meeting in the presence of senior officers Bell, Mills and Teutenberg. 3 Registrar lamentably failed to win the confidence of Maori; they are far from satisfied with his attitude towards their matters. 4 Permitted and participated in a pre-christmas drinking party attended by many of the staff who had been canvassed in support thereof by an officer closely in touch with the Registrar. 5 Grossly misstated or omitted facts in correspondence with the Under Secretary regarding matters of conflict with the Judge. 6 Registrar shown a woeful disregard of the feelings and rights of Maoris. [Then lists 15 separate examples] 7 Serious interference with Board s policy decisions and Board s agreement with Department and Board of Native Affairs re Te Kao Dairy Scheme. 8 Allowing scurrilous remarks to be made about leading Panguru Natives. 9 Crushing the spirit and enthusiasm of the Consolidation Survey staff, and causing two officers to leave and others to wish to leave. 10 Calculated intermeddling of Tokerau Board policy. 11 Intermeddling with Court matters. 12 Combining with Mr McIntyre and Mr Dale in a direct attack upon the Court in the notorious Paparore case 13 Not bothering to obtain consent of owners before allowing unemployment contracts for splitting posts on Native lands for Development needs. 14 Inefficient, tactless and unwise handling of delicate problems affecting Maoris, such as the cases affecting Nau Tupe and Hongi Hape Making many hidden attacks on Judge Acheson in correspondence with Under Secretary of which no copies were submitted or shown to Judge 16 Derogatory remarks about Maoris of high rank, including Hone Heke Rankin, Matiu Tawhai, Eru Pou, CP Newton and Wm Cooper. 17 Unequal treatment for Maori members of staff despite efficient and valuable service. 18 Aversion to Maori cadets in the Department; and numerous examples of the Registrar s anti-maori bias. 19 no attention of a helpful nature given by the Registrar to Court and Board matters or to the administration of Tokerau Vested lands. 20 Disrespect for Court for allowing ping-pong and morning tea in the Court room despite Judge Acheson s objections Judge Acheson to Under-secretary, 22 December 1938, MSS 96/1, Box 7, Item 3.3a.1, University of Auckland. 425

426 Charge Charge no. 21 Taking personnel away from important Court duties given him by the Judge. 22 Grossly improper remarks about Judge Acheson to supervisors; alleging misleading of Natives ; 23 No attempt made to gain experience of Court and Consolidation matters. 24 Attempt to obstruct and affront the Court and Judge in the use of official cars. 25 Inadequate attention given to Department s security for Development Loans [then lists examples] 26 Inadequate timber quality and health arrangements in cases of houses not erected by Public Works Department. 27 No Court Charging Orders applied for since Registrar appointed three years earlier. Big sums have been recommended by Registrar for Development loans 426

427 Appendix Two: Maori War Effort Organisation committees in Zones 1 to 7 (Northern) 1491 Committee Zone 1 Te Kao Executive Te Hapua Te Kao Ngataki Mangonui Executive Ahipara Awanui Kenana Manakau Kareponia Oturu Pamapuria Paparore Peria Parapara Toatoa Whatuwhiwhi Takahue Victoria Valley Pukepoto Waiharera Whangape Chairman and Secretary Hemi Manuera Bob Matiu Moko Rewi John Remeka Hemi Manuera Bob Matiu Renata Pene Hemi Romana Heremaia Hopihana William Clark Walter Tepania Ephraim Te Paa Wiki Popata Rev Henry Brown Pereene H Tukaariri Hoone Tukaariri George Tatana Hepara Waipouri Paul Marsden Mack Johnson Japeth Larkina Reweti D Waaka James Dudley Dave Popata Huirua Hobson Heremaia Hobson Nini Fletcher William Smith Barney Wright Heta Greaves Rutene Reweti Mrs Mariu T Pikaahu Fred Hetaraka Rangi Reihana Mrs Lucy King Mrs Mary Ricketts Henry Wells George Karipa Charlie Thomas George Greaves Paria Kuku Fred Salle Paddy Leef Herbert Hokai 1491 Love, Policies of Frustration, pp Love does not cite his source for this information. 427

428 Committee Whangaroa Executive Akatere Totara-Taupo Waitaruke Otangaroa Pupuke Mangaiti Matangirau Matauri Committee Zone 2 (Hokianga) Mangamuka Executive Mangamuka Tautehihi Motukaraka Panguru Executive Panguru Waihou Mitimiti Motuti Pawarenga Waima Executive Waima North Waima South Omanaia Whirinaki Executive Chairman and Secretary WT Shepherd Hongi Hape Paraire Mihipo Mrs Ruahine Henare Wairama Riwhi Riwai Hukatai Hemi Roha Bob Taka William K Shepherd Sulu Shepherd Revd Keina Poata Hongi Hape Hepi King Hapeta Renata Paki Poata Tamati N Tupe Tarawau Kira Motu Paora Chairman and Secretary Hone Hape Tipene Hare Hone Hape Tipene Hare Tohu Clark Mrs Ja Barber Teuruti H Hare TJ Davis Pakihi Peita Mrs Whina Cooper Hone Te Ihi Mrs Whina Cooper Pakihi Peita Peter Matthews Himiona Kamira Keni Kamira Tame Anaru Ngawha Topia Waata Hunia Isaac Manuel Wireko Wharerau Harry Tito Pat Harding Graham Mokoraka Wireko Wharerau Harry Tito Rameka Hauraki Wano Hauraki Sid Wikaira George Wynyard 428

429 Committee Whirinaki Pakanae Kokohuia Waimamaku Northern Wairoa Executive Kaihu Ripia Oturei Mititai Tangiteroria Committee Zone 3 (Bay of Islands) Ngati Hine Executive Waiomio Karetu Moerewa Waitangi Kerikeri Motatau Akerama Te Tii Rawhiti Waikare Otiria Otao Matawaia Chairman and Secretary Sid Wikaira George Wynyard Morgan Diamond Hohaia Toi Wiremu Te Whata Piiwai Toi Frank Smythe Tom Ngakuru Jack Walters AH Lewis Bob Ihimaera Paiwiko Anania Waaka Tohu Jacob Dunn Jack Walters AH Lewis Nehui Motu Mrs Ben Cash Dave Tuhiwai Henry Tito Chairman and Secretary RM Kawiti Walton Davis Pari Tautari Tawai Kawiti George Te Tai Tongi Davis Charlie Wynyard George Baker Pouaka Taurua Mrs Taihana Taurua Alfred Cook Mrs Mahine Cook Peeni Henare Hoori Keretene Taura Whatarau Joe Shedlock Teihi Te Heihei Mrs Totorewa Heihei Henare Clendon Heta Clendon Hauraki Hoori Taranaki Tarau Sonny Ngawati Ngati Te Ahuahu Hare Hepi NK Hei Wiremu Paraha 429

430 Committee Mangakahia Executive Awarua Mangakahia Titoki-Poroti Committee Zone 4 (Kaikohe Area) Kaikohe Executive Kaikohe Kohewhata Tautoro Te Iringa Mataraua Okaihau Te Ahu Ahu Waimate North Oromahoe Ngawha Otaua Taheke Motukiore Utakura Rangiahua Committee Zone 5 (Whangarei) Chairman and Secretary Hepi Croft Whangarei Heke Te Rangi Te Amo Manihera Wiremu Te Namu Walter Welsh Heke Te Rangi Aperahama Mokena Jack Tito Te Amo Manihera Chairman and Secretary Piri Kapa Eru Pou Piri Kapa Eru Pou Wire Kihi Taha Wihongi Tamati Pehikuru Huirua Whiu Hoori Muunu Tamati Mahia Whautere Witehira Heta Timoko Bay of Islands Meto Toki Joe Hema Hone Haimona Wiremu Mariao Arena Ngawati Reihana Kaiawe Walter Ashby Taiheke Apiata Renata Pekama Riiwhi Te Haara Hokianga Hira Rogers Pereririka Rogers Barney Ruka Andrew White Waata Mete Eru Te Whata Tia Joyce Paraone Muriwai Rawiri Nopera Karema Stephens Chairman and Secretary 430

431 Whangarei Executive Ngunguru Whananaki Whakapara Whangarei Takahiwai Pipiwai Whangaruru Committee Zone 6 (Kaipara) Kaipara Executive Reweti Tipua-Helensville Haranui Kakanui Oruawharo Pakiri Otamatea Executive Arapaoa Tinopai Ruawai Naumai Pouto Te Kowhai Committee Zone 7 (Auckland) Auckland Executive Lou Davis Pita R Pene P Wellington Miss Maraea Wellington J Palmer S Pugh L Davis J Edwards M Tito E Davis H Pirihi H Kepa Henare Shortland Pat Paihopa Pita R Pene HT Pita Chairman and Secretary L Nathan EP Uruamo MJ Akiriri L Nathan Mr Rihari Clark Waipo W Kapa Rita Morgan Peter Panui L Timoti Rawhiti Brown Dave Walker Ray Brown Hohepa Dennis Ben Phillips HK Nathan Graham White Wiki Hetaraka Harry Henare Robert Paul Hemi Toia Jack Toia Matena Totara Selwyn Te Paa Wikaretu Pihema Mrs K Thompson George Waru Mick Miru Chairman and Secretary Mahu Otene Kelly Harris 431

432 Committee Orakei No.1 Orakei No.2 Kotahitanga Ladies Reception Onehunga Great Barrier Great Barrier (proxies) Ihumatao Panmure Kauri Pukekohe Chairman and Secretary W Davis J Porter Hare Kopu Mrs Ngawini Kahui DW Taylor H Leaf Mrs Taha Herewini Mrs A Otene Koi Tarawa M Tarawa Ben Davis Charles Henry M Meha C Ngawaka Harry Roberts Tom Wehi Ramera Paora W Hetaraka Mahu Otene Kelly Harris Mrs Maria Petera Kahu Andrews 432

433 Appendix Three: Western Hokianga Tribal Committees, Mangamuka Tribal Committee Tipene Harris John Williams Nopera Otene Dave Tahere Dave Noble Puru Barber John Hape Joe Stevens King Taniwha William Harris Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Pawarenga Tribal Committee Waata Hunia Wiri Tame Maihi Manuera Ihaka Piri Rurawhe Rio Eri Ritete Waipouri Topia Atama Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Treasurer Mitimiti Tribal Committee Hepiriona H Hotere Keni Kamira Tom Nathan Martin Menehia M Tahana H Ratana Hune Terore Himi Watkins Hori Leef Manuera Dunn Kamira Martin Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Waihou Tribal Committee Pakihi Peita Position Chairman and executive delegate 1492 Zone 2 Tribal Committees, 1946, [Maori Councils and Committees] Western Hokianga Tribal District Tribal Committee and Executives, , AAMK W3730 Box 29 35/6/1, ANZ Wellington. 433

434 Waihou Tribal Committee Keepa Paaka Heremia Tewhiu Heta Matiu Ngapera Kawhena Mapa Rini Tewheau Position Secretary and executive delegate Panguru Tribal Committee Hoone Te Ihi Whina Cooper Henry Leef Tame Pio Morunga Tere Moa Hauraki Leef Wiremu Here Pomare Aperahama Witana Tamati K Topia Pio Tamati Peita Toma Ngarangi Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Assistant Secretary Deputy Chairman Motuti Tribal Executive Kirihato Kanara Himia Riki Hauata Henare Noa Tame Anaru Kawerio Kanara Rapata Makarini Tipene Paparoa Raniera Rapira R Riki Hauata Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Motukaraka Tribal Committee Joseph McMath Himi Hancy TJ Davis Hoori Harris Cris Harris William Davis Sam Hoani Kuu Davis George Ngapera John Rameka Position Chairman and executive delegate Deputy Chairman Secretary 434

435 Motukaraka Tribal Committee John Tohu AF Harris Position Tautehihi Tribal Committee Tohu Clark Mrs J Barber L Oneroa T Tohu P Smith Mrs JR Smith Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Waima Tribal Committee Henare Tawhai Graham Mokaraka Wireko Whararau Harry Tito Haki Romana Ho Hemara Were Wilcox Waha Hohepa Ruka Cassidy Pere Puru Meta(?) Cassidy Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Omanaia Tribal Committee Rameka Hauraki Pera Rogers Nuka Eruera Pae Hauraki Maki Hauraki Paki Morunga Riiwhi Morunga Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Whirinaki Tribal Committee Sid Kaio George Wynyard Wera Kaio Lomond Leef Wehi Morunga Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate 435

436 Whirinaki Tribal Committee Puhipi Leef Fred Broughton Adam Leef Arthur Wynyard Position Pakanae Horotu Tribal Committee Morgan Diamond Jack(?) Tane Joe(?) Toi...anaki Walters Jimmy Moses Tere Diamond Harry Matenga Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Kokohuia Tribal Committee Michael Diamond Piwai Toi Taka Tahana W Tewhata Ngataiawa Riki M Riki Hana Riki Kene Tewhata Hakopa Tewhata Ereuera Haretana Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Waimamaku Waipoua Tribal Committee Frank Smythe Matthew Hadfield Tom Ngakuru W Thompson William Naera A Barnes K Edmonds Isaac Iraia Hapa Moetara H Leef Walter Naera Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Assistant Secretary 436

437 Pera Reubin LW Poka Kukuku Edmonds Kaihu Ahikiwi Mamaranui Tribal Committee Bob Ihimaira Paiwiko (?) Ananaia Turo Terore Rima Haira Ruru Nathan Hare Pura Wiki Nathan Hika Nathan Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Houhanga Oturei Tribal Committee Jack Walters AH Lewis EM Taylor Waata Werehi Paki Ihaka Temoana Hira Joe King Wi Paki J Welsh W Dawson Mrs L Welsh Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Ripia Tribal Committee W Tahu Jacob Dunn K Rewa Pere Wati Hawaiki Waru P(?) Tumu Mrs Eva Tahu Pera(?) Rewa L Howard A Dunn L Wati Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate 437

438 Mititai Tribal Committee Nehua Motu Murphy Hadfield Whiripo Wati Eruera Mutu Wati Tamihana Ruki Wiiwhi Makrarita Wati Raiha Matiu Meri Riiwhi A Motu Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Tangiteroria Tribal Committee Dave Tuhiwai Henry Tito George Tito Phoebe Tito RK Tito WS Tito Frank Tito Duke Tito Ted Cassidy Dad Cassidy Dad Were Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate Motukiore Tribal Committee Walter Smith Eru Tawhata Mrs W Smith Tutere Koroi Pao Horomana Mrs Eru Tewhata Henare Hepehi Position Chairman and executive delegate Secretary and executive delegate 438

439 Appendix Four: Zone 1: Whangaroa Tribal and Tribal Executive Committees (Lt.G. Latimer), c Akatere Tribal Committee Manuka Henare Hona Taniere Aperahama Witanga Aperahama Henare Henare Matiu Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Taupo Tribal Committee Wairama Riiwhi Paapu R Taka Joe Riiwhi Wiremu N Allen Edward Toetoe Otangaroa Tribal Committee William T Shepherd Thomas Shepherd Charlie Manuel Sulu Shepherd Taepa Karena Peters Kaweke Joseph Solomon Mirake Paratena Annie Solomon Waitaruke Tribal Committee Hemi Roha Tawio T Tamati Henare Rika Ruahine Henare Pouri Hapeta Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Position Chairman Secretary and Delegate and Delegate Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Pupuke Tribal Committee Hone Rika Hongi Hape Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate 1493 [Maori Councils and Committees] Whangaroa Tribal District Tribal Committee Areas, Executives and Committees, , AAMK W3730 Box28 35/5/1. 439

440 Papa Kareko Katu Renata Allen Heta Himi Rakena Wi Tuha Tom Rudolph John Hemi Joe Anderson Peter Heta Matangirau Tribal Committee Tamati N Tupe Clem Urlich Iraia Poata Mita Pomana Tomo Tua Hoterene Tupe Arama Arama Tama Te Awa Akena Hemi Position Chairman Secretary and Delegate and Delegate Wainui Tribal Committee Ruru Hohaia Tuaru Wiremu Sam Kemp Auwha Hikiwai Raureti Kingi Tarawau Kira Ngawati Pawa Position Chairman Secretary and Delegate and Delegate Matauri Bay Tribal Committee Tame Ihaia Motu Paora Paraone Pawa Wiremu Epiha Paratene Pere Position Chairman and Delegate Secretary and Delegate Whangaroa Tribal Executive Hone Rika Hongi Hape Manuka Henare Hona Taniere Position Chairman Secretary 440

441 Whangaroa Tribal Executive Wairama Riiwhi Paapu R Taka Thomas Shepherd Taepa Karena Hemi Roha Tawio T Tamati Clem Urlich Iraia Poata Sam Kemp Tarawau Kira Tame Ihaia Motu Paora Position Whangaroa Tribal Executive nominated wardens 1494 Warden Thomas Shepherd Joe Riiwhi William K Shepherd Tame Matiu Hone Rika Iraia Poata Sam Kemp Paraone Pawa Area District Warden Tribal Executive Taupo Tribal Committee Otangaroa Tribal Committee Waitaruke Tribal Committee Pupuke Tribal Committee Matangirau Tribal Committee Wainui Tribal Committee Matauri Bay Tribal Committee 1494 [Maori Councils and Committees] Whangaroa Tribal District Tribal Committee Areas, Executives and Committees, , AAMK W3730 Box28 35/5/1. 441

442 Appendix Five: Tribal Committee secretaries, Tribal Committee Hobson District Pouto Oturei Maunganui Tangiteroria Mititai Hobson Executive South Hokianga District Taheke Waima Omanaia Whirinaki Pakanae Kokohuia Waimamaku South Hokianga Executive Panguru District Mitimiti Lower Waihou Whakarapa Pawarenga Motuti North Hokianga District Motukiore Utakura Rangiahua Mangamuka Tautehihi Motukaraka Secretary Mrs K Thompson, Pouto AH Lewis/Moses Nathan, Aratapu Mrs Towai Ihamera, Ahikiwi Henry Tito, Tangiteroria Edward Mutu, Mititai AH Lewis/Moses Nathan, Aratapu Mrs Hiwi Birch, Taheke Rev R Rogers, Waima Wano Hauraki, Omanaia Arthur Wynyard, Whirinaki J Hall, Pakanae Piwai Toi, Omapere Walter Naera, Waimamaku Rev R Rogers, Waima Mrs Akata Tahana, Mitimiti Clement Te Tai, Lower Waihou Peter Burkhadt, Panguru Henry Graham, Pawarenga Steve Paparoa, Motuti Eru Te Whata, Motukiore Wairua Muriwai, Utakura Walter Harris, Rangiahua George Cook, Mangamuka IH Smith, Kohukohu Not renewed J Davis will have the books which need to be reviewed 1495 Tribal Committee secretaries, 15 February 1952, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General, MA W2490 Box 60 35/1/3/3/pt1, ANZ, Wellington. 442

443 Appendix Six: Tribal Executive delegates, c Executive Delegate Address Zone 1 Aupouri Moko Rewi Te Hapua Rarawa Ehpraim Te Paa Ahipara Ngatikahu Wiremu Karaka Pamapuria Ngatikahu Wiremu Popata Oturu Whangaroa T Tamati Tawio Wataruke Zone 2 Panguru Hohepa Takuira Panguru Panguru Tame Pio Morunga Panguru South Hokianga Herewini Cassidy Waima South Hokianga Rangi Rogers Waima Northern Hokianga Tohu Clarke Kohukohu Northern Hokianga Wairua Muriwai Utakura Zone 3 Kawakawa Peeni Henare Motatau Kawakawa C Hauraki Motatau Kawakawa S Maioha Russell Observer Eastern Kerei Mihaka Ohaewai W Marino Ohaewai Western R Te Haara Kaikohe Western T Maihi Kaikohe Zone 4 Whangarei Paratene Te Manu Ngunguru Whangarei Herepo Harawira Labour and Employment Department, Whangarei Mangakahia Hopa Te Rangi Rakotai Mangakahia Hoori Owen Poroti Hobson Edward Nareta Oturei c/- Aratapu Taylor Hobson Dick Hita Oturei c/- Aratapu Otamatea James Pene Kaiwaka Zone 5 Waitemata Kahi Harawira 22 Enixmore Rd, Mt Albert Waitemata Nau Paraone Puriri Kitemoana Street, Orakei 1496 District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, , MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt2, p3, ANZ, Wellington. 443

444 Appendix Seven: Zone 4 Distribution of Women s Health League branches, November District ship Whangarei 14 Whananaki 13 Whakapara 8 Pipiwai 11 Mangakahia 17 Tangiteroria 20 Kaihu 15 Pouto 12 Naumai 11 Te Kowhai 8 Arapaoa 11 Otamatea 10 Te Pounga (Kaiwaka) 7 Pakiri 9 Takahiwai 7 Poroti 21 TOTAL Maori Women s Welfare League, Whangarei District, , MA1 Box /26/7, Archives New Zealand, Wellington. 444

445 Appendix Eight: s of Women s Health Leagues, Zones 3 and 4 (incomplete) Okaihu President Vice President Hon. Secretary Assistant Secretary Trustees s Zone 3 Bay of Islands Maria King Rahera Wheoki(?) Elize Tohu Iri Hare Miriama Hopata and Huhana Anihana Taati Toki Harata Hapimana Rangi Rado Meha Tuoro Maraea Kingi Regina Chapman Taka Harris Edie Briggs Roma Harris Hera Rihari Sarah Williams Maggie Culhan Karetu President Hon. Secretary Treasurer s Zone 3 Bay of Islands Mrs Bella Smith Mrs Charlotte Davis Mrs G Bristowe Mrs Eliza Sullivan Mrs Mate Sullivan Mrs Jessie Tetai Mrs Remana Wate Mrs Mary Wynyard Mrs Annie Bristowe Mrs Margaret Bristowe Mrs Maud Bristowe Te Ahu Ahu President Secretary s Zone 3 Bay of Islands Ngahere Haimona Ihapera Marino Hana Tawhai 1498 Maori Women s Welfare League, Whangarei District, , MA1 Box /26/7, Archives New Zealand, Wellington. 445

446 Te Ahu Ahu Zone 3 Bay of Islands Heeni Ruhe Wiki Barton Tui Marino Aperira Heke Elsie Komene Minu Ashby May Maki Annie Anihana Kahu Riwhi Keita Pe Ka Poroti Zone 4 President Katerina Maihi Vice President Robert Nathan Secretary Gertrude Rameka Treasurers and Robert Nathan and Trustees Gertrude Rameka s Kohu Tito Whai Maihi Martha Nathan Helen Hita Susan Maihi Kiki Maihi Kataraina Marsh Wiremu Hita Miriama Nathan 446

447 Appendix Nine: Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Zones 2 and 3 (Kaikohe District), c Branch Zone and District Council Tautoro 2 and 3 Kaikohe Waimamaku 2 and 3 Kaikohe Otaua 2 and 3 Kaikohe Waimate 2 and 3 North Kaikohe Waima 2 and 3 Kaikohe Whirinaki 2 and 3 Kaikohe Omanaia 2 and 3 Kaikohe Mataraua 2 and 3 Kaikohe Taheke 2 and 3 Kaikohe Oramahoe 2 and 3 Kaikohe Te Iringa 2 and 3 Kaikohe Te Ahuahu 2 and 3 Kaikohe President Vice President Hon. Secretary Treasurer Trustee Matire Wilcox Heneriata McOnie Hokimate S Wilcox Matire Wilcox Pare Moses Mihi Taurau Ngapori Marjorie Vivian Barnes Ani Paniora Harawira Smythe Mere Mata Witehira Ramari Rogers Kiri Burich Raa T Kopa Heremaia Ngawai Raiha Kooti Agnes Theodore Raiha Kooti Agnes Theodore Timoko Tina Rawiri Paerau Ngamako Maude Tito Maraea Smith Hohepa Hohepa Keita Wikaira Rachel Barlow Mary Leaf Whina Kereopa Keita Wikaira Matekino Pomare Ohorere Reed Rewa Haretuku Matekino Pomare Rewa Haretuku Teruhi Heni Herewini Te Aroha Heni Herewini Te Aroha Witehira Witerhira Witehira Mary Baker Irakau Pehi Akinihi Pou Margaret Ruka Ripeka White Mere Meremere Omapere Mere Ututaonga Omapere Komene Ututaonga Apiata Komene Hune Tahere Ninu Renata Uru Moon Matire Rakete Heni Mau Heni Ruhe Hana Tawhai Ihapera Marino Ripeka Young Hinu Ashby 1499 Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Kaikohe District, c.1950, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Kaikohe District, 1951, MA1 Box /26/15, ANZ, Wellington. 447

448 Branch Zone and District Council Pakanae 2 and 3 Kaikohe Okaihu 2 and 3 Kaikohe Kaikohe 2 and 3 Kaikohe President Vice President Hon. Secretary Treasurer Trustee Harirewa Puru Huihana Timoko Rosie Hau Hana Moetara Maraea Freese Maggie Iri Hare Eliza Tohu Miriama Hapeta Huhana Anihana Culham Ruiha Heperi Nana Barlow Vivian Barnes Marara Rogers Ohorere Reed (Whirinaki) Makere Joyce (Paihia) Uru Moon (Kaikohe) 448

449 Appendix Ten: Maori Women s Health Leagues, Zones 3 and 4 (Kaikohe and Whangarei Districts), Branch Zone and District Council President Vice President Hon. Secretary Treasurer Trustee Toe Toe 4 Whangarei RMK Tito A Karanui TA Tito RMK Tito R Whareumu Poroti 4 Whangarei Mary Davis A Manihera G Rameka G Rameka K Mahia Oturei 4 Whangarei M Hautereti T Pihere Ripeka Welsh Marama Netana Ripeka Welsh Karetu 3 Kaikohe E Sullivan J Te Tai J Te Tai M Bristow Matekino Sullivan Otiria 3 Kaikohe Hemo Oene TM Harawini K Keretene TM Harawini MT Brown Pokapu 3 Kaikohe HH Katene HH Marsh MMR Mangu MMR Mangu Kahui Waiomio Moerewa 3 Kaikohe Hariata Kaio Ellen Kaio Grace Edmonds Grace Edmonds MR Kaka Whangarei 4 Whangarei Edith Davis WH Puriri MA Malcolm H Akehurst H Akehurst Whananaki 4 Whangarei H Ferguson Heeni Pita Rangi Pita Rangi Pita H and T Ferguson Whakapara 4 Whangarei TR Davis EH Nehua AN Shelford AN Shelford AN Shelford and O Allan Pipiwai 4 Whangarei HH Hoterene M Lawrence Arangi Shortland Arangi Shortland M Lawrence and N Api Mangakahia 4 Whangarei MH Te Rangi K Wi Roera P Api K Wi Roera A Pihere Tangiteroria 4 Whangarei GWP Tito H Reweti Rosie Watts Rosie Watts H Nere and Mary Russell Kaihu 4 Whangarei M Parekena M Toko KR Netana N Rikihana KR Netana and N Rikihana Pouto 4 Whangarei HK Pihena AK Broughton PR Kena PR Kena PR Kena and K Tamihana Naumai 4 Whangarei M Te Paa E Te Paa Heni Penerata Heni Penerata R Retimana and A Te Paa 1500 Maori Women s Welfare League, Whangarei District, , MA1 Box /26/7, Archives New Zealand, Wellington. 449

450 Branch Zone and District Council President Vice President Hon. Secretary Treasurer Trustee Te Kowhai 4 Whangarei K Miru Noki Tana MA Penehio MA Penehio K Kiru and Noki Tana Arapaoa 4 Whangarei I Manukau N Hetaraka I Tamihana I Tamihana M Mete and K Manukau Otamatea 4 Whangarei T Morgan Rita Paikea Rita Paikea Rita Paikea L Lewis and Ani Waaka Te Pounga 4 Whangarei Te R Henare N Netana M Netana M Netana M Netana and M Hita Kaiwaka Pakiri 4 Whangarei Grace Haddon Ema Harris TM Pairama TM Pairama E Harris and T Brown 450

451 Bibliography Archival records and manuscripts Alexander Turnbull Library MS-Papers , New Zealand Maori Council Records MS-Papers B, Papers re World War Two - Maori War Effort Organisation MS-Papers-1396, New Zealand Maori Women s Welfare League Collection MS-Papers , Maori War Effort Organisation Archives New Zealand, Wellington Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, Head Office AAFZ 7910 W /7/10, General Fisheries Matters Whangaruru oyster beds, native reserve, AAFZ 7910 W /7/20, General Fisheries Matters Special oyster fisheries for Maori Parua Bay and Whangarei Harbour, Army Department AAYS 8638 AD /32/1, Expeditionary Force Maori Contingents N.Z.E.F, AAYS 8638 AD /11, Conscription Maoris under Military Service Act Correspondence, AAYS 8638 AD /108, Establishments and Recruitment Recruiting for NZEF Maori, AAYS 8638 AD /169/100, Expeditionary Force Recruiting Maoris, AAYS 8699 AD83 1 R6/4, Maoris Recruiting as Volunteers General Correspondence and Instructions re, Audit Department, Head Office ADAV A5 348/26/23/14 Maori War Effort Maori Soldiers Fund Account, Cabinet Office AAFD 811 W CAB 262/1/2 pt 1, Ceremonial Affairs - General - New Zealand Day (Waitangi Day), Electoral Department ADOR EL12 EL /5/3, Maori Elections Maoris Electoral Registration of Arrangements for Enrolment General File Regarding Policy,

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453 IA1 2025/62/25 pt 1, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd IA1 2025/62/25 pt 3, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Waitangi Celebrations, nd IA1 2025/62/25 pt 4, Centennial records Centennial Waitangi Celebrations, nd IA1 2028/62/50, Centennial Records Centennial Maori Celebrations, General File, nd IA /67, Miscellaneous Treaty Waitangi 1840 Documents Regarding and General File, IA /7/1, Royal Visit 1963 Waitangi General File, nd IA /42 pt 1, Royal Visit Functions Waitangi, nd IA1 W /32/1, Royal Visit 1974 Function Waitangi New Zealand Day, nd IA1 W /32/1 pt 3, Royal Visit 1974 Function Waitangi New Zealand Day, nd IA , File in New Zealand Day Celebrations, 1974 Iwi Transition Agency AAVN 869 W /14/2 pt 5, Waitangi Day National Holiday, AAVN 869 W /2/2 part 1, Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act - Wardens Conference AAVN 869 W /9 New Zealand Maori Council - General Hon. Sir James Allen ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 1, Ministerial Files Correspondence with Governor General, ADBQ ALLEN1 3 M1/57 part 4, Ministerial Files Correspondence with Governor General, 1918 Justice Department ACGS J1/630/q 1899/1407, Tiakiriri and others complaining that they cannot get their claim for Old Age Pensions heard, Land Information New Zealand, National Office ABWN W WNT 1/11/1 pt 1, Waitangi National Trust Waitangi Day Waitangi Day, Legislative Department AEBE LE /174 (347), Accounts and Papers VI Schedule of Accounts and Papers laid upon the table Session 1920 Lands, Lands and Survey Department, Maori returned soldiers, applications for land in North Auckland District, AEBE LE /131 (2), Accounts and Papers VI Schedule of Accounts and Papers laid upon the table Session 1915 Election, General, 1914, Northern Maori electoral district, petition, certificate, etc,

454 Department of Maori Affairs (head office) AAMK 869 W a 1/2/9 part 4, Departmental Policy and Organisation Maori Voting Method Electoral Amendment Bill 1937, AAMK 869 W b 36/4 part 6, Welfare - Maori Wardens - Maori Welfare Act Policy and General AAMK 869 W c 36/17 part 1, Welfare - Community Development - General - Policy AAMK 869 W a 36/2 part 3, Welfare - Conference of Welfare AAMK 869 W a 19/1/562 part 1, Miscellaneous - Maori Leaders Conference AAMK 869 W d 19/1/237 part 2, Miscellaneous - Conferences of District Officers AAMK 869 W e 19/1/237 part 3, Miscellaneous - Conferences of District Officers AAMK 869 W a 18/14/3 pt 2, Miscellaneous Waitangi Day Celebrations, AAMK W3112 Box 1 23/2/1/pt 1, Acheson; Frank Oswald Victor Date of Birth: 27 June 1887, AAMK W3112 Box 1 23/2/1/pt 2, Acheson; Frank Oswald Victor Date of Birth: 27 June 1887, AAMK W3730 Box 29 35/6/1, [Maori Councils and Committees] Western Hokianga Tribal District Tribal Committee and Executives, AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/10/1, Maori Councils and Committees, Eastern Kaikohe Tribal District Tribal Area, Executive and Committee, AAMK W3730 Box 31 35/12/2/7/pt 1, Maori Councils and Committees, Whangarei Tribal Committee Receipts, Payments and Subsidies, AAMK W3730 Box 32 35/15/1, [Maori Councils and Committees] Mangakahia TD [Tribal District] Tribal Areas, Executives and Committees, MA W /3/7, Hokianga Maori Council bylaws, MA W /3/25, Whangarei Maori Council bylaws, MA W /3 part 1, Maori councils General, MA W /3/15, Pewhairangi Maori Council bylaws, MA W /3/25, Whangarei Maori Council bylaws, MA W /3 Part 2, Maori Councils General, MA W /5/45 Maori Purposes Fund Board Assistance to New Zealand Maori Council, MA W2459 Box /1/50 pt 1, Waitangi Day Celebrations, MA W2459 Box /1/119 pt 3, Maori Meeting Waitangi, MA W2459 Box /1/772, New Zealand Day, MA W2490 Box 60 35/1/3/3/pt 1, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General MA W2490 Box 60 35/1/3/3/pt 1, Maori Executives and Committees Subsidies General, MA W2490 Box 64, 35/8/2/4/pt 1, Waima Tribal Committee, receipts, payments and subsidies Southern Hokianga Town District MA W2490 Box /26/pt 1, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues General, , 454

455 MA W2490 Box /26/9 Part 1, Women s Welfare League Conference Resolutions, MA W2490 Box /26/12/pt 1, Maori Women s Welfare League Government Grant, , MA W /26/12 Part 1, Maori Women s Welfare League Government, MA W2490 Box 136, 36/29/1/pt 1, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt 2, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490 Box /29/1/pt 3, District Welfare Officers Report Tokerau, MA W2490/56 35/1 part 1-General Policy and Administration - Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act MA W2490/56 35/1 part 2-General Policy and Administration - Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act MA W2490/56 35/1/2 part 2-By-laws - General - Maori Council Act MA W2490/57 35/1/3 part 1-Subsidies under Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, MA W2490/61 35/1/7 1, Seals of Tribal Executives MA W /1/1 1, Welfare Planning Committee MA W /1/3/3 1, Maori Executives and Committees - Subsidies - General MA W /1/16 1, Re-election of Maori Executives and Committees MA W /4 part 3 Wardens - Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act, Policy MA W /23 part 1, Pensions Certificates Increases in Native Pensions, MA W3730 Box 28 35/5/1, [Maori Councils and Committees] Whangaroa Tribal District Tribal Committee Areas, Executives and Committees, MA W3730 Box 29 35/6/1, Zone 2 Tribal Committees, 1946, [Maori Councils and Committees] Western Hokianga Tribal District Tribal Committee and Executives, MA /1/219 part 1 Maori War Effort MA /1/219 part 2 Maori War Effort MA /1/535 Maori Conference on Native Affairs, Wellington 1944, MA /2 part 1-New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives MA /2-2-New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives MA /2 part 2-New Zealand Council of Tribal Executives MA1/650 36/1 part 1-Welfare - General MA1/650 36/1 part 2-Crime - General file MA1/651 36/1 part 3-Welfare - General MA1/651 36/1 part 4-Welfare - General MA1/651 36/1 part 5-Welfare - General MA1/651 36/1 part 6-Welfare - General

456 MA1/652 36/1 part 7-Welfare - General MA1/652 36/1 part 8-Welfare - General MA1/652 36/1 part 9-Welfare - General MA1/652 36/1 part 10-Welfare - General MA1/653 36/1 part 11-Welfare - General MA1/653 36/1 part 12-Welfare - General MA1/654 36/1 part 13-Welfare - General MA /4/A parts 1-8, Wardens - Maori, General - Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, MA1/675 36/26/5-Maori Women's Welfare League, Auckland District MA1 Box 28, 1/16/17 Part 2, Commission of Inquiry Proposed Amendments to Maori Affairs Bill, 1967 MA /3/2/2, Review of Maori Population Working Parties Brief 1960 MA1 Box /26/15, Maori Women s Welfare Leagues, Kaikohe District, 1951 MA1 Box /26/7, Maori Women s Welfare League, Whangarei District, MA1 2 1/1/47 Part 2, Ministerial Tours and Interviews, MA /4536, Received: 22nd July 1910: From: Hone Wepiha, Chairman, Hokianga Maori Council, Horeke. - Subject: That Pakehas be barred from stripping the Maori shellfish grounds. (Oysters etc), MA31/21/53 Personal file on Te Puea Herangi and leaders of the Waikato tribe; also report of conference between Right Honourable P Fraser and Waikato leaders with Maori leaders on the Maori war effort Ministry of Maori Development BAZQ 4958/814c 4/21 part1, Waikato Maniapoto District Council, Marine Department ADOE M /7/63 part 1, Oysters Bay of Islands Native Reserve, Hon. Matiu Rata ABAF RATA2 box 38, New Zealand Day, nd Prime Ministers Department AECO PM22 8/3/6 War Effort The Maori Battalion, Rehabilitation Department, Head Office AATL /c 10/10 Maori War Effort, List of Tribal Executives, Social Security Department AADK W4075 2/8/49, Social Security Department, Head Office Payment of Benefits and Pensions Payment of Benefits to Department of Maori Affairs, ADBO W /9/9/2, Social Security Act Maoris Rates of benefits

457 ADBO W /9/9/1/pt 2 Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions) ADBO W /9/9/1/pt 3, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions) ADBO W /9/9/1/pt 5, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions) ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/1 part 6, Social Security Act Maoris Maoris (general questions), ADBO W2756 SS7W /1/1 part 1, Legislation Social Security Act 1938, ADBO W2756 SS7W /9/8, Social Security Act Maoris Maori Land Court General, ADBO W1844 SSW A152, Pensions Act 1925, ADBO W1844 SSW OAP190/N4, Native Pensioners, Te Puni Kokiri ABJZ 6878 W /0/1 Committees & Councils - New Zealand Maori Council of Tribal Executives ABJZ 869 W /1/3/6 Marae Subsidies and Maori Council - Administration and Policy - Marae Subsidies Maori Committee Maori Welfare ABJZ 869 W /1/7 Marae Subsidies and Maori Council - Administration and Policy - Marae Subsidies - Policy ABJZ 869 W /1/4/1, Community Development Services-Policy and Administration - Maori Welfare Act Regulations ABJZ W /14/5 pt 1, Miscellaneous Treaty of Waitangi Waitangi National Trust Board s, ABJZ W /5/11 pt 1, Maori Purposes Fund Board (later Community Services) Grants and Donations to Waitangi National Trust, Tourist and Publicity Department AECB TO 3 12 INF 18/17/9, pt 1, Maori Affairs Waitangi (Includes Royal Visit 1963), TO3 66 IPS 18/17/9 pt 3, Maori History (Waitangi), Valuation New Zealand, National Office AAVI W /5 (alt. no. 4072), Rolls Maori lands, undated Walter Nash Papers NP 2067 Archives New Zealand, Auckland Auckland Institute and Museum Library ZAAP A473 2/a, Rates books Hokianga, ZAAP A473 2/b, Rates books Hokianga, ZAAP A473 3/a, Rates books Hokianga,

458 ZAAP A473 3/b, Rates books Hokianga, ZAAP A473 3/b, Electoral roll Horeke Riding, ZAAP A473 3/c, Electoral roll Horeke [Rawene] Riding, ZAAP A473 3/d, Hokianga County Council electoral rolls, ZAAP A473 1/g, Notes from a meeting held in Rawene between the Hokianga County Council and natives regarding the payment of rates on land occupied, Northern Military District, Auckland ACIO a A/2/15/1 - Maori war effort ACIO A1629 1/i 1/6 Maori war effort, ACIO c 7, Maori war effort and organisation AD-A /1/23 - Maori war effort, organisation - 22 July April 1943 Department of Maori Affairs, Auckland District Office BAZQ d 4/28/1 part 2, Maori Women s Welfare League General, BAZQ a 4/2 1, Maori Affairs - Welfare Administration BAZQ a 4/21/2 1, Maori Committees General BAZQ a 4/2 part 1, Maori Affairs - Welfare Administration, Valuation Department Whangarei District Office BAAW A /15 part 1, Hokianga County Waihou Riding Valuation Assessment 1-285, BAAW A /28 part 1, Whangarei County Wairua Riding Valuation Assessment 1-516, BAAW A /28 part 1, Whangarei County Wairua Riding Valuation Assessment 1-543, BAAW A /8 part 1, Whangaroa County Kaeo Riding Valuation Assessment 1-242, BAAW A /8 part 1, Whangaroa County Kaeo Riding Valuation Assessment 1-214, BAAW A , Hokianga County Valuation Assessment 1-213, BAAW A , Whangarei County Valuation Assessment 1-300, BAAW A , Whangaroa County Valuation Assessment 1-202, ; BAAW A /10 part 1, Bay of Islands County Russell Riding Valuation Assessment 1-298, BAAW A , Bay of Islands County Valuation Assessment 1-246, University of Auckland Library Frank Acheson Papers, MSS 96/1 458

459 Newspapers and Periodicals Dominion Evening Post King Country Chronicle New Zealand Herald Northern Advocate Poverty Bay Herald Te Ao Hou Te Kaunihera Maori Te Maori Official publications Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives New Zealand Gazette New Zealand Parliamentary Debates New Zealand Statutes Report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy, 1988, vol. 1, Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives, , H-2. Report of Committee on Marae Subsidies, Wellington: Government Printer, 1974 Royal Commission on Licensing, Notes of Proceedings, vol. 30, 1945 Books Abel, Sue, Shaping the News: Waitangi Day on Television, Auckland: University of Auckland Press, Anderson, Atholl, Judith Binney, and Aroha Harris, Tangata Whenua: An Illustrated History, Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, Atkinson, Neill, Adventures in Democracy: A history of the vote in New Zealand, Dunedin: University of Otago Press, Baker, Paul, King and Country Call: New Zealanders, Conscription and the Great War, Auckland: Auckland University Press, Bassett, Michael and Michael King, Tomorrow Comes the Song: A Life of Peter Fraser, Auckland: Penguin Books, Beardsall, Nanette E., Hobson County Centenary , Dargaville: Hobson County Council, Belich, James, Paradise Reforged: A History of New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000, Auckland: Allen Lane, Binney, Judith (ed.), The Shaping of New Zealand History: Essays from the New Zealand Journal of History, Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, Boast, Richard, Buying the Land, Selling the Land: Governments and Maori Land in the North Island , Wellington: Victoria University Press, Boese, Kay, Tides of History Bay of Islands County, Kawakawa: Bay of Islands County Council, Brooking, Tom, Richard Seddon: King of God s Own: The Life and Times of New Zealand s Longest Serving Prime Minister, Auckland: Penguin Books,

460 Bush, GWA, Local government and politics in New Zealand, Auckland: Auckland University Press, Butterworth, Graham and HR Young, Maori Affairs: A department and the people who made it, Wellington: GP Books, Byrnes, Giselle (ed.), The New Oxford History of New Zealand, Auckland: Oxford University Press, Byron, Isolde, Nga Perehitini: The Presidents of the Maori Women s Welfare League, , Auckland: Maori Women s Development Inc, Cheyne, Christine, Mike O Brien, and Michael Belgrave, Social Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand: A Critical Introduction, third edition, Auckland: Oxford University Press, Chief of General Staff, War, : New Zealand Expeditionary Force, its provision and maintenance, Wellington: Government Printer, Condliffe, JB, Te Rangi Hiroa: the life of Sir Peter Buck, Christchurch: Whitcombe and Tombs, Cox, Lindsay, Kotahitanga: The Search for Maori political unity, Auckland: Oxford University Press, Dalley, Bronwyn, and Margaret Tennant (eds), Past Judgement: Social policy in New Zealand history, Dunedin: University of Otago Press, Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, volume 4, Auckland: Auckland University Press and Department of Internal Affairs, Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, volume 5, Auckland: Auckland University Press and Department of Internal Affairs, Dow, Derek A, Maori Health and Government Policy , Wellington: Victoria University Press, Else, Anne (ed.), Women Together: A History of Women s Organisations in New Zealand/Nga Ropu Wahine o te Motu, Wellington: Department of Internal Affairs, Historical Branch, Gardiner, Wira, Te Mura O Te Ahi: The story of the Maori Battalion, Auckland: Reed Publishing, Grant, David, The Mighty Totara: The life and times of Norman Kirk, Auckland: Random House, Gustafson, Barry, The First 50 Years: A history of the New Zealand National Party, Auckland: Reed Methuen, Hanson, Elizabeth, The Politics of Social Security: The 1938 Act and some later developments, Auckland: Auckland University Press, Harris, Aroha, Hikoi: Forty years of Māori protest, Wellington: Huia Publishing, Harrison, Noel, Graham Latimer: A biography, Wellington: Huia Publishing, Hill, Richard S., Maori and the State: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa , Wellington: Victoria University Press, Hill, Richard S., State Authority Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Maori Relations in New Zealand/Aotearoa , Wellington: Victoria University Press, Hutt, Marten, Maori and Alcohol: A History, Health Services Research Centre, Wellington,

461 Kenworthy, LM, TB Martindale and SM Sadaraka, Some Aspects of the Hunn Report: A measure of progress, Wellington: Victoria University of Wellington, King, Michael, Te Puea: A life, Auckland: Reed Publishing, 4 th edition, King, Michael, Whina: A biography of Whina Cooper, Auckland: Hodder and Stoughton, Labour Party, The Maori Way of Life, Wellington: Standard Press, Lange, Raeburn, May the People Live: A History of Maori Health Development, , Auckland: Auckland University Press, Maori Synod of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, A Maori View of the Hunn Report, Whakatane: Presbyterian Bookroom, McClure, Margaret, A Civilised Community: a history of social security on New Zealand, , Auckland: Auckland University Press, McGibbon, Ian (ed.), The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Military History, Auckland: Oxford University Press, McLeod Henderson, J, Ratana: the Man, the Church, the Political Movement, A.H. & A.W. Reed (in association with the Polynesian Society), Wellington, McRobie, Alan, New Zealand Electoral Atlas, Wellington: GP Books, New Zealand Labour Party, 1972 Election Manifesto, Wellington: New Zealand Labour Party, New Zealand Royal Commission on the Electoral System, Towards a Better Democracy Report of The Royal Commission on the Electoral System, Wellington: Government Printer, Newman, Keith, Ratana: the Prophet, Wellington: Raupo (Penguin Book Group), O Malley, Vincent, Bruce Stirling and Wally Penetito (eds), The Treaty of Waitangi Companion: Māori and Pākehā from Tasman to today, Auckland: Auckland University Press, Pocock, JGA (ed.), The Maori and New Zealand Politics, Blackwood and Janet Paul, Auckland, Pool, D Ian, Te Iwi Maori: A New Zealand population, past, present & projected, Auckland: Auckland University Press, Pool, D Ian, The Maori Population of New Zealand, , Auckland: Auckland University Press, Puckey, Adrienne, Trading Cultures: A history of the Far North, Wellington: Huia Publishing, Pugsley, Christopher, Te Hokowhitu A Tu: The Maori Battalion in the First World War, Auckland: Reed, Renwick, William (ed.), Creating a National Spirit: Celebrating New Zealand s Centennial, Wellington: Victoria University Press, Rice, Geoffrey, W. (ed.), The Oxford History of New Zealand, 2 nd ed, Auckland: Oxford University Press, Sale, EV, Whangaroa, Kaeo: Whangaroa Book Committee, Schwimmer, Erik (ed.), The Maori People in the Nineteen-Sixties: A Symposium, Auckland: Blackwood & Janet Paul, Sinclair, Keith, Walter Nash, Auckland: Oxford University Press,

462 Smith, Philippa Mein, A Concise History of New Zealand, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, Sorrenson, MPK, A history of Maori representation in parliament, Appendix B of Towards a Better Democracy Report of The Royal Commission on the Electoral System, V.R. Ward, Government Printer, Wellington, Sorrenson, MPK (ed.), Na To Hoa Aroha, From Your Dear Friend; The Correspondence between Sir Apirana Ngata and Sir Peter Buck , volume two , Auckland: Auckland University Press, Spoonley, Paul, Mata Toa: The life and times of Ranginui Walker, Auckland: Penguin, Taylor, Nancy M, The New Zealand People at War: The home front, vols I and II, Wellington: Historical Publications Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, Trlin, Andrew, Now Respected: Once Despised Yugoslavs in New Zealand, Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, Walker, Ranginui, He Tipua: The life and times of Apirana Ngata, Auckland: Penguin Books, Walker, Ranginui, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without End, Auckland: Penguin Books, Walker, Ranginui, Nga Pepa A Ranginui: Thought-provoking views on the issues affecting Maori and Pakeha, Auckland: Penguin, Williams, John A, Politics of the New Zealand Maori: Protest and Cooperation, , Oxford: published for the University of Auckland by Oxford University Press, Williams, Melissa Matutina, Panguru and the City: Kāinga Tahi, Kāinga Rua, Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, Wood, FLW, The New Zealand People at War: Political and external affairs, Wellington: War History Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, Journal Articles Belgrave, Michael, Needs and the State: Evolving Social Policy in New Zealand, in Dalley and Tennant (eds.), Past Judgement: Social policy in New Zealand history, Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2004, pp Biggs, Bruce, Maori Affairs and the Hunn Report, Journal of the Polynesian Society, 70, 3, 1961, pp Butterworth, Graham, A Rural Maori Renaissance?: Maori society and politics , The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 81: 2, 1972, pp Harris, Aroha, Maori Land Title Improvement since 1945: Communal ownership and economic use, New Zealand Journal of History, 31, 1, 1997, pp Hazlehurst, Kayleen, Maori Self-Government : The New Zealand Maori Council and its Antecedents, British Review of New Zealand Studies, No1, 1988, pp Kersey, Harry A, Opening a Discourse on Race Relations in New Zealand: The Fern and the Tiki Revisited, Journal of New Zealand Studies, 1: October 2002, pp1-18. McRobie, Alan, What s so Special about Specials?, in Jane Peace and Janet Taylor (eds.), Electoral Research: The Core and the Boundaries, Conference Papers, Research Series, South Australian State Electoral Office, June 2000, pp

463 O Connor, PS, The Recruitment of Maori Soldiers, , Political Science, vol. 19, 1967, pp Orange, Claudia, An Exercise in Maori Autonomy: The Rise and Demise of the Maori War Effort Organization, New Zealand Journal of History, 21, 2, 1987, pp Robinson, Helen, Making a New Zealand Day: The Creation and Context of a National Holiday, New Zealand Journal of History, 46, 1, 2012, pp Soutar, Monty, Te Hokowhitu-a-Tu: What Did They Come Back To?, Turnbull Library Record, vol. 42, 2009, pp Walker, Ranginui, The Genesis of Maori Activism, The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 93, 3, 1984, pp Walker, Ranginui, The Maori People: Their Political Development, in Hyam Gold (ed.), New Zealand Politics in Perspective, Auckland: Longman Paul, 1989, pp Electronic sources 28 th Maori Battalion website URL: accessed 28 August Ballara, Angela, Maioha, Hamiora Wiremu, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 26 March URL: Ballara, Angela, Paikea, Paraire Karaka, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 April URL: Ballara, Angela, Ratana, Tahupotiki Wiremu, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 1 April URL: Burgess, Marie E, Pritchard, Ethel, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography. Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 25 March URL: Derby, Mark, Veterans assistance, Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 15 January URL: Ellison, Sean, Ellison, Edward Pohau, from the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Te Ara the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, accessed 20 January URL: 4e9/ellison-edward-pohau 463

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465 Parliament in Te Reo, NZ History website, accessed 5 November URL: Rangahaua Whanui Series Bennion, Tom, The Maori Land Court and Land Boards, 1909 to 1952, Wellington: Waitangi Tribunal Rangahaua Whanui Series, Rangatiratanga Series Butterworth, Graham, Men of Authority : The New Zealand Maori Council and the Struggle for Rangatiratanga in the 1960s-1970s, Rangatiratanga Series, No.11, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Victoria University of Wellington, Gilling, Bryan, The Most Fundamental Desire of Maori Landowners : Land Management and Governance Options for Maori from the 1850s, Rangatiratanga Series, No.10, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Victoria University of Wellington, Gilling, Bryan, Paddling Their Own Waka or Rowing the Government s Boat? The Official System for Maori Socio-Economic Development in the Post-1945 Period, Rangatiratanga Series, No.15, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Victoria University of Wellington, Gilling, Tui, The Crown, Rangatiratanga and the Maori War Effort in the Second World War: A Preliminary Survey, Rangatiratanga Series, No.4, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Victoria University of Wellington, Lange, Raeburn, A Limited Measure of Local Self-Government: Maori Councils, , Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series, Number 2, Lange, Raeburn, In an Advisory Capacity: Maori Councils, , Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series, Number 5, Lange, Raeburn, To Promote Maori Wellbeing: Tribal Committees and Executives under the Maori Social and Economic Advancement Act 1945, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Rangatiratanga Series, Number 8, Patete, Anthony, Maori Political Activism and the Quest for Rangatiratanga in the 1970s and 1980s: A Maori Perspective, Rangatiratanga Series, No.12, Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, Victoria University of Wellington, Waitangi Tribunal reports Waitangi Tribunal, Report of the Waitangi Tribunal on the Muriwhenua Fishing Claim, Wai 22, Waitangi Tribunal: Wellington, Research reports Armstrong, David and Evald Subasic, Northern Land and Politics, , CFRT, Wai 1040 #A12,

466 Armstrong, David, Vincent O Malley and Bruce Stirling, Northland Language, Culture and Education, Part Two: Wahi Tapu, Taonga and Te Reo Maori, CFRT, Wai 1040, #A14, Bassett, Heather, and Richard Kay, Tai Tokerau Maori Land Development Schemes, , CFRT, August 2006, Wai 1040 #A10 Belgrave, Michael, Anna Deason and Dr Grant Young, Crown Policy with Respect to Maori Land, , CFRT, Francis, Andrew and Jonathan Sarich, Aspects of Te Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1939-c.1975: Government provision for local self-government for Te Rohe Potae hapu and iwi, Wai 898, #A72, Hearn, Terry, Social and Economic Change in Northland c.1900 to c.1945: The Role of the Crown and the Place of Maori, CFRT, Wai 1040 #A3, Locke, Cybele, The Poorest Tribe Under the Heavens: Ngati Kuia s Socio-Economic Circumstances, , CFRT, Wai 785 #L1, December 2002 Luiten, Jane, Local Government in Te Rohe Potae, Wai 898, #A24, Miles, Anita, Te Horo Development Scheme, Wai 1040, #E3, O Malley, Vincent, Northland Crown Purchases, , CFRT, July 2006, Wai 1040, #A6. Nepia, Michael, Muriwhenua Surplus Lands Commissions of Inquiry in the Twentieth Century, Wai 45, #G1, Robinson, Helen and Paul Christoffel, Aspects of Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1886 to 1913, WT, Wai 898 #A71, Sarich, Jonathan, An Overview of Political Engagement between Hapu and Iwi of the Te Rohe Potae inquiry district and the Crown, 1914-c.1939, WT, Wai 898, #A29, Stirling, Bruce, Eating Away at the Land, Eating Away at the People: Local Government, Rates, and Maori in Northland, CFRT, Wai 1040, #A15, Stirling, Bruce and Richard Towers, Not with the Sword but with the Pen : The taking of the Northland Old Land Claims, CFRT, Wai 1040, #A9, Te Uira Associates, Oral and Traditional History Report for Te Rohe o Whangaroa, commisssioned by Whangaroa Papa Hapu, Wai 1040, #E32, Walzl, Tony, Twentieth Century Overview Part II, , CFRT, Wai 1040 #A38, Supporting Papers The New Zealand Maori Council Maori Community Development Act Claim, supporting papers, Wai 2417 #B26(R) and B26(S). Other inquiry documents Henare, Johnson Erima, Brief of Evidence, Wai 1040, #A30(c), 10 September Leaf, Helene, Brief of Evidence, Wai 1040, #L23, 2 April Rigby, Barry, Answers to Te Paparahi o Te Raki (Wai 1040) Statement of Issues questions concerning Old Land Claims, Wai 1940, #H4, Te Paparahi o Te Raki: Local Issues Research Review, October 2013, Wai 1040 #

467 Te Paparahi o Te Raki (Wai 1040) regional inquiry Tribunal Statement of Issues for Stage 2, 5 December 2012, Wai 1040, #1.4.2, issue 12(b). Wikaira, Anania, Brief of Evidence, Wai 1040, #C20(a), 18 August Theses Dodgson, Rick, Authority and Equality: New Zealand at war and the 1943 Furlough Draft Scheme, MA Thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, Harris, Aroha, Dancing with the State: Maori Creative Energy and Policies of Integration, , PhD Thesis, University of Auckland, McDowell, Tiopira, Riria te riri, mahia te mahi : The politics and development of modern Maori activism, , MA thesis, University of Auckland, Ngatata Love, Ralph, Policies of Frustration: The Growth of Maori Politics, The Ratana/Labour Era, PhD Thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, Orange, Claudia J., A Kind of Equality: Labour and the Maori People, , MA Thesis, University of Auckland, Robinson, Helen, Remembering the Past, Thinking of the Present: Historic Commemorations in New Zealand and Northern Ireland, , PhD thesis, University of Auckland, Whyte, Gaynor, Old-Age Pensions in New Zealand , MA thesis, Massey University,

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