In Zimbabwe: A Gender Analysis of the Socio- Economic and Political Consequences of the Fast. Track Land Reform Programme

Transcription

1 Land Reform and Diminishing Spaces for Women In Zimbabwe: A Gender Analysis of the Socio- Economic and Political Consequences of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme Name: Bhatasara Sandra ID-number: i Masters: Year group: Supervisor: M.Sc. Public Policy and Human Development (M.Sc.) Dr. Wiebe Nauta Word count:

2 Contents Acknowledgements... i Acronyms... ii Abstract...iiiii Introduction: Land and diminishing spaces for women... 1 Introduction... 1 Problem statement and justification... 4 Research questions... 7 Methodological and theoretical considerations... 7 Overview... 9 Chapter One: Historical discourses on land with a focus on women Introduction History of land and land reform in Zimbabwe Historical discourses on land, land reform and women Conclusion Chapter Two: The Fast Track Land Reform Programme and spaces for women Introduction The Politics of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme Women on the margins Conclusion Chapter Three: The heart of poverty is a woman Introduction The impacts of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme on the poverty of women Conclusion I

3 Chapter Four: Diminishing spaces for women Introduction Concluding Remarks Recommendations Appendix 1 Methodological framework Appendix 2 Table 1. Analysis of access to land (Farm workers) Appendix 3 Table 2. Land ownership (All Provinces) Appendix 4 Table 3. Land ownership by gender REFERENCES II

4 Acknowledgements This thesis is not entirely my work alone and I would like to extend my gratitude to a number of people. Firstly, I would like to thank my dedicated supervisor and mentor, Dr Wiebe Nauta. His guidance and positive criticisms enabled me to produce this thesis. I have learnt a lot from him and I will always appreciate and be thankful for all the times he has showed me the right path. I am indebted to him. I would like to thank my fellow classmates, Il, Tesfaye, Patricia and Bastian for their support. They made my moments at the Graduate school and working on this thesis a lot easier. I will not forget Trust Saidi for encouraging me to persevere. I will always be grateful to my family, even though they were far away, they gave me strength to go on and, my brother Tonderai has always checked on me and stood by me. To Ruth, Nigel, Obrien and Derek, thanks so much for the words of encouragement. I extend many thanks to my friend, Rungano, from Women and Land in Zimbabwe for providing me with invaluable information that helped me to do the critical gender analysis. I also want thank my friend Tafadzwa, for helping me to find important literature. I extend many thanks to Wei for helping me with the technicalities. Lastly, I would like to say thank you for believing in me Albert. i

5 Acronyms AIDS CA CDA CEDAW FTLRP GNU HIV HRBD IPFP LAA Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Capability Approach Critical Discourse Analysis Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women Fast Track Land Reform Programme Government of National Unity Human Immuno-deficiency Virus Human Rights Based Approach to Development Inception Phase Framework Plan Land Acquisition Act LRRP2 Land Reform and Resettlement Phase 2 MDC WWLG WLZ WLSA ZCDT Movement for Democratic Change Women and Land Lobby Group Women and Land in Zimbabwe Women and Law in Southern Africa Zimbabwe Community Development Trust ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Unity-Patriotic Front ii

6 Abstract This thesis is a gender analysis of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) in Zimbabwe focusing on the socio-economic and political consequences for women. The thesis acknowledges the critical importance of land reform in Zimbabwe as a country that inherited colonially structured and unequal land ownership patterns. However, there are limits to state-led, masculinized and politicized land reform when women, as gendered subjects in government policies and as a social category are not seriously considered in theory and practice of land reform programmes. The research uses the Critical Discourse Analysis approach to investigate the objectives, driving forces and the politics of the FTLRP, to establish to what extent the FTLRP created spaces for women to participate in policy and practice, to analyze the impacts of the FTLRP on the poverty of women and to suggest policy recommendations not only for post land reform reconstitution but agrarian development in Zimbabwe. The complexity of the FTLRP, in terms of its aims, power dynamics, the way it was implemented, the implications on various sectors of the economy and groups of people and, ultimately the socio-economic and political consequences for women, cannot be captured within a single framework thus, for analytical purposes; the research draws from the Human Rights Based approach to Development, scholars who use structural materialist feminism and Amartya Sen s Capability Approach. Whereas land reform was necessary in the context of highly unequal land ownership patterns and poverty, this thesis shows that the FTLRP diminished opportunities or spaces for women to be empowered and shrunk the democratic spaces for genuine participation of women in the development process by denying them rights to land, widening gender inequalities and ultimately failing to alleviate the poverty of women. The post fast track land reform policies in Zimbabwe should be renegotiated and reformulated to seriously take into account women s multiple issues regarding access to, ownership and control of land. iii

7 Introduction: Land and diminishing spaces for women Introduction If women want property, they should not get married (President Mugabe, 1994, cited in Cheater and Gaidzanwa, 1996: 200). Because I would have my head cut off by men if I give women land, men would turn against the government (Vice President Msika, cited by the Women and Land Lobby Group (2001:9). Since the family is traditionally made up of two partners, the government cannot say which partner should come to apply for land. Such specifics must be left to the families to decide Dr Made, Former Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Resettlement, cited by Women and Land Lobby Group, 2001, in Goebel, 2005: ). The discourses of women and land remain at the centerpiece of women s movements and gender activists frameworks of gender equality, poverty alleviation and women s empowerment. Whereas women s access to, ownership and control of land do not guarantee them improved socio-economic and political positions, these are fundamentally important explanatory factors. In this regard, this thesis analyzes the socio-economic and political consequences of the Fast Track Land Reform Progamme (FTLRP) for women in Zimbabwe. The above quotes summarize the attitudes of government leaders towards addressing women s land questions over the years in Zimbabwe. In fact, there is evidence that women face multiple issues regarding access to, ownership and control of land. The above quotes create the impression that, government leaders seem to be unwilling to seriously incorporate women s land questions thus; spaces (opportunities) for women to articulate their land concerns as well as spaces (land) continue to diminish. The efforts and policies towards land have been continuously highly masculinized and women s land concerns are largely sidelined. Considering that the government has embarked on a number of land reform policies since independence, which culminated in the FTLRP in 2000, it is therefore important to analyze the FTLRP from a gender perspective. The prevailing situation in Zimbabwe is a matter of concern in analyzing the socio-economic and political consequences of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme for women. The country is currently undergoing economic, political and social crises. The 1

8 country s agricultural sector is in crisis, social sectors such as health and education have collapsed and the majority of the population is struggling to put food on the table. The Women and Land in Zimbabwe (2007: 3), noted that at least 75% of the population is living below the poverty datum line of which women are the majority. The number of rural poor and the percentage of rural poor living below the poverty datum line have increased by 5, 6 % and to 52, 9 % respectively between 1995 and 2006 (Rural Poverty Portal, 2009). The situation is partly an outcome of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) which began in 2000 and was officially declared over in In my view, the FTLRP represents a break from the past land reform policies in Zimbabwe. Its nature and impacts still evoke a lot of debates years after it has been declared officially over. The FTLRP remains a principal factor in understanding the economic collapse, political instability, social differentiation and marginalization in the country. Richardson in his analysis of the Zimbabwean situation, in relation to the land reform, concluded that the fast land reform was the primary driver of Zimbabwe s sudden collapse (Richardson, 2005: 542). Although Richardson s view is debatable because there are other factors, such as politics, the FTLRP certainly played a significant role in shaping the current economic, political and social situations in the country. According to Alexander (2009: 194), Grinding impoverishment and staggering inequalities are the order of the day in Zimbabwe not the promised nationalist democratic revolution. Furthermore, the country is attempting to forge a Government of National Unity (GNU) between the main political parties, though the success of the Global Political Agreement is yet to be seen 1. The Government of National Unity may see the country undertaking some economic and social reconstruction and development. However, this is not an easy undertaking. Among other problems such as poor agricultural production, one of the major problems that policy makers have to grapple with are the socio-economic and political consequences of the FTLRP on different categories of people, particularly women. There is no doubt that agriculture remains at the core of national development in Zimbabwe yet gender equality in terms of access, ownership and control of land remains problematic. This thesis acknowledges the important roles women play in agriculture, food 1 The Global Political Agreement is the agreement signed between the conflicting ZANU-PF and MDC parties in September 2008 which has culminated in the Government of National Unity in March

9 security, labor reproduction and national development. However, as the thesis will discuss in detail below, women are underrepresented in land reform policy and practice and, academic literature. In my view, the gender dimensions of land reform are fundamentally imperative in articulating issues of food security, poverty, human and women s rights, economic growth, sustainable development and democratic deficiencies in Zimbabwe. Problem statement and justification The problem that has informed this thesis is the lack of a solid gender analysis of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTRLP) particularly focusing on the socio-economic and political consequences of the programme for women. A number of discourses have been developed in academic literature to capture the different facets of the FTLRP. From the available scholarly literature, the FTLRP is represented as an issue of politics, class struggles, conflict and racial demographics (Moyo and Skalness 1990, Moyo 1999, Moyo and Matondi 2003, Rutherford and Amonor-Wilks 2000, Moyo and Yeros 2003, Moyo, Bernstein, 2003, Sithole et al 2004, Chaumba, Wolmer and Scoones 2005). Scholars who have studied the impacts of and emerging socioeconomic differentiation from the FTLRP have paid more attention to other factors than gender. In my view, women have been represented narrowly depending on the aim of the research. The way women have been theoretically involved in the FTLRP policy frameworks as well as practically in implementation remains largely questionable and a matter of concern. According to the Women and Land in Zimbabwe (WLZ, 2007: 3), women constitute 52% of the population and 86% of those residing in rural areas, are dependent on land for their livelihoods and they provide 70% of all agricultural labor. One would expect that women were considered an integral part of the FTLRP in line with their important roles in agricultural production and labor reproduction. However, the gendered outcomes of the FTLRP, especially the consequences on different categories of women still remain problematic in theory and policy practice. Kesby, 1999: 38) noted that: Unfortunately, debates on land reform are constructed around issues of race and economic efficiency, leaving those related to gender as a set of largely unanalyzed set of assumptions. 3

10 In my view, it seems there are some gender blind discourses which assume that land reform is gender neutral. In this regard, this research makes a gender analysis, using the Critical Discourse Analysis approach in order to come up with a clear understanding of the socioeconomic and political consequences of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme for women in Zimbabwe. The thesis takes a gender perspective focusing on women for a number of reasons. There is substantial empirical evidence that show that women in Africa, as a social identity or category, have been historically marginalized and excluded in terms of access, ownership and control of resources particularly land. Peters and Peters (1998: ), noted that women in Sub- Saharan Africa produce between 60 and 80 percent of agricultural foodstuffs and cash crops yet they lack legal access to land and support services for production and distribution. According to the late president Nyerere, Women in Africa toil all their lives on land they do not own, to produce what they do not control and at the end of the marriage through death or divorce, may be sent away empty handed (Cited in Mgugu, 2008: 9). Women in Zimbabwe are no exceptions. According to the Women and Land in Zimbabwe (2007: 3), culturally a woman in Zimbabwe, like in many other African countries with patriarchal systems of lineage, can only access land through a male relatives. Since independence in 1980, up to the late 1990s, Zimbabwe was the largest exporter of maize in Southern Africa and this maize was produced by approximately 86% of the population which lives in rural areas. Women constitute the majority of the labor in agricultural production in rural Zimbabwe (WLZ, 2007: 3). Mgugu (2008: 3), noted that 70% of the agricultural exports came from women in small-scale farming. However, the paradox is that despite their crucial roles in national production and reproduction, women constitute the majority of the poor in Zimbabwe. Mgugu and Chimonyo, in Masiiwa, (2004: 154) noted that Women in Zimbabwe are the poorest of the poor and also have the least access to property and, have very low levels of education amongst a host of other negative social impacts. The WLZ (2007: 4), noted that the highly inequitable land ownership pattern, which is a source of poverty and inequality, is reflected by disproportionate land ownership patterns. Furthermore, Mbaya (2002: 2) noted that 57 percent of Female Headed Households (FHH) in Zimbabwe was poorer as compared to 40 percent of male headed households. The author further highlighted that 72 percent of the FHH fell into combined poor and very poor categories. This trend is worsening with the economic crisis prevailing in the country and is likely to continue 4

11 if no appropriate policies are undertaken. The thesis considers the social differences among women such as race, ethnicity, age, marital status, political affiliation, economic status and geographical locations. However, it is beyond the scope of this study to consider all the different social identities of women in depth. Moreover, the gendered dimension of the HIV and AIDS pandemics in Zimbabwe is driven by gender inequalities which cause women to be more vulnerable to the virus and the disease. According to Bhatasara (2008: 3), a combination of economic disempowerment and socio- cultural arrangements continue to place women in Zimbabwe in precarious positions as compared to their male counterparts with regards to HIV and AIDS. Thus, the empowerment of women through access to land is certainly a fundamental factor in addressing HIV and AIDS and poverty. In addition, the World Bank (2009), noted that women s empowerment is especially important for determining a country s demographic trends trends that affect its economic success and environmental sustainability. In this regard, it is worthwhile to do a gender analysis focusing on women. This thesis aims to contribute to the literature on fast track land reform in particular and land reform in general by taking a gender perspective and arguing that the specific productivity, capability and power needs of women should form an integral part of land reform policy discourses. The thesis adds to the understanding of some of the realities women face in accelerated and state-led policies, especially when the state is facing legitimacy crisis and oppositional politics. The thesis will also provoke future debates by highlighting the contradictions and challenges from the FTLRP that have trivialized the efforts by women groups and gender activists to promote gender equality. The thesis builds on my knowledge of land issues, attained in undergraduate and post-graduate studies in rural development and policy studies. Most importantly my personal experiences with displaced farm workers provide insight in this study. The limitation of this thesis is that it focuses on women only. Gender is not only about women thus women are not the only social category that has been affected by the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. The failure to consider other social groups such as men and children makes this thesis limited in terms of informing post land reform policies. An integrated gender analysis that focuses on all social categories of people would provide 5

12 adequate data on the socio-economic and political consequences of the FTLRP for all Zimbabweans and make sense in post land reform development. Research questions In order to address the above problem, the research will answer the following question and the sub questions below: What are the socio-economic and political consequences of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) for women in Zimbabwe? Sub- questions 1. What was the nature FTLRP? What were the objectives of the programme? What were the driving forces? What were the politics of the FTLRP? 2. How were women involved in shaping the FTLRP? What policy platforms existed for women? At what levels did women participate? To what extent did women participate? 3. What were the impacts of the FTLRP on the poverty of women? 4. What policy recommendations can be given? Methodological and theoretical considerations This section discusses the merits of the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach as a methodological framework and the Human Rights Based approach to Development (HRBD) and, the Capability Approach (CA) as conceptual perspectives for analyzing the socioeconomic and political consequences of the FTLRP for women in Zimbabwe. This research is based on literature review and relies heavily on scholarly journals, reports, policy documents/ statements, articles and books on land and land reform and the FTLRP. 6

13 A number of scholars acknowledge that the term discourse is slippery thus; it does not have a unitary definition. The term discourse has been conceptualized in relation to power, ideology and can be understood in relation to social structural problems such as race, gender and class. Jorgensen and Phillips (2002: 6-11), define discourse as a particular way of talking about and understanding the world or aspect of the world. Horkeimer in Fairclough (2009: 133), noted that To draw the consequences for political action from critical perspectives is the aspiration of those who have serious intentions yet there is no prescription but it is the necessity for insight into one s own responsibility. Taylor (2004: 1-20), regarded CDA as a framework for systematic analysis of multiple and competing policy discourses. Taylor also noted that CDA is a valuable tool or resource for policy research because it is critical and committed to progressive social change (Taylor 2004: 1-20). The CDA approach allows us to understand policy problems mediated by ideology and power by looking at the FTLRP through the analysis of secondary texts, books, journals, policy documents and political statements and actions. More detail on the CDA approach can be found in Appendix 1. This thesis analyzes the diminishing spaces for women using the CA and HRBD. The concept of space, which is used in the title of this thesis, is constructed from various perspectives. Space can be physical space referring to land. Goebel (1999: 77) in her analysis of resettlement schemes in Zimbabwe conceptualized land as gendered space. It is gendered in the sense that its ownership and control is gendered. Goebel articulated how women fitted in each space, meaning in different resettlement schemes (Goebel 1999: 78). Space can also refer to opportunity or platform. The opportunity can be social, institutional, economic or political. These social, institutional, economic and political opportunities can take the form of laws, policies and financial mechanisms The complexity of the FTLRP in terms of its aims, power dynamics, the way it was implemented and ultimately the socio-economic and political consequences on various groups of people, particularly women, cannot be analyzed within a single framework. The thesis employs Sen s Capability Approach (CA), the Human Rights Based approach to Development (HRBD) and borrows from scholars who use structural materialist feminism. Sen (1992: 40) defined Capability as a person s or group s freedom to achieve valuable functinonings. Sen placed emphasis on freedom of agency and what individuals or groups are able to do and achieve. According to Robeyns (2002: 8): 7

14 Capability Approach is a framework for evaluating and assessing social arrangements, standard of living, inequality, poverty, justice and quality of wellbeing. According to the Capability Approach, the ends of well-being, justice and development should be conceptualized in terms of people s capabilities to function; the capability approach evaluates policies according to their impact on people s capabilities. It asks whether people are being healthy and whether the means or resources necessary for this capability are present.... Some scholars argue that Sen does not give a substantial criterion of capabilities because he wants to avoid paternalism and elitism. Sen (1992: 42-46), noted that the selection of capabilities on which to focus on is a value judgment thus, he has refrained from giving priority to any set of capabilities. In that regard, one can contextualize capabilities. Clark (2005: ), notes that Sen claims that being able to live long,escape avoidable morbidity, be able to read, write and communicate and take part in literary and scientific pursuits and so forth are all examples of valuable capabilities. Sen s approach asks whether people have the capability to have things such as access to doctors, clean water, basic knowledge on health issues and protection from infections and diseases. It questions whether people are well-nourished, and whether the conditions for each capability, such as having sufficient food supplies and food entitlements, are being met. In addition, it asks whether people have access to real political participation, to community activities and to high-quality educational systems that support them to cope with struggles in daily life. This thesis acknowledges the definitional problems in defining poverty and its multidimensional nature, thus a working definition used in this thesis is borrowed from Amartya Sen. Sen (2000: 1-48) defines poverty as capability failure or capability deprivation. This thesis adopts this definition to analyze how the FTLRP affected the poverty of women. In addition, land reform can also be conceptualized as a human rights issue. Wisborg (2002: 1-28) noted that land reform ethically, politically and strategically interface with human rights. Zimbabwe is a signatory to both the international and the African Charter on human and women s rights. The context of policy making, legal framework, implementation and the outcomes of the FTLRP are essentially closely linked to the human rights of all citizens of Zimbabwe. Hellum and Derman (2004: ) noted that the FTLRP was a highly centralized and discretion-based political process not rights or human rights based. Ikhahl et al (2005: 1-48), noted that The Fast Track Land Reform Programme was legitimized ex post facto through constitutional changes. The state largely adopted a 8

15 state-centric rights approach 2. Thus the thesis uses the Human Rights Based approach to Development (HRBD). The UNDP, (2001:2), has noted that A human rights-based approach provides both a vision of what development should strive to achieve (to secure the freedom, well-being and dignity of all people everywhere), and a set of tools and essential references (human rights standards and principles). Furthermore, Sen (2005: 1), noted that human rights and capabilities go well with each other, so long as we do not try to subsume either concept entirely within the territory of the other. In my view, the constrains on women s participation during the Fast Track Land Reform Programme can be viewed as structural in nature reflecting state power dynamics and the ability of the state to use both modern and traditional power structures to implement the FTLRP. By using structuralist materialist feminism, one is able one to take a deconstructionist approach towards state- led policies or what Pearson and Jackson (1998) termed state developmentalism. The deconstructive tendencies allow one to analyze the complexities and contradictions within the FTLRP. Borrowing from Jackson (1995: 11-27), one can only be able to understand the position of women as a product of socio-economic and political structures. Structuralist materialist feminism looks at dominant structural regimes, ideologies and material forces that distribute economic resources and power unequally between men and women. Hennessy and Ingraham (1997: ) noted that materialist feminism looks at the distribution of wealth in the context of historically prevailing national and state interests.... Thus, structuralist materialist feminism can enable one to problematize the position of women in state dynamics of material accumulation and political power consolidation within the FTLRP. Overview From the above discussion, it can be noted that the FTLRP remains an important factor in understanding the prevailing situation in Zimbabwe. The lack of a solid gender analysis of the FTLRP with regards to the position of women is problematic as shown above. Thus, the thesis is organized in the following manner: The first chapter analyzes the historical discourses on land and land reform with a focus on women. This is organized in two sections. The first section gives the general historical analysis of land and land reform in Zimbabwe. It focuses on the colonial land polices and land reform policies by the post colonial government 2 By amending laws, reforming the judiciary system and constitutional amendments the government decided what could be law or rights from its own reference. 9

16 and their weaknesses. The second section analyzes the discourses on land and land reform from a gender perspective highlighting how women s access to, ownership and control of land have evolved from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The second chapter investigates the FTLRP, its aims, driving forces and politics in the first section. The second section establishes the extent to which the FTLRP created spaces for women to participate. The participation of women is defined in terms of how women were involved in the FTLRP at policy and implementation level. In the third chapter, the thesis analyzes the socioeconomic and political consequences of the FTLRP for women by focusing specifically on the impacts of the programme on the poverty of women. Poverty is defined using Amartya Sen s Capability Approach. In the final chapter, the paper suggests some policy recommendations not only for post-land reform reconstitution but agrarian development. 10

17 Chapter One: Historical Discourses on land with a focus on women Introduction The land questions in Zimbabwe are not ahistorical. The struggles for land are embedded in a colonial past and the post-colonial government s land policies during the first two decades of independence. The ambition of the post-colonial government to address the land concerns has been paralleled by discourses of gender equality and women s empowerment. Where women are located in the land reform policies remains controversial in the broader discourse of land and land reform in Zimbabwe. This chapter analyzes the historical discourses on land and land reform and how women s access to, ownership and control of land have evolved since the pre-colonial period to the post-independence era. This forms the basis of chapter two and it will be interesting to see later points of departure or continuity in analyzing the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTRLP). History of land and land reform in Zimbabwe The land questions are fundamental in understanding a wide range of issues in Zimbabwe. A plethora of meanings are attached to land ranging from land as a contested national resource, a means for identity creation, a boundary between political parties and a source of livelihood. The issue of land evokes emotions, can cause political unrest and may lead to violent uprisings. In my view, there are multiple and contentious discourses and debates on land reform in Zimbabwe. Moyo and Matondi (2003: 73-95), frame the land issue in terms of conflict and struggles as well as complex and competing social and political tendencies. These complexities and struggles have their roots in British colonialism. Robin Palmer (1977) focused on colonial discourses and argues that the land issue in Zimbabwe is rooted in settler land alienation, eviction and racial discrimination (In Alexander, 2009: 2). Thus, colonial land laws such the Land Apportionment Act of , The Land Husbandry Act of and the land Tenure Act of , gave some legal backing to colonial land expropriation. The settler regime marginalized the black peasantry to overcrowded low fertile areas and created a system of proletarianization that forced black 3 The Land Apportionment Act (LAA) of 1930 formalized separation by law of land between blacks and whites 4 The Native Land Husbandry Act of 1951 enforced private ownership of land, destocking and conservation practices 5 The Land Tenure Act of 1969 replaced the LAA and divided land equally between minority whites and majority blacks 11

18 men into exploitative wage labor. In my view, there is no doubt that the land questions were the impetus for mass resistance, nationalist uprisings and the war of liberation. According to Degorges and Reilly (2007: ), at independence in 1980, white farmers controlled 40% of the country s total land area, including 67% of the country s high potential land, while 700,000 smallholder households were crowded into marginal and degraded Tribal Trust Lands most of which lay in semi-arid parts of the country or in areas with poor soil. It was against this background that the new post colonial government sought to address the historical imbalances and inequalities in land ownership through land redistribution. The land redistribution in the first two decades after independence can be framed in different ways. Kinsey (2004: 1669), noted that the proponents of land redistribution immediately after independence aimed at addressing unequal land distribution, rectify land scarcity in communal areas and provide economic opportunities for the economy. In normative terms, land redistribution in the early 1980s aimed at addressing historical inequalities which had led to most of the productive land to accumulate in the hands of the white minority. In political discourse, the government advocated nationalist and socialist discourses of a new society founded on unity and egalitarianism. According to Alexander (2009: 186), Moyo (1995) demonstrated the rationality of land redistribution in terms of economic efficiency while also stressing political and moral claims. Moyo and Skalness (1990: ) noted that land redistribution was also framed in terms of ecology whereby the government wanted to decongest the former reserves created by the white settlers and modernize production. Goebel (1999: 75), agrees with the ecological dimension of Moyo and Skalness (1990: ) but called it the paradigm of sustainable development. Land redistribution and resettlement was also to increase productivity and Bernstein (2003: ), noted that this was based on the paradigm of agricultural economics. This thesis notes that government policy shifted during the two decades. The land reform immediately after independence focused on effectively landless families/people, returning refugees 6, unemployed and poor families (Government of Zimbabwe, 1986, in Masiiwa: 2004: 2). In 1985, the government shifted its policies to include communal area reorganization, infrastructural development and emphasis on productivity by experienced communal farmers and those with Master Farmer certificates. Moyo (1999: 5-28) noted that 6 Returning refugees were Zimbabweans who had fled to Zambia, Mozambique and other neighbouring countries during the war 12

19 during the period of neoliberalism the government shifted from landlessness, equity and poverty to notions of capacity to farm and productivity. In my view, this was serious departure from nationalist land redistribution promised to people at independence and it had painful consequences for the landless and poor. Moyo and Yeros (2005) have stressed the high costs of the neo-liberal policy for communal area farmers and workers in terms of production and incomes. The government also adopted the indigenization discourse and black empowerment discourses this same period when land reform became more market oriented. The government enacted the Land Acquisition Act in which allowed the government to compulsorily acquire land with fair compensation to white farmers. There was also a policy shift from the neoliberal approach towards a statist/nationalist approach which saw the government compulsorily acquiring land from white farmers towards the late 1990s. Moyo (1999: 5-28) noted that the government managed to acquire farms in 1997 and settled households on 3, 5 million hectares of land. A number of arguments and conclusions can be drawn from the land redistribution in the first two decades of independence. Kinsey (2004: 1689) concluded that early resettlement schemes by the government had important failures in terms of poverty alleviation and productivity and there was no net gain in terms of relieving pressure in communal areas. However, Kinsey (2004: 1689) acknowledged that there were significant successes and calls the resettlement Phase-1 period Zimbabwe s Golden Age. In my view, this representation by Kinsey is rather exaggerated considering that from a target of families, the government managed to resettle only families between and resettled only families between 1985 and 1990 (Masiiwa, 2004: 3). Deininger, Hoogeveen and Kinsey (2004: ), concluded that economic returns of land resettlements in the 1980s yielded positive economic returns though they were modest. However, economic returns varied with regions. Gasper (1990) presents two opposing arguments by expressing disappointment in terms of the low number of people resettled given that the government had the chance. At the same time, Gasper argues that it was a rational choice because the government faced a number of constraints. Kinsey (2004) presented the same argument that the government faced constraints mainly from the Lancaster House 7 The land Acquisition Act was meant to speed land redistribution by revising the willing buyer/willing seller clause, limiting size of farms, introducing land tax and empowering the government to compulsorily acquire land (Government of Zimbabwe, 1999) 13

20 Constitution 8, lack of finance and opposition. However, Masilela and Rankin (1998: 11-29) dispute that there were any form of constraints on the ZANU PF government. On the contrary, Herbst (In Moyo and Skalness, 1990: ), viewed the government failure to resettle a substantial number of people as a result of bureaucratic incapacity not constitutional constraints whilst Cliffe (1988: 4-25) argues that it was because of the power of commercial farmers which Kinsey (2004), called oppositional forces. Degorges and Reilly (2007: ), agree with some scholars that the early land redistribution did not benefit the rural poor and Goebel (1999) noted that the government did not fulfill its professed goal of resettling the rural poor. Moyo (1995: 5-28), noted that government corruption was another obstacle to land redistribution. Izumi (1999: 9-18), presented a different argument by saying that land reform in the 1980s was a compromise between white farmers and black elites. Arguably, there are indications that questions of poverty, social justice, resettling the landless and equality were somehow political rhetoric as government policy became predominantly centered around capacity, efficiency and productivity, a criteria suited to black elites and white commercial farmers. The government showed inconsistencies and contradictions in its policies towards land. Whereas there are plausible reasons why the government did not meet its targets such as exorbitant prices of land and the Lancaster House Constitution there is no good reason why the government could not look for other means to redistribute land instead of relying on willing buyer/willing seller that was constrained by the Lancaster House Constitution during the first decade of independence. One can argue that the government was not wholly committed to land reform during the first decade of independence. In my view, there was no threat to its hegemony thus the government was complacent. The government managed to counter the opposition political movement in 1989 by placing the land issue back on its main agenda, yet in terms of resettling people, nothing much changed. It is also interesting to note that even after the expiry of the Lancaster House Constitution and the government had enacted the Land Acquisition Act in 1992 the government did no redistribute land on a larger scale. Masiiwa (2004: 3-4) is of the view that about 400 farms were acquired between 1993 and 1994, but the bulk of these farms went to senior party officials. The 8 The Lancaster House Constitution was made from the Lancaster House Agreement signed in 1979 to lay out the procedures for independence for Zimbabwe and the land issue was framed in terms of willing buyer/willing seller that was to operate from 1980 to

21 government managed to resettle only families at the end of 1997 and this was almost the same number of households as those resettled between 1980 and Thus, in my view the argument that the government faced constitutional constraints is problematic. The apologetic discourses that continue to be perpetuated by some scholars that the government did not redistribute land because of the Lancaster House constitutional constraints are questionable Whereas the indigenization and black empowerment discourses are commendable considering the historical racial inequalities, the government did not do much but created a black landed elite. One would assume that if it was black empowerment it meant all blacks regardless of class, ethnicity and political connections. Moyo (1995: 5-28), documented the political scandals in 1994, which exposed the clandestine land allocations by top government officials. Thus, contrary to views that there were external pressures, the government derailed land reform. Masiiwa (2004: 3-4), noted that the Controller and Auditor- General s Report (1993) indicated that some chefs in the government and in the ruling class allocated themselves land ahead of the landless peasants under the indigenization rhetoric. As, in the colonial times, land continued to be an instrument of class formation veiled in the rhetoric of land redistribution. One can also argue that the government s land redistribution did not succeed in alleviating poverty and landlessness because of wrong targeting and exclusion. The government quickly switched to selecting beneficiaries based on capacity in its 1985 revision of land policies thus sidelining the ideas of landlessness. Most landless people did not benefit because of the modernist discourses of efficiency and productivity that were adopted by the government. The Master Farmer discourse inherited from the colonial regime continued to be justified by sustainability principles. As espoused by Moyo (1995: 5-28), this approach led to widening rural differentiation and deep inequalities in land redistribution as most of the rural poor could not qualify. In my view, the argument that the government did not embark on serious land reform because of lack of capacity or finance does not hold so much water. There is evidence that there were donors who were supporting land reform such as the Overseas Development Assistance and the World Bank. The same applies to the argument by Kinsey (2004: ) and Cliffe (1988: 4-25) that the government was restricted by the power of oppositional forces or commercial farmers. The power of commercial farmers has been 15

22 overstated in an attempt to justify the failure of government to give land to the landless and poor. There are signs of complacency and lack of commitment on the government part. Masiiwa (2004: 4-5), noted that other factors such as policy exclusion, inappropriate land tenure led to failure of the land reform. It should be noted that the government had funds to go to war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1997 but failed to redistribute land. Therefore, land reform during the first two decades of independence reflects predominantly a combination of politics of state formation, class interests, ecological concerns, and production and efficiency issues. It can be noted that the discourses of inequality, justice, poverty and landlessness of the rural peasants were marginalized in the political discourses of land redistribution. Whilst one can acknowledge that some people who were resettled benefited in terms of increase in incomes and poverty alleviation, land reform during the first two decades of independence was largely unsuccessful. It is important to note that there are categories of people in the above analysis who have received so much attention in literature such as those termed the landless poor, peasants, the elites and master farmers. There are other important categories that are not systematically considered such as women and this forms the basis for this thesis. The above discussion on land and land reform in Zimbabwe lacks a gender analysis. In my view, the historical positions of women in terms of access to, ownership and control of land deserve an independent analysis so as to avoid submerging the gender discourses under the general discourses on land and land reform in Zimbabwe. The following section thus, gives detailed historical gender perspectives on land, land reform and women in Zimbabwe. Historical discourses on land, land reform and women The gendered discourses on access, ownership and control of land in pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial societies in Zimbabwe are still controversial. Analytical distinctions among access to land, ownership and control should also be made. Access to land, which is common in Zimbabwe, can be direct whereby women use land in their own right or indirectly though husbands or kin members. Women may have access to land that they do not own. Moreso, women may own land but they may not control the produce from the land. Women can also control agricultural production decisions on land they do not own. Goebel (1999:77), noted that African women peasant farmers are in a contradictory position of autonomy by way of de facto headship of household and dependency and vulnerability by an ideology that maintain 16

23 supremacy of male authority over land in the absence of men. This refers mostly to rural areas where men who are in urban areas still control land that their wives work on in rural areas. According to Mgugu (2003,) cited by Mpahlo, (2005: 1), since time immemorial women in Zimbabwe have lacked access and control of land. However, Jacobs (1995: ), is of the view that we cannot draw conclusive arguments because the literature is scarce and based on racist accounts of colonial administrators and missionaries. In my view, access and control are different thus Mgugu s view is questionable. However, there is evidence that shows that in pre- colonial societies, predominantly the Shona and Ndebele, kinship and patrilineage formed the basis for economic organization. Male members of the patrilineage had the power and authority to distribute land to other male members who were heads of households (Peters and Peters, 1998:186). Whilst tradition and custom in the Shona society recognized the roles of women in agricultural production, women had no direct access to land. As noted by some scholars, land belonged to men and women s access to land was mediated through men (Gaidzanwa 1981, 1988, Goebel 1999, Jacobs 1992, Mpahlo 2003). Peters and Peters (1998: 187) acknowledged that married women got small pieces of land to grow female crops, unmarried daughters got land from their kinsmen and older women could even own cattle. Jacobs (1995: ) also noted that women were treated differently in Shona societies showing some rights and autonomy depending on age, number of children and marital status. On the contrary, Ndebele women were more dependent because of the economic organization based on livestock and militarism. One would agree with Schmidt (1988) that we should contextualize the situation of women in different societies as studies have focused more on dominant patriarchal societies and sidelined the matriarchal ones such as the Tonga. On the contrary, some scholars present an egalitarian discourse of precolonial Zimbabwean society by arguing that pre-colonial societies were not based on inequality and women held important positions of power in other areas such as religion. Whilst this may be the case, it is rather overromanticiziting the pre-colonial societal structures. In my view, if pre-colonial societies were not already discriminatory towards women, it would have been very difficult to impose a totally new system during British colonialism. The dominant pre-colonial societies were based on patrilineage and patriarchal structures that fostered male domination and women s economic marginalization. Within the 17

24 structures of economic organization, land formed the basis for power and authority and the fact that women did not have direct access meant they were not able to make important decisions in the household or community thus becoming subordinate. In my view, settler colonialism led to land expropriation and alienation of the peasantry and aggravated the situation of women in accessing land. The colonial regime combined foreign ideologies, sexist discourses and local customary traditions and, ultimately widened structural economic inequalities between men and women. The customary practices were misinterpreted and became the basis for women s exclusion from access to land. Customary practices were incorporated into colonial laws of segregation and this produced a strong hierarchical and authoritarian leadership under indirect rule. According to Vodrovitch 1997, (In Mgugu (2008: 5-6), The fusion of Victorian ideologies, Roman and Dutch laws produced a very strong ideology of male supremacy. There is substantial evidence that the colonial land administration laws affected women more negatively than men. Mpahlo (2003) noted that the Land Tenure Act of 1969 further marginalized women as it gave widows and divorcees only very small portions of family land and they could not transfer the land. Gaidzanwa (1981:1-10) noted that women lacked access to means of production and distribution as land became scarce. Other authors echo the same arguments that married women who used to get small pieces of land to grow female crops could not do so because of land constraints (Peters and Peters 1998: 189, Jacobs 1992:5-34). Women could only have very limited usufruct rights to land of their husbands or fathers. This increased their dependency and subordination. The development of capitalist agriculture led to the comodification of land. The Native Husbandry Act of 1951 led to individual tenure and farming rights for men thus, those rights for women that were guaranteed under the lineage system were lost. It is clear that with further shortage of land and fragmentation of landholdings by the Tribal Trust Lands Act of , women lost their usufruct rights as the Tribal Trust Lands became degraded homelands because of population pressure. There are also some contradictions created by the colonial regime through proletarianization of the peasants. As a result of taxes, most rural men were forced into the migrant wage labor and women automatically became heads of households. Women were now in control of agricultural production but as Gaidzanwa (1988:3-6) puts it, women 9 The Tribal Trust Land Act changed the names of native reserves and created trustees for land 18