1.3) Gada Political process, democracy and its institutional function

Transcription

1 Gada theory and practices, Part two, [By Geremew Nigatu Kassa,] Oslo, Norway Last time I have investigated whether Gada system is an age-set system or democratic political system. The first part of the article clearly indicates the difference between age-set as a social role and Gada system as a democratic political, social, administration and cultural institution. However, in this second part of the article, I will try to discuss Gada system s deeper political process, democratic culture and its institutional function. 1.3) Gada Political process, democracy and its institutional function This part of Gada theory and practices is based not only on theoretical reflection of literature and relevant studies of Gada system, but also on personal participation and emic observation during my own stay among the Oromo-Boranas for many years. Based on my experience, I will discuss how Gada system s political process, institutional function and culture of democracy works. This section of the article gives us a full understanding of what Gada political, institutional and democratic culture is.

2 The relationship between traditional institution and political organization can be summed up as an interdependent issue. According to Douglas (1987), there is a close cultural and value based interconnection between existing traditional institution and political organization. Traditional institution stands for general and abstract values and norms of the whole society while political organization stands, in most cases, for specific and concrete goal of certain organized group. In other words: political organization can be seen as materialized expressions of the general notion of traditional institution of the whole society. A political organization can also serve as an empirical representation as well as realization of the concept of traditional institution of the society. Then, it can be argued that many political organizations can be consolidated under a given traditional institution of that society. In this case, there is a reasonable concept in the Gada system of traditional institution to understand the current political and organizational confusion, lack of unity and the problem of political pathway, not on the Ethiopian government national politic but within the Oromo and none Oromo opposition political camps. In a sense, if we understand the essence of Gada political system and recognize at least some of its important ideas, we can find an alternative political pathway to our desired common political solution to all parties and stakeholders. We can for example use some of our democratic culture, methods of conflict resolution, accommodative intuitional approach, behavioral appropriation and code of conducts in Gada system as an instrument for future common political forward moving. However, it is not my immediate intension to analyse this perspective in this section of this article. The main concern of this section is just to put Gada system s political system, institutional function and democratic nature on the surface to the readers. 1.4) The Five Political Lines ( the five gogeessas) of Gada political process There are five political lines (gogeessas) in the Oromo Borana Gada system namely: 1) Gogeessa Adii Dooyyoo, 2) Gogeessa Boruu Galmaa, 3) Gogeessa Liiban Kusee, 4) Gogeessa Areeroo Geedoo, and 5) Gogeessa Bulee Dabbaasa (see also Kjærland 1976). Everything in Oromo-Borana is named after Abbaa Gadas as a good leader is considered as a hero or important figure in the society. Therefore, these five Borana gogeessas bear the name of individual persons who first established each gogeessa. Every Borana man is expected to

3 be a member of one of these political lines (gogeessa shaneenii) while it is not clear whether women are excluded or included in the five political lines. The concept of the five political lines (gogeessa shaneenii) in the Gada system in different Oromia regions is similar, but the local terms used to name these five political lines differ. For instance, [t]here are five Gadaa grades in a cycle of forty years in Ambo [Western Shoa region] namely Roobalee, Birmajii, Horata, Michillee and Duuloo (Kelbessa, 2001:67). In the Borana case, the whole society is divided into five gogeessas by which every individual joins one of the five gogeessas either by birth or through guulaa rights (the rights to change one s own gogeessa (political party) by choice and joining another gogeessa. Withdrawing from one gogeessa and joining other gogeessa happens only by personal decision, not by force or external pressure. This is due to the fact that a person is born in his gogeessa and he joins it by birth and nobody can suspend or dismiss him from the party he has got by nature or birth unless he himself chooses to become guula. It is interesting to note that members of one family with different political lines live together in one house without any conflict over their political differences. Which means members of a single-family can have different gogeessas (political lines). For example, son(s) and father, elder and younger brothers, sisters and other relatives in one household and village can join different gogeessas while they are living together as one family. What makes Oromo Gada political system different from other political systems is that there can be different political membership classes (lubas) across the same clan and moieties. There can also be different gogeessas and lubas in one family. There can be the same gogeessas, but different lubas in one family and clan. There are also different gogeessas and lubas or the same gogeessas and lubas in the same family and clan. It is not common to have such radically democratic family institution even in the modern and advanced societies in which one family members belong to different political parties while they are living together in harmony in the same house. This can be considered as one of the unique features of Oromo Gada political and democratic system.

4 Table 1. Lists of five Oromo-Borana political lines (gogeessa shaneenii) No. Order of Gogeessas Name of the five gogeessas(political lines) 1 Gogeessa(I) Gogeessa Adii Dooyyoo (I) 2 Gogeessa(II) Gogeessa Boruu Galmaa (II) 3 Gogeessa(III) Gogeessa Liiban Kusee (III) 4 Gogeessa(IV) Gogeessa Areeroo Geedoo (IV) 5 Gogeessa(V) Gogeessa Bulee Dabbaasa (V) Source Kjærland 1976 and Bassi 2005:58 These five gogeessas are permanent and have been rotating turn by turn throughout Borana political life for centuries. The main purpose and the common goal of these five political lines are to maintain Oromo Gada democratic culture, norms, values, identity and to advance common Gada political ideological. Within their respective gogeessa all gogeessa shaneenii recruit and supply personnel for Gada office during their 8 years Gada term regardless of their clan belongings (kinship). Their role to organize mediator between individuals or groups within the Gada system, each gogeessa has its own administrational structure. In order to understand how the above five political lines are formulated or work, we need to understand how the key political and civil administrative institutions (Gada Arboora, Medhicha and Garba), spiritual institution (Qaalluu), military institution (hirre warana), and other Gada institutional relations are formulated. 1.5) The Three Institutional Pillars of the Borana Gada System: The Gada Arboora, Medhicha and Garba Institutions In local language terms in Oromo Borana area, there are three highest and central Gada institutions known as Gada Arboora, Medhicha and Garba respectively. Those three institutions are called all together Yaa a Gada Sadeenii (the three institutional pillars of the Gada system). This makes Gada system either not a single man headed system, nor a single political party political system, nor a single institutional function, but the system was established on the principle of single ideological foundation. The notion of Gada system as a multi-headed institution was introduced by Bassi but only in their institutional categories,

5 not in their integrated institutional function as Yaa a Gada Sadeenii or the three central institutions (Bassi 2005:171). Gada system is neither a single man nor a single institution headed system. Rather it is a polycephalus or a triple or triangular institutional headed and pentagonal political system, but it is based on extremely unified ideological system employing senior-junior-opposition headed institution, consensus political process and administration system. Gada Arboora institution is the most senior position of the three-pillared institutions both in its institutional form and in its leadership position. Gada Arboora has six executives and ranks over the other two institutions (Medhicha and Garba). Medhicha is the second ranking institution of the three pillars of Gada institutions. Medhicha institution has 18 leaders with three sub-division of its branch. The third ranking institution of the three pillars of Gada is the Garba institution. Garba institution is formed from four of the five political lines (gogeessas) which are not in power during the Gada office (eight years). Garba institution is led by 12 highly skilled and aged councillors who are usually selected and appointed from the four opposition political lines during one Borana Gada term. One Gada term in Oromo-Borana has a total of thirty six (36) senior-junior institutionalized political and administrative leaders who hold different positions within the Gada institution known as in local terms Yaa a Gadaa Sadeenii or the three pillars of Borana Gada system (Gada Arboora, Medhicha and Garba). In Borana Gada system, the three Borana Gada institutional pillars or Yaa a Gada Sadeenii (Gada Arboora, Medhicha and Garba) function as a single Borana political and administrative institution. The Oromo polity has three heads. The leaders of these institutions are recruited in different ways and balanced against each other (Legesse 2000:29). Because of analytical limitation, this paper cannot discusses the issue of how those 36 central leaders work in Gada traditional government system. However, Kjærland (1976) states that among those thirty six central Gada leaders, there are individuals who are interested in various subjects such as in meteorology, history, veterinary, health, law, politics, military, information etc. This paper considers this as a subject for further research studies. However, it is necessary to explain the main institutional structure of one Gada term, institutional branches and subbranches as well as the distribution of power among those thirty six-leadership positions and integrated institutional structure of the Gada pillars. Each institution has three different subbranches and distribution of leadership positions as follows: A) Gada Arboora institution has 6 senior executive Gada councillors

6 B) Medhicha institution has 18 lateral junior Gada councillors C) Garba institution has 12 junior Gada councillors A) The Three Sub-Branches of Gada Arboora ( The Senior Council ) Institution The Gada Arboora has six most senior Gada councillors. From those six senior executive, Abbaa Gada is the leader of one Gada term, but every decision is usually given in the form of team rather than in the form of a single man or personalized decision. The Gada leaders are collectively referred to as the Warra Arboora (Legesse 2000:104) in which Gada leader works with the rest of the three senior executive councillors. The division of their subbranches and works can be understood as follows: 1) Arboora sub-branch has 4 senior councillors, that means the Gada leader (Abbaa Gada Fiixee) who is the leader of whole Borana people for one Gada term of 8 years and 3 other senior councillors. Those three senior councillors work with the Gada leader as a single body. In other words 1 Abbaa Gada and 3 senior councillors work together 2) Hawaxaa has 1 senior councillor 3) Koonnoo has 1 senior councillor together known as Kontomaa These six senior Gada councillors hold the most senior position and they are leaders for eight years or one Gada term of office. They have collective responsibility checking and advising each other on every decision they may take. B) The Three Sub-Branches of Medhicha ( Lateral Council ) Institution Medhicha has 18 junior or second ranking councillors who work within the same political line of Gada Arboora or the leaders of ruling political line. Medhicha institution is institutionally and symbolically considered as the senior over Garba but its members are not as aged and experienced as the leaders of Garba institution. The eighteen Medhicha counsellors belong to the same ruling political group that is in power for eight years. Members of Medhicha get this position when their own political line takes over power for eight years. Medhicha has also the following three subbranches. b.1) Arboora has 6 second-ranking senior councillors b.2) Hawaxaa has 6 second-ranking senior counsellors =18 second senior councillors b.3) Koonnoo has 6 second-ranking senior councillors Although, those eighteen Medhicha councillors are symbolically considered as the second ranking of the pillars, they have less power than the Garba leaders who are selectively appointed from the four

7 other political lines. The role of the Garba institution, which is an opposition institution elected for one term is to work as opposition challenging the ruling political party in charges of one Gada term. C) The three Sub-Branches of Garba ( the Junior Council ) Institution Garba has 12 councillors who work within its three different sub-branches as one of the three institutional pillars of the Gada system. Garba is an institution set for the members of the four remaining political lines which are not in power during the eight year Gada term. Garba institution is made up of three selected individuals from each of the four gogeessas, and composed of the most experienced, skilled and aged persons who are recruited and elected from the opposition political lines. The three sub-branches can be formulated as below: c.1) Arboora has 4 junior councillors c.2) Hawaxaa has 4 junior councillors =12 junior councillors c.3) Koonnoo has 4 junior councillors The above twelve Garba junior councillors are themselves senior members of their respective political lines which they represent during one Gada term. Their own political lines are not in power during the eight-years Gada term but those appointed 12 Garba institution s leaders represent their political lines. The Garba institution is considered as an opposition institution and its leaders work together with the ruling political lines to check and balance power. Their duty is to challenge the ruling political line or gogeessa by applying checks and balances mechanism in everyday decision process. Their main goal is to avoid power monopoly and misuse. In this way, they protect the remaining majority interests and the rights of weakest parties of the people in the society. They are usually considered as the experts of their own gogeessas and knowledge of Gada law. It is these three integrated institutions and a combination of elected and selected leaders from the five political lines (gogeessas) that make Gada political system a unique system. In this way, the Gadaa system shares institutional and administrative power and guards against power monopolization, and thereby provide check and balance. The three pillars of Gada administration and five political systems were described by Legesse (2000:29) as Oromo polity is neither mono-cephalous (one head) nor acephalous (no head) but a type of polity which is referred to as polycephalous which means a system having a plurality of heads who hold different kinds of offices that are linked to each other by body of laws. Gada leadership is a collective leadership led by three institutions: two from the same ruling political line and one composed of carefully selected individuals from the remaining four political lines. Those three institutions always work together as a single integrated institution.

8 The Oromo polity is neither a centralized political system headed by a king or chief, nor is it acephalous or stateless or segmentary i.e. lacking all forms of institutionalized political leadership. It is, most assuredly, not an ordered anarchy. The Oromo are one of the most orderly and legalistic societies in Africa and many of their laws are consciously crafted rules not customarily evolved habits (Ibid: 29). The ethnographic evidence also confirm that Borana Gada system has triple institutional heads or three constant institutional pillars which always function together as a single head of Gada system (see Fig.4). The three pillars of Borana-Oromo Gada system consist of two institutional angles from the ruling gogeessa (Gada Arboora and Medhicha) and one official opposition angle (Garba). Among them, Garba are perceived as the most aged, experienced and talented. They challenge the ruling gogeessa, but they are not working to take over the power or rank or position from the members of the ruling gogeessa in office. Instead, they compete to be best in Gada knowledge, wisdom and skills through logical reasoning. The three institutional pillars of the Borana Gada system (Yaa a Gada Sadeenii) can be understood as follows: 1 st Gada pillar A Gada Arboora =6 ([1 Abba Gada +3] +1+1) Councillors 2 nd Gada pillar The 3 Gada pillars in Oromo Borana 3 rd Gada Pillar B Medhicha=18 councillors Garba=12 Councillors C Fig. 4. The three institutional pillars of Gada system (Yaa a Gada Sadeenii) in Borana Oromo What makes the Oromo Gada system unique is that politics, ideology and power are viewed not as something over which to oppose each other as enemies but over which to compete with

9 each other wisely in order to win friends by the power of wisdom, skills and reasoning. In order to show their skill and wisdom about Borana traditional knowledge and culture, the leaders of Gada Arboora, Medhicha and Garba are engaged in peaceful internal competition directed towards the achievement of a common ideological goal that is security, identity, equality, unity and egalitarianism(see Fig. 7). For example, competition between Garba and Medhicha leaders are intensive, but the goal of the competition is not to take over the power or seniority position of Medhicha leaders, but to demonstrate their knowledge of Gadasystem. Garba leaders can be a senior to Medhicha leaders in terms of age, experience or skills and knowledge of Gada system because Garba leaders are considered as the sons of the elders (ilmaan jaarsa), whereas Medhicha leaders are, symbolically, considered as seniors to Garba leaders. This seniority, according to Borana, is only symbolical, not actual. They say that Medhicha leaders are the sons of younger (medhichii ilman kormaati) which means those who are not far advanced in life. The leaders of one Gada term are elected according to the principles of the Gada system and only stay in office for the eight years period, and then hand over power, in peaceful way, in a public and formal ceremony following the general assembly (Gumii Gaayoo). Most of their duties during one term in office are to maintain the society s social, political, economic, judicial and institutional order. Power in Borana Gada system lays in the hands of Arboora, Medhicha and Garba institutions collectively that check and balance each other in addition to limit the duration of power. Power, in Gada system, is limited through mechanisms of institutional integration, collective leadership and responsibilities. The limitation of power in Gada system is based on the principle of institutional power sharing and limiting the duration of power for the maximum of eight years, rather than monopolization of power in the hand of a single leader or single institution or group. Power in Gada system is held in the hands of collective institutions and the people at large. The power of a Gada leader and his duty during eight years in office is to keep those institutions functioning together as a single accommodative leading institution according to principles of Borana customs and laws (aaada and seeraa Borana). 1.6) The Spiritual Institution The Oromo spiritual institution known as the five branches of Qaalluu Bracelet (Laduu Qaalluu Shaneenii) is one of the most important institutions we find in the Oromo Gada system. Qaalluu institution can be viewed as one of the causes for the emergence and

10 continuity of Gada system. Some traditional genealogies show the existence of Oromo spiritual institution that goes back to thirteenth century (Kjærland 1976). Moreover, conjectures based on legendary and linguistic evidences show that Qaalluu institution has existed among Oromo possibly from 1 st century B.C. Qaalluu institution is an ancient Oromo spiritual institution, and it is one of the ethical and institutional foundations of Gada system. A spiritual leader (Qaalluu) does not hold administrative or military power in Gada office. The Borana Qaalluu institution is separated from both Gada political, military and administrative offices. The two spiritual leaders of the Karrayyuu clan from Sabboo moiety and Odituu clan from the Goona moiety, and the three spiritual leaders of Garjeedaa, Kuukkuu and Karaaraa from Sabboo moiety of Maxxaarrii sub-clan form the five branches of spiritual institution. Qaalluu (priest) works as the spiritual leader of the society. The Qaalluu Karrayyuu and Odituu are the two most seniors. In contrast to the Gada leader, the Oromo spiritual leadership is not acquired, but passed through the hereditary kinship system (Bassi 2005:74-75, Legesse 2000). Borana have two major and three minor hereditary spiritual leaders called qaalluu who are intimately associated with fertility and peace (Bassi 2005, Baxter 1996, Legesse 2000, Sahlu 2002). Only by Qaalluu (man) and Qaallitii (wife of the spiritual leader) that the laws of exogamy rule can be, legally, broken because they are above culture (Arero 2002). Marriage within the same moiety is not only traditionally permitted, but required (Bassi 2005). Each of the five spiritual leaders has messengers (makala or assist) under them. Qaalluu village is known as Yaa a qaalluu shaneenii. Qaalluus have four Hayyuu-Garbas who serve qaalluus as the advisor. These four Hayyuu-Garbas can be selected from any of the Gogeessas. Like Yaa a Gada, they must be replaced every eight years, but unlike Yaa a Gada, they are directly chosen by Qaalluus themselves from respective warra qaalluu descent groups (Bassi 2005). According to Baasi the transformation of qaalluu title is identified with the transformation of Laduu affected through the Qaallittii (mother of qaalluu or institutional wife of the qaalluu who qaalluu must marry after the death of his mother because there cannot be two qaallittii at the same time). The most important rituals in the ceremonial cycle relative to the Yaa a Qaalluu are the pilgrimages known as Muuda organized every eight years (Baasi 2005:77). There are two kinds of Muuda pilgrimages, Muuda Qomichaa (warra qaalluus pilgrimage in which one must hold at least once in his life time) and Muuda Gada (usually made in every eight years

11 by members of Yaa a Gada by every political line or gogeessa when they occupy the Gada office. In Gada system, power cannot be transferred without Muuda Gada by Qaalluu. Although, spiritual leaders (Qaalluus) play significant roles in ritual ceremonies through spiritual affairs and symbolic values and influences within the Gada system, they have never been appointed to Gada administration office and vice-versa. However, their institution is concerned with the influence of ideas on Gada institutions. The Qaalluu plays an important role in legitimating the final Gada power transfer from the outgoing Gada leaders to the incoming leaders, and during the inauguration and power blessing ceremonies held between Dirree and Liiban at a place called Qilxa Godoo at Arda Odaa in the first day. The second day the legal power transfer between new nominees (doorii) and old Gada leaders (hambisas) take place at Arda Dooralli. It is here the new nominees are formally inaugurated or take over power and they formally declare their next Gada term where the old Gada leaders (hambisas) become retired and change their class name hambisa (from doorii to Gada, from Gada to Hambisa, from hambisa to yuubaa) (see Table 3). It is on this final ceremonial day that the newly inaugurated ruling political line (gogeessa) presents their eight years political program. On this day, the new Gada leader (Abbaa Gada) will deliver his proclamation known as lallaba. The spiritual leader (qaalluu) who plays the leading role during this ceremony will not give any comment on the formal administration and political program proclamation made by the new Gada leader. This shows that, in the Gada system, politics and religion are ideologically separated, but institutionally supporting and maintaining each other. Religion, in Gada system is defined by ritual practice and conditioned by political factors, i.e, politics and religion can influence each other without interfering with each other. The spiritual leaders (Qaalluus) may speak of conflict prevention and resolution in ideational terms, they are restricted from participating in conflict, administration and political activities. However, Qaalluu judge major conflicts and, above all, play a significant role in election of Gada leaders. Like women, in many respects: they do not go to war, carry arms, defend themselves nor kill animals. They even style their hair like women. They symbolize peace, godliness and restraint (Sahlu 2002:6). One can also find this type of peace and belief system in other universal theological principles (Christianity, Muslim, Hindu, etc).

12 1.7) The Military institution The defence institution led by a military commander known as Abbaa Duulaa is one of the other institutions separated from the three pillars of Gada system (Yaa a Gada Sadeenii). The defence institution is excluded from the three pillars of Gada system, in case of internal affairs, but inter-related with Gada system which can be controlled by a Gada leader (Abbaa Gada), in case of external fright. During peace time, the defence institution does not function totally. The institution does not participate in Gada decision making process, or in other civil institution such as peace meetings. It also has no institutional place in Gada administration system. The institution was formed only for the purpose of defence in case of a war waged from the outside and territorial conflict. Just, like a spiritual institution, the defence institution is separated from the Gada political and civil administration institutions and systems. A war commander (Abbaa Duulaa) position is only acquired by personal heroism in war, not by age seniority, wealth, social status, and clan or kinship relations. Not only institutionally, but also personally, the war commanders (Abbaa Duulaa) are excluded from getting involved in internal political and civil administration matters. The reason is to avoid military involvement in any internal political and power competition within the five political lines (gogeessas) system. Military institutions only function when war become declared against the Borana from outside Borana territories. Abbaa Gada does command the Abbaa Duulaa but to declare war he must consult his senior thirty-six Gada councillors. Both defence institution and its leaders are excluded from the three institutional pillars of Gada system, but they are attached to the holistic Borana institution and its headquarter (Gooroo Borana) (Fig.5). The separation of military institution and its leaders from internal affairs indicates how the Gada system is deeply democratic, and that the military institution is completely separated from economic, social, administrational and political system. The weak side of the Gada system is that the system does not encourage, even it does not allow, military offensives such as pre-emptive war. It does not allow power building or maintaining through military means. This ideological believe has a considerable effect on the Oromo, and is still affecting the Oromo political life in Ethiopia, because in African political systems especially in the Ethiopian political culture. However, military institution always belongs to the ruling political party and military action is also the only option through which one party can come to power and sustain its power in

13 Ethiopia. However, the military issue, in Gada, is only raised during outside attack or only in the war time. In gada system, one cannot wage war without reaching on consensus, once the consensus is reached to go and fight, it is not easy to the enemy to wine Gada war because, except women, children, spiritual leaders (Qaalluus) and the retired elderly men (Gadammojjii), almost all men become involved in the fighting just like conventional war. 1.8) Gada political and Ideological foundation will come soon The author can be reached on