Kwame Nkrumah's Social-Political Thought and Pan-African Movement Mjiba Frehiwot, MSW, PhD

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1 Kwame Nkrumah is an iconic Pan-African figure who impacted the lives of millions of people of Africans both n continent and in the Diaspora. His work is credited with dramatically influencing the independence movement in Africa and the fact that Ghana was the 1 st Sub- Saharan African country to gain independence. Despite his undeniable impact on Pan- Africanism, Nkrumah s vision is neither fully understood or broadly implemented. Outside of Ghana, many Africans are introduced to Osageyfo Kwame Nkrumah and Pan-Africanism by chance, likely in an African history class or through a Pan-African organization. Fortunately for me, I was introduced to Kwame Nkrumah and Pan-Africanism as an undergraduate student in 1996 at San Jose State University as a student activist and participant in a study abroad program that gave me the opportunity to study at the University of Ghana, Legon. While in Ghana, I developed a healthy interest in Pan-Africanism. As my interest grew, I concluded that Nkrumah and the Convention People s Party (CPP) should be at the center of all Pan-African conversations. As a doctoral student at Howard, pursuing a degree in African studies, I became further engrossed with his selfless commitment to liberating Ghana, Africa and the African Diaspora. This paper reflects on his socio-political thought and its impact on the Pan-African Movement. Political Philosophy Nkrumah s political philosophy guided his socio-political policies and interactions with other African nations and the African Diaspora. Nkrumah believed that colonial powers were directly responsible for Ghana and Africa s economic, political, cultural, and social underdevelopment. His political work and speeches reflect his belief that gaining independence, both politically and economically, was the initial step in achieving sustainable development. In the Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare, Nkrumah described the relationship between imperialism and neo-colonialism, It is precisely the increasing dependence of the imperialist system on neo-colonialist exploitation on an international scale which renders its existence so precarious, and its future so uncertain (p 13: 1968). The relationship between imperialism and neo-colonialism is a central element in his philosophy, its implementation and achieving his vision of Pan-Africanism. The relationship between social classes, the mode of production, and economic resources is a key component of Nkrumah s political thought. Like philosophers before him, Nkrumah emphasized class divisions as central to capitalist societies. Nkrumah saw that non-socialist societies comprise the subject class and the ruling class. The ruling class generally establishes political dominance and monopolizes economic production. The subject class is economically and politically dominated by the ruling class and ultimately serves their interests. Nkrumah, who subscribed to Marxism, also identified traditional African culture as the birthplace of communalism. Much like other Marxists, he believed that capitalism in Africa is a product of world-wide imperialism. Capitalism, which brought greed, corruption, individualism and class 1

2 division o Africa, is to Nkrumah the root of the continent s problems. In Class Struggle in Africa (1970), Nkrumah discussed the correlation between social classes, ideology, and socio-political development. Every form of political power, whether parliamentary, multi-party, one-party or open military dictatorship, reflects the interest of a certain class or classes in society. In socialist states, the government represents workers and peasants. In capitalist states, the government represents the exploiting class. The state then, is the expression of the domination of one class over other classes (p.17). Ideology is an elusive aspect of every nation which operates from a set of ideas, principles, and morals that drives domestic and international policies. Ideology is transferred from the ruling class to the general population through institutions of learning. The primary modes of transmission are education, arts, media, politics and entertainment. The ideology of a society is total. It embraces the whole life of a people, and manifests itself in their class-structure, history, literature, art, religion. It also acquires a philosophical statement. If an ideology is integrative in intent, that is to say, if it seeks to introduce a certain order which will unite the actions of millions towards specific and definite goals, then its instruments can also be seen as instruments of social control. It is even possible to look upon coercion as a fundamental idea in society (p.59). Nkrumah incorporated the ideological impact of society into his political philosophy and as such he attempted to integrate this philosophy into the policies of the CPP. The transmission of the dominant ideology to the general population allows them to advocate for it even if it is negatively affecting them. Because the dominant ideology is controlled by the ruling class, the general population does not have the option to challenge it. In some instances, the general population is not aware that they are being governed by an ideology and adhere to it without awareness. Nkrumah was attempting to transform the ideology of society by changing the mindset of individual Ghanaians. Ultimately, transforming an individual s ideology would result in completely re-vamping the collective consciousness. While Nkrumah s politico-cultural thought incorporated his philosophical background and his experience abroad, it did not negate the importance of traditional African culture. He articulates his political philosophy in a declaration made on July 10, The right of a people to decide their own destiny, to make their way in freedom, is not to be measured by the yardstick of colour or degree of social development (1973, p. 103). Nkrumah believed the basic right of self-governance was well overdue for the people of the Gold Coast. Without embracing capitalism and the class structure, he operated under the premise that a new nation needed international corporations and/or western capital to function. He examined the relationship between Ghana and its financiers in an effort to identify a positive plan of action for the new nation. The primary question for Ghana, like all new nations according to Nkrumah, was how to maintain control over their institutions and resources, while prohibiting Western capital from impoverishing citizens. Nkrumah resisted neo-colonialism in Ghana but advocated that the only way for an African nation to fully resist it, they must study capitalism, imperialism, and neo- 2

3 colonialism; unite as a continent to fight the evils of neo-colonialism; and operate under a socialist economic and political system. Although it is not apparent in all of his policies, Nkrumah was a self-proclaimed socialist, and much of his political thought is grounded in Socialism. In Revolutionary Path (1973), he declared : Long before 1957, I made it clear that the two major tasks to be undertaken after the ending of colonial rule in Ghana would be the vigorous prosecution of a Pan-African policy to advance the African Revolution, and at the same time the adoption of measures to construct socialism in Ghana (Nkrumah, p. 125). To Nkrumah, socialism should be applied scientifically; nations should arrive at socialism by different paths depending on their culture and history. Most importantly, everywhere socialism is practiced, there should be an attempt to create a society where all citizens are free of exploitation and offered equal opportunity. Scientific socialism is dialectically opposed to capitalism and operates from the general premises that the society should be run and controlled by the producers that create the goods in society. Socialism features four primary premises for successful implementation: 1) collective ownership of the means of production and resources; 2) producing goods for consumption vs. for individual profit; 3) a planned economy utilizing the nation s strengths; and 4) the people hold all political power. According to Poe (2010), Nkrumah s political philosophy focused on helping the people of Africa gain economic, political, and social independence. Without independence in these three areas, Ghana and Africa would be operating with a false sense of achievement. Achieving political independence without economic independence left the door open for neo-colonialism to run amok (p. 105). Nkrumah s philosophy dictated his political career and his quest for national and continental unity. Although he was seeking national and continental unity and development, he was very aware of the ramifications of embracing capitalism and incorporating wholesale the corresponding Western economic system. This apprehension guided the way he interacted with international financial institutions, corporations and countries offering financial aid during the anti-colonial and post-independence periods. Cultural Philosophy All nations and groups of people have a culture, possessing similar attributes while maintaining unique features based on ethnicity, geography, and history. Culture manifests in all aspects of life and it continuously evolves. According to Sekou Toure in Revolution, Culture and Pan-Africanism (1978), Culture is thus for every society, a frame traced from its attainments which are the fruits of its past and present, a kind of life shaped according to the demands of the present and the future as well as a creative and driving force of which it is at the same time the source and the consumer (p, 80). Culture is manipulated and grows based on achievements or setbacks in a particular community. 3

4 The importance of using the positive aspects of culture and transforming the negative is reinforced in many of Nkrumah s speeches and writings. He embraced classical African history while denouncing tribalism and during the campaign for liberation, cited Africa s glorious past as proof of its ability to achievement. Although it is a product of culture, history is a significant force in world politics and can in turn influence a nation s culture. Nkrumah believed it was necessary to re-write African history since post-slavery history was written by colonizers. According to Botwe-Asamoah, Nkrumah s vision of African culture has two distinct parts. The first segment is composed of the past achievements, the African genius and identity; the second part is the creation of institutions like the Ghana Young Pioneer Movement used to express African culture (p. 66). To Nkrumah, culture was much more than dancing, singing, and playing the drums. Culture encompassed all aspects of life, from the most micro component of society to the macro societal institutions. For example, the government and its ideological underpinnings was a manifestation of culture and a reflection of the overarching cultural framework in Ghana. His belief that culture could be used as a revolutionary force to change the mindset of Ghanaians and Africans alike, can be found in his cultural policies. The policy of Africanizing all sectors of Ghana was premised on the belief that it was important to infuse culture into politics. The African personality, first used by Edward Blyden around 1883 was re-introduced by Nkrumah during his tenure in Ghana. The African Personality speaks to an African People, which Nkrumah referred to as the African masses and which Sékou Touré often called the People s Class. It speaks to the behavior and character of organized entities in their attempt to establish an optimal zone for continued cultural development (Poe, 2010 p.10). Commitment to the idea of the African personality led to the creation of the first African Studies Institute on the African continent created to serve as the epicenter of African agency; the Institute opened at the University of Ghana, Legon in 1961 and served as a model for establishing educational institutions that would research, create, and preserve African culture. Nkrumah s speech The Flower of Learning (1) given at his installation as the first Chancellor of the University of Ghana, during the inauguration of the University, outlined the role that the University was expected to play in developing a renewed cultural outlook one that would decolonize the African mind. Quoted in Samuel Obeng s, Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah, he says; It is the Government s hope, however, that within a few years, the institute will have a firm basis of African scholarship and that it will become an internationally recognized centre for the advanced study of African history, language, sociology and culture and of contemporary African institutions. I am happy to learn that the Institute of African Studies is already committed to these objectives and I appreciate the efforts being made by the institute to give every student here some courses in African studies. This is vital if we should eradicate the colonial mentality which our contact with Europe has induced in us and rediscover ourselves with confidence and a distinct world outlook (Obeng,p. 138). 4

5 Nkrumah believed that the cultural transformation of the African intelligentsia and the African masses was directly related to achieving sustainable development and ensuring that countries would be are run by African nationals. Members of the various sectors of society are connected, often in conventional ways, such that when one group is transformed, everyone else will be affected. Under Nkrumah, this transformation took the form of developing the African personality. Nkrumah highlighted the important African traditions that historically drove the decisions of Africans across the continent. He argued that some aspects of African culture have been influenced by capitalism and must be wrestled back to their original form. Drawing on the strength of African culture, the African personality adjusts to meet the demands of the modern world. Nkrumah s recognition of the three distinct components of Africa s culture (Euro- Christian, Arab-Islamic, and traditional African) reinforced his commitment to include the totality of African culture in his thought and practice. The complexity of culture and its role in developing a national identity was not overlooked by Nkrumah; he advanced his policies by incorporating Ghanaian cultural practices into national life This was visible at all state events, where he was draped in Kente cloth and programs opened with traditional performances. He embraced the many dimensions of culture and keenly understood the need to utilize the positive aspects of Ghanaian culture and to discard the negative. Kwame Arhin reinforces this in his work, The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah (1982) when he says, Nkrumah perceived Africa s cultural predicament in dialectical terms: his mind worked dialectically. Cultural continuity and change presented him with several dialectical opposites (p. 17). Components of Nkrumah s cultural philosophy can be found in the development plans drafted between 1951 and The CPP did not create a specific cultural policy; they were determined to incorporate it into all other policies. This was especially true in the case of the launching of the Institute of African Studies at the University of Ghana-Legon. The multidimensional character of culture mirrors the different sectors of society. Much like Amilcar Cabral of Cape Verde in his book Return to the Source, Nkrumah believed culture played an active role in the liberation and development process and called on the realization of an African personality to assist with the cultural transformation. He agreed with Toure and Cabral that culture encompassed much more than dancing and singing; it was the totality of life and it influenced economics and politics. Nkrumah embedded this philosophy in post-independence Ghana by establishing institutions that reinforced the use of culture as a means of achieving sustainable development. Education Philosophy The root of Nkrumah s education philosophy dates back to the late 1920s during his time at the Achimota College in Ghana. Dr. Aggrey, is this first or last name? Please use his full name his teacher and mentor, introduced him to nationalist thought and education s role in the nationalist movement. Kweku Smith, in his dissertation, Kwame Nkrumah: Philosophy of Education for Ghana (2000), observes that, Just as Nkrumah s formal philosophy attempts to understand reality as a whole by explaining it in the most transformative, humanistic, and 5

6 systematic manners, his philosophy of education also seeks to comprehend education in its entirety, interpreting it by means of humanistic concepts that will guide the choice of traditional educational principles and practices for the purpose of participatory democracy in Ghana (p. 83). Nkrumah further developed his philosophy as a student at the University of Pennsylvania. In a presentation in 1943 at the Thirtieth Annual Schoolmen s Week Proceedings, he outlined education trends and potential in West Africa: If education is life, then the weakness of the school system in West Africa is evident. The activities of these schools should be made to relate to the life of the people so as to equip and fit them to meet their varied life demands (University of Pennsylvania, 1943 p. 89) This presaged his long-term education policy in Ghana from 1957 to 1966, much of which attempted to train Ghanaians and other Africans to meet life s demands. In an article in Educational Outlook, (1941) he concretely described his understanding of the purpose of education. [E]ducation should lead the individual into the highest, fullest, and most fruitful relationship with the culture and ideals of the society in which he finds himself, thereby fitting him for the struggle of life (p. 87). This is the purest definition of education. Nkrumah, however, manipulated this definition to support the independence struggle, seeing it as a vehicle he could use to empower Africans. The distinction between obtaining education for purely personal gains, versus for the overall wealth of community, was an important aspect of his philosophy. This perspective drove his administration s formal and informal education policies. He argued that education was the foundation for the development of Ghana and unification of Africa. He outlined this belief at the Conference of Teachers Association in 1961 as quoted in Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah (1997). In our present circumstances in Ghana, it is not enough that anyone should acquire knowledge for its own sake. We are not impressed by the mere acquisition of knowledge. Such knowledge becomes impressive only when it is applied to achieve positive and practical results for the benefit of mankind (Obeng, p. 55). Education, as a tool for empowering both the individual and society, was an idea Nkrumah reinforced throughout his tenure. In his speech, The African Genius, he challenged Ghanaians to use their education to raise political consciousness and to contribute to nation building. Exposing the masses to political education, through both formal and informal programs, assisted them with committing to the political process. Nkrumah on numerous occasions stated that the plans for independence and unification would fail without the underlying support of the people. Inclusion of the people in the political process was an important aspect of winning their support. In Nkrumah s opinion, achieving sustainable development in Ghana was contingent on developing a quality formal and informal education system. He believed that learning was an ongoing interaction between an individual s heredity and environment. David Busumtwi-Sam in his book, Landmarks of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (2001), describes the impact of the individual and society on development. He describes the correlation as follows, Heredity determines what kind of an individual will develop, and what upper limits the development can eventually reach. On the other hand, the environment accelerates or retards the rate of development and determines 6

7 whether or not full development will actually be reached (p. 101). Colonialism manipulated Africa s environment and thus altered the ability of individual Africans to meet their full educational potential. Formal education specifically University and Polytechnic institutions were pivotal to the Ghana s development. These institutions served as the Mecca for training Africans and Ghanaian s to become part and parcel of the development process. During the years of the Convention Peoples Party s government Ghanaians were flocking to obtain both social science, historical and technical education to improve their lives and serve Ghana. Education s role in the development of society is no secret to society or Nkrumah as he declared at his installation as the First Chancellor of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, The university, therefore, has a unique opportunity for making a positive contribution to the development of Ghana by direction its attention not only to the production of graduates in engineering, architecture, building and town planning, but also by addressing itself to investigation and research into the problems of industrialization and agricultural development (Obeng, 1960, p. 55). The unique position of the University in the development of Ghana served as a mechanism to train a Pan-African Intelligentsia and cadre of individuals who would take their skills back to their respective communities. Prior to 1964, technical institutions and apprenticeship programs trained craftsmen and skilled workers. These positions enhanced the number of eligible and trained workers in Ghana. The training programs were re-vamped in 1964 and were expected to produce 4, 000 thousand employable individuals by Existing senior level technical institutes could only accommodate 150 students a year a clear deficiency. The Seven-Year Plan (1964) sought to increase this number to 350 enrolled students yearly, training an estimated 1200 new senior technicians by the scheduled end of the plan (p. 158). Clerical and commercial education was included in technical education. It was estimated that Ghana would need an additional 22,000 workers in these two fields by Individuals who choose to enter these fields could participate in part-time or in-service training. Additionally, as students emerged from middle school they had the option of entering a program that specialized in commercial and clerical skills. Senior level administrative staff would be drawn from a pool of students who completed secondary school and entered a one-year administrative course. (Convention People s Party, p. 158). Technical education was a very important and popular sector of the education system during this time period. There were training facilities in virtually every community throughout the country. In a speech delivered on April 6, 1961 at the Conference of Teachers, Association, as quoted in Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah. In the speech he reinforced the significance of technical education to the nation s development. It is necessary that technical courses should be provided at all levels in addition to the grammar school type of course which now exists. We need in fact to expand at all levels. At the primary level we have to aim at a completely literate working population. We need to expand the teacher training system to provide the teachers for university education. We need also to expand the secondary school system itself to feed our 7

8 universities continuously. Facilities for technical education should be extended so that our industrialization can move forward without over-dependence on imported skills. We need finally to expand and adapt our university system to provide a greater variety of courses which will have relevance to the needs of our country (Obeng, 1997 p. 56). Nkrumah s education philosophy, while significant, could not stand or function without his cultural and political philosophy. His educational policy was at the center of his cultural policy and ultimately the development of the African personality. His vision of the relationship between the nation and university is described in detail in a speech he delivered on November 29, 1961 titled, Flower of Learning at his inauguration as the first chancellor of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (as quoted in Samuel Obeng s, Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah). This university, therefore, has a unique opportunity for making a positive contribution to the development of Ghana by directing its attention not only to the production of graduates in engineering, architecture, building and town planning, but also by addressing itself to investigate and research into the problems of industrialization and agricultural development (Obeng, 1997 p. 152). Alternate institutions were introduced to improve the overall education and moral health of the nation. The creation of a network of theaters was an attempt to expose citizens to education through an alternative method; combining entertainment and education allowed leaders to introduce important knowledge to individuals of varying literacy levels. Nkrumah s education philosophy can best be described as a mechanism to empower and equip Ghanaians and Africans with the skills and information necessary to manage their own affairs and become agents in the development of the nation and Africa. Education to Nkrumah is the foundation for the establishment of a nation-state and Pan-Africanism. However, his view of education was much like his view of philosophy: in order to understand and use it effectively, one must critically analyze it from all angles. Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization The philosophical concept, consciencism, is one of the few African-centered theories that take into consideration the role of colonialism in Africa s development. In his signature book, Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization (1964), Nkrumah defines the philosophy this way; Consciencism is the map, in intellectual terms, of the disposition of forces which will enable African society to digest the Western and the Islamic and the Euro-Christian elements in Africa, and develop them in such a way that they fit into the African personality. This African personality is itself defined by the cluster of humanist principles which underlie the traditional African society. Philosophical consciencism is 8

9 that philosophical standpoint which, taking its start from the present content of the African conscience, indicates the way in which progress is forged out of the conflict in that conscience (p. 79). There are three main dimensions to consciencism: the ethical, metaphysical, and the political. As Boadi points in the The Ontology of Kwame Nkrumah s Consciencism and the Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa published in the Journal of Black Studies (when?) describes Consciencism as : a philosophy and an ideology that must stand behind the necessary social revolution that seeks the emancipation of the African continent through the restitution of the ethical egalitarianism of human society (p. 477). Unlike other philosophers, such as Marx and Engels, Nkrumah clarifies that consciencism asserted non-atheistic materialism. Traditional materialists adhere to the theory that matter is primary, thus negating the existence of spirit. The negation of spirit directly conflicts with the majority of African cultures. Nkrumah draws a connection between the presence of culture in African society and the existence of matter. Nkrumah s account of materialism confirms the fact that the basis is the independent existence of matter. Matter is, according to his understanding, is capable of self-motion. He asserts that philosophical consciencism implies the primary reality of matter versus matter being the sole reality. In essence, he embraces both the primacy of matter and the presence of soul and spirit. Nkrumah asserted the primacy of ideology. Consciencism s theory of matter and spirit is consistent with the Akan and Kushite cosmologies, which is the study of the physical universe and considered the totality of phenomena in time and space of Ancient Egypt. It acknowledges the primacy of matter without discounting the existence of spirit or a higher being (p. 477). Boadi asserts that, Diop (1974) shows that there is a common thread underlying the religious beliefs of Egyptians, Phoenicians, and Sabaeans, their reference to Anu, the primitive god of Kushite origin, a planetary week of seven days based on the sun, the moon, and the five planets known at the time (Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn), and an ontology of the cosmic Trinity (chaos, breath, and desire) that is primarily grounded in matter (p. 485). Consciencism, in comparison, is connected to African culture, both past and present. Nkrumah provides evidence that it is possible to believe in the primacy of matter while acknowledging the presence of spirit. Nkrumah, emphasized that in all societies; ideology generally is the basis for philosophical thought and content. In addition, the historical and cultural time frame positively or negatively influences the philosopher s outlook. Philosophy is an expression of the dominant ideology and can be described as a manifestation of culture. Philosophers may oppose a particular ideology and this would be evident in their thought. However, it is also possible that they would completely agree with the ideology and reinforce it. Subsequently, philosophy cannot exist without the existence of a corresponding or opposing ideology. Nkrumah confers with this statement in Consciencism: reference? Social milieu affects the content of philosophy, and the content of philosophy seeks to affect social milieu, either by confirming it or by opposing it. In either case, philosophy implies something of the nature of an ideology. In the case where the philosophy confirms a social milieu, it implies something of the ideology of that society. In the other 9

10 case in which philosophy opposes a social milieu, it implies something of the ideology of a revolution against that social milieu. Philosophy in its social aspect can therefore be regarded as pointing up an ideology (1964, p. 56). Ideology includes political, social, and moral theory. These theories become instruments to establish a particular set of behaviors that are translated in economic policy, social policy, and moral code of society. If ideology does not become intertwined with these threads of society, it will not be acceptable and will be relegated to the margins of society. Sekou Toure in Revolution, Culture and Pan-Africanism (1978) defines the relationship between society and ideology as interdependent. Societies that have multiple factions have competing ideologies. According to Nkrumah (1964) in Consciencism, in these societies there is one ideology that is dominant. The dominant ideology generally belongs to the ruling class or group (p. 57). The argument that is raised by Nkrumah appears to be compelling and reinforces that fact that this group generally directs all political, social, and economic activity. B.D.G Folson, in his article titled Ideology in African Politics published in Transition (1973) states that, at the time of independence, many African nations were operating under two very distinct ideologies one that was rooted in colonialism and one cemented with African liberation theology. Ghana also operated for many years with competing ideologies. Many of the institutions created by the British were still functioning. Egalitarianism, an important component of consciencism, is a philosophical principle embedded in most societies. The universal principles that it promotes can be traced back to traditional African culture. Egalitarianism does not mean everyone will be the same, as critics of socialism have argued. It celebrates the differences, for instance, between men and women, while not making these differences a dividing force. It acknowledges that individuals will not be able to contribute to society at the same level, but nevertheless all individuals will be guaranteed the basic resources needed to live a productive life. Nkrumah acknowledged the complexity of egalitarianism. Egalitarianism is not only political but also ethical; for it implies a certain range of human conduct which is alone acceptable to it. At the same time, because it conceives matter as a plenum of tensions giving rise to dialectical change, it cannot freeze its ethical rules with changelessness. It would be wrong, however, to seek to infer from this that the ethical principles which philosophical consciencism sanctions are at any one time gratuitous and devoid of objective groundings; for even when rules change, they can still be informed, still be governed by the same basis principles in the light of changing social conditions (Nkrumah, 93). Philosophical consciencism, as an African-centered philosophy, draws on the depth of African culture while critically analyzing imperialism and its effects on Africa. The philosophy specifically draws on the African personality, egalitarianism, and non-atheistic materialism as its foundation. Nkrumah used this philosophy as a springboard for developing and unifying Ghana and Africa alike. 10

11 Pan-African Movement The Pan-African Movement, since the onslaught of neo-colonialism and imperialism in Africa, has struggled to find roots in the masses of African people. This may be contributed to many factors including neo-colonialism; the façade of political independence but the lack of economic independence; ideological dominance of the ruling class and much more. The challenges that have temporarily halted the forward thrust of the Pan-African Movement must be rooted in a soci-political and ideological framework. Kwame Nkrumah promoted the transformation of not only a capitalist economy but Africanizing the ideology of society in Ghana and Africa. The challenge that many African countries and people face today is not only an issue of exploitation connected to neo-colonialism but the corresponding ideology that is promoted by the ruling class. Nkrumah worked to ensure that Ghanaians and Africans alike transformed their ideology with the creations of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute. Identifying a unifying ideology or soci-political framework to serve as a foundation for the world-wide Pan-African Movement should be the primary objective of all Pan-Africanists. This ideology can be overarching to include Pan-African governments, organizations, political parties and individual Africans. It must be rooted in African (Continental and Diasporian) culture and should been to provide guiding principles for the evolution of the Pan-African Movement. Dr. Kwame Nkrumah provides the Movement with a road map to develop this ideology; however, the ideology can incorporate the ideals and principles of great Pan-Africans such as Amilcar Cabral, Sekou Toure, Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Dubois, Frantz Fanon, George Padmore and many other theorists. 11

12 REFERENCES Kwame Nkrumah Speeches Nkrumah, K. (1957). The Midnight speech. Africa s Man of Destiny Audio Recording. Nkrumah, G. (1963). The African genius. Speech at the opening of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana Legon Collection. Accra, Ghana. 25 th October, Books African Information Service (1973). Return to the Source: Selected Speeches of Amilcar Cabral. New York: Monthly Review Press. Arhin, Kwame (1982). The Life and Work of Kwame Nkrumah. Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press. Botwe-Asamoah, Kwame (2005). Kwame Nkrumah s Politico-Cultural Thought and Polices. New York & London: Routledge. Diop, Cheikh, Anta (1991) Civilization or Barbarism. Brooklyn, New York: Lawrence Hill Books. Nkrumah, Kwame (1957.) The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah. London, Great Britain: Thomas Nelson and Sons LTD.. (1964). Consciencism: Philosophy and ideology for decolonization. New York: Monthly Review Press.. (1970). Class Struggle in Africa. New York: International Publishers.. (1968). The Handbook of revolutionary warfare. London: PANAF Books.. (1973). Revolutionary Path, New York: International Publishers. Poe, Z. (2010). Kwame Nkrumah s contribution to Pan-Africanism: An Afrocentric analysis. Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press. Obeng, Samuel (1997). Selected Speeches: Kwame Nkrumah Volume 1, Accra, Ghana: Afram Publications.. (1997). Selected Speeches: Kwame Nkrumah Volume 2, Accra, Ghana: Afram Publications. 12

13 Ture, Ahmed Seku (1978). Revolution, Culture and Pan-Africanism. Guinea West Africa: Press Office at State House. Theses and Dissertations Smith, Kweku (2000). Kwame Nkrumah: Philosophy of Education for Ghana, Africa from 1951 to 1966 An Exposition of his Life, Work and Thoughts. (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of San Francisco). Articles Boadi, Kwasi (2000). The Ontology of Kwame Nkrumah s Consciencism and the Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa: a Diopian Perspective. Journal of Black Studies Vol. 30 No. 4. Folson, B.D.G. (1973). Ideology in African Politics. Transition, No. 43. Nkrumah, Francis N. (1941). Primitive Education in West Africa. Educational Outlook January 941, Vol 15 Num 2. Institutional Documents Convention Peoples Party (1964). Ghana SEVEN-YEAR DEVELOPMENT PLAN to Office of Planning Commission. 13