Designing Special Electoral Mechanisms for Group Representation

Transcription

1 Designing Special Electoral Mechanisms for Group Representation By Kristijan Vukelic Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Gabor Toka Budapest, Hungary 202

2 Abstract The purpose of this paper is a detailed and systematic analysis of currently utilized electoral mechanisms that produce descriptive representation of various minority groups in parliaments around the world. The current literature on the topic has been concerned more with simplifying the existing variability than with in-depth comparison of cases. In order to remedy this gap in our knowledge, the first part of the thesis delivers a survey of twenty two countries where minorities are represented in the legislature through the working of an alternative set of electoral rules established explicitly for that purpose. The cases are found to be extremely heterogeneous with unique aspects in almost every country. The presentation of cases is followed by an analysis which tries to identify the general patterns that the cases fall into, with the ultimate goal of providing institutional designers with a clear set of available options for designing group representation mechanisms. i

3 Table of Contents Abstract... i Table of Contents... ii List of Tables and Figures... iii. Introduction State of the field Representation theory, consociationalism and group representation Purpose and plan for the study An empirical survey: group representation around the world Afghanistan Colombia Croatia Germany India Iraq Jordan Kosovo Mauritius Montenegro New Zealand Niger Pakistan The Philippines Poland Romania Samoa Serbia Singapore Slovenia Taiwan Venezuela Overview Implementing the special measures Selecting the groups and allocating seats Selecting the beneficiary groups: self-determination or pre-determination Which groups should be represented? How many seats should a group be entitled to? Appropriateness of seat allocation in the surveyed cases Conclusion Appendix A References... 7 ii

4 List of Tables and Figures Table : Overview of special electoral mechanisms for group representation... 4 Table 2: Modes of implementation for special measures Table 3: Appropriateness of seat allocation through the special measures Figure : Options for defining beneficiary groups for special mechanisms iii

5 . Introduction In many countries around the world provisions guaranteeing proper representation of minorities are enshrined in constitutions, often including special provisions that go beyond simple protection and into the area of affirmative action. Protection of minority rights through representation in parliaments has been set as a valuable goal by scholars and international organizations. It was inscribed in multiple international treaties such as the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and supported by relevant bodies created with the purpose of improving democracy, the most prominent example of which is the Venice Commission. In this paper I will explore those political systems where minority groups were through law molded or confirmed as political constituencies of their own kind. A special concern will be paid to those countries where group relations are not the primary driving force of the political struggle (as is the case in power-sharing systems), but there still exists a more or less obvious need for representation of minorities to be fostered. One of the possibilities in such cases is establishment of special electoral mechanisms that would ensure that groups who are in a significant minority are nevertheless represented in the country s decision-making processes. The main question that I try to answer in this thesis is: which electoral mechanisms are available for this particular purpose? My inquiry begins with a survey of the existing literature on the topic of group representation, through which the need for improvement is established and the starting points identified for the analysis that follows. In the third Chapter the relevant cases are identified and examined in turn, so as to prepare the necessary ingredients for analysis. Finally, the main part of the thesis

6 consists of comparative analysis in an attempt to systematize the information accumulated in the second part and subsequently to materialize lessons for lawmakers and their advisors about the electoral mechanisms that best fulfill the goals set forth by advocates of group representation. 2

7 2. State of the field In the existing literature, the issue of representation of variously defined groups (such as ethnic, lingual, racial or religious groups) is usually approached from one of two angles. The first can be summarized under the label of representation theory, while the second is a combination of consociational theory and empirical study of electoral systems. I will briefly present both before proceeding to analyze the existing body of work that focuses more closely on the topic of special group representation mechanisms. 2.. Representation theory, consociationalism and group representation Representation theory was effectively established by the seminal work of Hannah Pitkin in 967 and has been preoccupied with questions such as what representation really means, who is a proper representative and who has the right to be represented. It is related to and at some points intertwined with feminist and multiculturalist political theory, but is not identical with either one. A visible fruit of this link was the emergence of arguments for descriptive representation a mode of representation which requires that representatives mirror the important social characteristics of the represented. First, at the beginning of the nineteen nineties, in her famous critique of liberal egalitarianism, Iris Young has repeatedly called for establishment of real participatory structures in which actual people, with their geographical, ethnic, gender, and occupational differences, assert their perspectives on social issues within institutions that encourage the representation of their distinct voices (Young 990, 6). Her argument was prevalently theoretical with no concrete institutional solutions, but others have 3

8 built on it. For instance, Anne Philips (995) has argued for the politics of presence through the means of such mechanisms as quotas for women, while Will Kymlicka (995) has defended collective rights of ethnic groups. The notion that groups should be treated separately within the electoral arena has not been accepted without critical reflection, however. Authors have generally been very careful in their support for special or separate mechanisms for group representation, even when they have in principle argued for inclusiveness (see Meier 2000). One example is Kymlicka s reluctance to discard the liberal critique stating that variation in electoral rules produces unjustly differentiated treatment for individuals (Kymlicka 995, 50; for precise formulation of the critique see: Ward 99). Another is Jane Mansbridge s warning against establishing essential identities which exclude and therefore almost inevitably antagonize and discriminate against each other (Mansbridge 999, ). In other cases, indecisiveness has been a consequence of theoretician s reluctance to wander far enough into the institutionalist territory. Melissa Williams has tried to remedy the latter problem by examining a more thorough list of institutional mechanisms, including reserved seats, race conscious districting and consociational arrangements (Williams 998, ). Her analysis is limited, however, as she concentrates on the most obvious examples and does not appreciate the full spectrum of available options, only citing particularly well known examples from countries such as New Zealand or Canada. Nevertheless, the type of enquiry Williams has initiated is a more than welcome contribution to a necessary, but as of yet still underdeveloped dialogue between the various approaches to the issue of group representation. Although Williams understood consociational arrangements as a mechanism different from that of reserved seats, the study of both institutional forms has been an integral part of a specific approach to group politics championed by Arend Lijphart. He had first systematically analyzed the non-pr methods 4

9 for group representation, including non-geographic ethnic districts, optional ethnic districts, predetermined ethnically mixed slates, and special exemptions for ethnic minorities (Lijphart 2003 [986], 26). The term non-pr methods did not survive in the newer literature, but the authors today still mostly build on this and other Lijphart s work when trying to systematize the ways in which special mechanisms can be introduced into electoral systems. Lijphart s ideas about power-sharing and amelioration of ethnic conflict have been dominating the debate about design of electoral systems in divided societies, but their influence has also spilled over to debates about institutional design in general, including societies where ethnic or religious divisions are not at the heart of the political game, but where significant minorities need to be accommodated and reassured of their status as part of the society. Just like in representation theory, skeptic voices about political systems built upon explicit group politicization have been heard. The best known among them is probably the voice of Donald Horowitz who has argued that instead of institutionalizing ethnic differences, political systems in divided societies should strive to disperse the conflict, create incentives for coalition-making and give higher weight to interest-politics (Horowitz 985, ). He also argued elsewhere that the consociationlists put too much trust into the elites and underestimate the complexity of electoral politics (Horowitz, 2002). Benjamin Reilly has evaluated Horowitz s alternative proposition (the centripetalist model) as deserving of more attention than it has gotten, but also as having limited utility that depends on features of a particular case (Reilly 200, 92). Reilly s conclusion is all the more true in those cases where a group in need of special attention or protection makes up a comparatively small part of a society. In those cases, the precision of group representation mechanisms typical of consociational regimes seems more applicable than the Horowitzian insistence on non-specific treatment. I will therefore in the course of my analysis leave aside considerations about appropriateness of special mechanisms in general, and will focus on 5

10 specific instances where a decision has already been made that such a mechanism should be used. The study of group representation in the less divided countries that I am focusing on has been somewhat lacking both in amount and in rigor when compared to the interest directed at deeply divided societies. Studies focusing on ethnic minorities and minority representation often take into account only the basic structure of the relevant institutions, such as the type of electoral system. For example, Pippa Norris (2004, ) analyzed the support for political institutions in twelve countries with significant minorities, but had herself recognized a limitation in her findings stemming from the fact that some of these countries implement special group representation measures which she has not accounted for. Even when existence of special mechanisms is fully acknowledged, it is usually not fully explored. Bochsler (20) and Bernauer and Bochsler (20) have studied the determinants of ethnic party success in post-communist countries. They recognize the importance of possible special features of the electoral system, but generalize them under terms such as quotas and non-territorial districts (Bochsler 20, 22) or simply admit that the effect of electoral rules might be underestimated due to the diversity of their effects (Bernaur and Bochsler 20, 746). Similarly, working with a wider scope of cases, Didier Ruedin (2009) had explored among other things the influence of special mechanisms on ethnic minority representation in parliaments. His operationalization of the special measure variable also includes no intracategory variation. Ruedin finds that on average this variable has little effect, but also notes that the conclusion is highly dependent on case-to-case differences concerning the way the special mechanism is implemented in terms of group inclusiveness and varying levels of proportionality (Ruedin 2009, 348). Part of the reason for the lack of specificity in these studies probably lies in the lack of systematic data on group representation mechanisms, as case studies focusing on one or 6

11 several cases generally being the norm in the field (e.g. Alionescu 2004; Bird 2005; Geddis 2006), with Daniel Bochsler s (2006) area study being an important exemption. This has been changing, however, and a few scholars have recently surveyed a larger number of countries. The primary example is Andrew Reynolds rather comprehensive survey of minority representation mechanisms conducted in 2006 for Minority Rights Group International (MRGI). Reynolds identifies six wide categories of special provisions: reserved communal seats, electoral system modifications, power-sharing settlements, over-representation of ethnically defined regions, race-conscious districting and colonial regimes providing for minority representation - the latter being only a historical, no longer existent category (Reynolds, 2006). It seems though, that his categorization is based on multiple criterions, some of which are overlapping. For example, the result of Lebanese Christian-Muslim settlement is classified as an instance of electoral system modification. Similarly, the ethnolinguistic distribution of seats in the Senate of Belgium is considered an example of reserved communal seats. Yet, both these cases are routinely given as examples of power-sharing regimes in the literature on consociational theory (Lijphart 977; 2008; Hudson 976; Russell and Shehadi 2005) and their categorizations therefore remains ambiguous indicating the need for further examination. More recently, a report concerning the same topic has been produced by Oleh Protsyk based on data from a survey of national legislatures conducted by Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Development Program in 2009 as part of Promoting Inclusive Parliaments project (IPU 2009). One part of the survey consisted of a questionnaire which was sent to parliaments worldwide asking directly about minority representatives and means of their election. By analyzing the resulting data, Protsyk (200) has identified five general categories of special electoral measures: reserved seats, exemptions from electoral thresholds, quotas, minority-sensitive demarcation of constituency boundaries and appointments. This 7

12 categorization is certainly more straightforward and clear-cut then that of Reynolds, but it also carries less information. Additionally, due to the self-administered nature of the survey the data contained some important ambiguities. Many parliaments provided an affirmative answer when asked about the existence of special measures, but failed to support that claim with any further information. Protsyk contends some of those positive answers should be taken as declarations of support for such measures, rather than indicating their actual existence. For these reasons, it is necessary that the survey-type data like the kind produced by IPU and UNDP s project be supplemented with direct expert analysis Purpose and plan for the study One indicator of interest for the kind of research proposed here is that Reynolds and Protsyk s work has been produced at request of organizations whose primary mission is improvement of democracy, representation and protection of minorities. European Centre for Minority Issues has also been involved in similar projects (ECMI 20), just like the Venice Commission which has produced a series of valuable reports on the status of electoral legislation concerning minority representation in European countries (Venice Commission 2000; 2004; 2008). This thriving activity that surrounds minority representation today only confirms the need for even more and more in-depth study of this topic. Of course, parliamentary representation is but one aspect of minority representation; however, it is an aspect that is absolutely indispensable for a better understanding of the issue. To address that need, this paper will take up where Reynolds and Protsyk have left off, and will delve deeper into the workings of particular cases with the eventual goal of integrating the pieces into a bigger picture. The goal is to improve our knowledge of possibilities for group representation by identifying more precisely the detailed modes of implementation for 8

13 the different mechanisms and their associated trade-offs, thereby addressing the need for systematization that seems to appear in both academic and policy-making circles. A simple small-n comparative method will be used, inspired by a strand of electoral system literature exemplified by voluminous collections like the ones compiled and analyzed by Shugart and Wattenberg (200) or Gallagher and Mitchell (2005). These authors have succeeded in producing valuable results by taking a comprehensive, rather than reductive approach to electoral systems and embracing the full spectrum of exiting variations that tend to get lost in less in-depth studies. I attempt to do the same here, on a smaller scale. I take the categories produced by previous works (such as that of Reynolds) as indicators, rather than complete descriptions of the actual electoral mechanisms at work. Consequently, I approach each case as a separate entity, looking at the details specific to a particular design, only to finally emerge back to a higher level of generality and try to make sense of the variety at the lower level. 9

14 3. An empirical survey: group representation around the world Group representation can take various forms, including power-sharing, legislative and executive reservations, appointments etc. The goal of this section will therefore be to distil those cases that will be most conductive for producing a contribution to the already substantial literature. Hierarchically, the most important distinction should be made between those systems where balancing of group power is the primary feature, and those where group politics are not in the center of the political game. This differentiation is most explicit with Mona Lena Krook and Diana Z. O Brien who identify two main modes of group reservations: power-sharing arrangements and protection clauses - where the former are understood to affect the entire political system, whereas the latter mean allocating seats to groups which constitute a relatively small contingent within the population (Krook and O Brien 200, 262). In the context of this study I will primarily be interested in the latter category. Power-sharing systems will be excluded since these are the cases that have already been the subject of vast amount of literature, and also because there is a fundamental qualitative difference between systems that are explicitly grounded in group politics, and those where propositions for group representation are made on the basis of justice and desire to protect the underprivileged, rather than on the basis of survival of the system itself. I will therefore be looking at countries who have implemented in their electoral systems a special mechanism a clause in the electoral law which allows minority candidates (or parties) to compete for seats in the legislature according to a different or a separate set of rules 0

15 than the candidates from the majority population. Practices that go around the existing rules rather than modify them are not considered as special mechanisms. I think here first and foremost of race conscious districting typical for the United States. Although this is obviously a case of fostered minority representation, in terms of electoral system it is just make-do patchwork. Having these criteria in mind, a cross-comparison of several available datasets was conducted. These included the IPU PARLINE database, the Election Guide of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), data from the Venice Commission reports (2000; 2004) and information from the literature reviewed in the previous chapter. Only lower houses of parliaments were taken into consideration. The process produced a list of 22 countries where measures have been implemented into the electoral system with explicit purpose of providing protection and representation for particular minority groups. The countries are as follows: Afghanistan, Colombia, Croatia, Germany, India, Iraq, Jordan, Kosovo, Mauritius, Montenegro, New Zealand, Niger, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Romania, Samoa, Serbia, Singapore, Slovenia, Taiwan, and Venezuela. Countries that were considered for inclusion, but were ultimately rejected include Cyprus where reserved seats for the Turkish community remain vacant due to the ongoing Greeko- Turkish conflict (IPU 202). In Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Ethiopia reservations exist only in the upper houses of their respective parliaments. Some countries like Angola, Croatia or Colombia reserve seats for representatives of their citizens living abroad. Although these are empirically interesting cases, they nevertheless represent a separate issue in terms of definition of the eligible voters and means through which they are allowed to vote. The main challenge of creating a separate mechanism for representation of a group living within the country is absent in the case of diaspora voters, since there is a clear and physical criterion which differentiates persons present in the country and those who reside abroad. Finally,

16 Lebanon was excluded as a case of a system-wide arrangement, rather than a special arrangement targeted at a particular group. Provisions regarding representation of women were considered only in situations when they were related or combined with reservations for minority groups. Conclusions of Mala Htun s illuminating text titled Is Gender like Ethnicity? (2004) were followed in this regard. Htun accentuates the difference between political mobilization of women and ethnic minorities. She concludes that two groups differ fundamentally insofar as women represent a crosscutting group, meaning they are about evenly spread on all sides of the main political cleavages, whereas ethnic minorities typically manifest features of a coinciding group one whose political affiliations coincide with the dominant political cleavages governing a country s party system (Htun 2004, 4). Furthermore, the question of women representation has already been thoroughly explored by other authors (Ballington and Karam 2005; Krook 2009; Krook and Mackay 20), while more light needs to be shed on the cases of ethnic, religious and similar reservations. This Chapter will proceed by presenting all of the 22 selected cases. A case by case approach was chosen because it allows for analysis of details that cannot be efficiently conveyed through condensed presentation of data as it exists in the currently available sources. Multiple primary sources and case studies and reports were used to create complete pictures of what group representation mechanisms look like in each country, with strong accent of variations between cases. An overview table of the findings and a summary of the main points is available at the end of the chapter. 2

17 3.. Afghanistan Under the patronage of international forces and as part of the country s transition from an authoritarian regime to a democracy, more attention has been given in recent years to proper representation of unprivileged groups in the Afghan society. The electoral law currently governing the elections to the lower house of the Afghan parliament (the Wolesi Jirga) provides reservations for two such groups: women and Kuchis, the latter being nomadic Pashtun people native to Afghanistan and Pakistan. In elections to Wolesi Jirga, single non-transferable vote is used to elect 239 members in 34 multi-member districts corresponding to the 34 provinces of Afghanistan. On top of that 0 Kuchi representatives are elected in a nationwide district, also utilizing the SNTV system (Electoral Law, Art. 9 and 9). No special requirement is necessary for a voter to vote in the special district. A requirement for candidature is set, commanding prospective candidates to submit 000 signatures of Kuchi people together with their nomination. To facilitate the voting of Kuchis, the Electoral Commission is obligated under law to provide special voting facilities for the nomadic people (Electoral Law, Art. 4). An interesting peculiarity of the Afghan system arises with respect to the distribution of 68 seats reserved for women. The seats are to be allocated to the best faring female candidates in each of the constituencies, including three seats out of the ten reserved for Kuchis. The Afghan electoral system therefore features a doubly imposed reservation where ten seats are reserved for a socio-ethnic group and further seats out of these ten are reserved for female candidates (IPU 202). The adjective ethnic should be understood in a very lose sense in this instance. Strictly speaking, the Kuchi people are a sub-group of the Pashtun ethnic group, but they have over time acquired elements of both social and ethnic distinction (MRGI 202). 3

18 3.2. Colombia Under Article 76 of Colombian Constitution of 99 a possibility was provided for creation of special electoral districts to elect up to five deputies to the country s Chamber of Representatives in order to represent ethnic groups and political minorities and Colombians residing abroad. This provision was amended in 2003 so that the vague expression is substituted for exact enumeration of the groups concerned and seats reserved for each: two representatives are to be elected by Afro-Colombians, one by indigenous Indians, and one by Colombians living abroad. Prior to the 2003 changes to the Constitution an additional seat was reserved for a member elected by other minorities (Jaramillo and Franco-Cuervo 2005, 303). The current four reserved seats are filled using a simple plurality rule in a nationwide district, while the rest of 6 members of the House are elected through proportional representation in 33 uneven multi-member districts Croatia The current electoral system for elections of representative to Croatian parliament features ten territorial constituencies, each returning 4 representatives by means of a proportional formula with a 5% legal threshold of representation. In addition, the electoral system features two additional electoral districts: the eleventh electoral district for Croatian citizens who do not reside on the territory of Republic of Croatia and the special twelfth nationwide electoral district with reserved seats for national minorities. A total of eight seats are awarded in the special district, but with further reservations for various minority groups: three seats are reserved for Serbs, one seat for Hungarians, one for Italians, one for Czechs and Slovaks together, one for Albanians, Bosniaks, Montenegrins, 4

19 Macedonians and Slovenes together, and one for Austrians, Bulgarians, Germans, Poles, Roma, Romanians, Rusyns (Ruthenians), Russians, Turks, Ukrainians, Vlachs and Jews together. Simple plurality rule is used to determine the winners separately for each of the minorities and minority groups as listed above, including the three Serb representatives. For all intents and purposes the special electoral district therefore in fact represents six nationwide districts five single member districts and one three-member district. In 200 amendments to the Croatian Electoral Law called for double voting rights to be introduced for members of the Serb national minority, an option that was explicitly allowed for in the Constitution but was not activated under Electoral Law. The new provision would allow Serbian parties to run for secure reserved seats while simultaneously running a list in the general part of the elections and having a chance of winning seats on both accounts by virtue of Serb voters casting two votes. The Independent Serbian Democratic Party (SDSS) which has since 2000 won every seat reserved for Serbs and which was a pivotal member of the governing coalition in 200, has already introduced the practice of running their list in one of the general election districts where Serbian population is the largest, but has never managed to win a seat due to the 5% threshold. It has come very close to crossing the required threshold on two occasions, however, and in the event that double voting rights were instituted it would almost certainly win at least one additional seat on top of the three reserved ones. However, before the provisions of the new Electoral Law could be put to test in elections of late 20, the Constitutional Court of Croatia has declared them in breach of the Constitution due to unequal treatment of the Serb minority vis-à-vis other ethnic minorities who were not 5

20 granted the same double voting rights 2. The Court ordered that the old provisions be reinstated until the parliament modifies the Law in accordance with the Constitution. The above described model of minority representation was therefore used again in 20 elections. A new center-left government was installed, this time without direct involvement of SDSS and a new electoral law has as of yet not been enacted, although it has been announced that it is in the making Germany A single case of a country where a special measure exists but was never put to action is Germany. The lower house of parliament, the Bundestag, is elected through a mixed member proportional electoral system combining single member districts with a proportional tier where seats are allotted to parties which surpass a 5% threshold at the national level or manage to win three SMD seats. However, Article 6 of the Federal Electoral Law exempts parties representing national minorities from the legal thresholds, allowing them to win seats in the proportional tier only based on their actual proportion of votes. Further articles (20 and 27) of the same law also exempt minority parties from requirements regarding submission of signatures with candidate and list nominations. According to a report submitted to the Venice Commission by the German government, the exemption clause has never played a role in the elections on the federal level. However, since provisions of the federal law have been mimicked in electoral laws of the German federal Lander, minorities such as the Danish and Sorbian communities have won seats in land 2 In other words, the Court did not question the constitutionality of double voting rights themselves, but rather ruled that if double voting rights are to be introduced, they must be introduced for members of all ethnic minorities. For a different version of an objection to dual voting rights see Slovenia below. 6

21 parliaments seats that they would not have won had they not been exempted from the legal threshold. According to the same report, the German law recognizes only certain traditional minorities as eligible for benefits of the threshold exemption. Apart from the Danes and the Sorbs, these minorities also include Frisians, Sinti and Roma (Venice Commission 2004, 0- ). The practical significance of the later clause is that immigrant communities of which there is substantial population in Germany cannot make claims to representation through the special mechanism India The world s most populous democracy - India - employs what has been termed a remarkable system of reservation (Heath, Glouharova and Heath 2005, 38) designed to boost the representation of disadvantaged or depressed groups in the Indian rigid social system. The reservations were first established in 935 by the Government of India Act as temporary measures, but have been preserved ever since in India s constitutional and electoral law, albeit with multiple changes to the system taking place over time. Today, a total of 20 out of 543 elected representatives in the lower house (the Lok Sabha) of India s bicameral legislature are designated for Scheduled Tribes (the adivasi the non Hindu tribes) and Scheduled Castes (the dalit). What makes India a special case in terms of minority reservations is the fact that the reserved seats are in other aspects not very much unlike any other seat. A simple first-past-the-post system with territorial single member districts is used for elections to the Lok Sabha and it is in fact some of those districts that get reserved for Scheduled Tribes and Castes. From reserved districts (determined by the state delimitation commissions) only members of particular disadvantaged group can be elected into the parliament as district representatives. 7

22 However, the representatives are not elected exclusively by the members of their caste or tribe, but rather by the whole population of the reserved district. Members of Scheduled Castes typically make up less than one quarter of a reserved district s population, while for Scheduled Tribes, who are more geographically concentrated, the population share is usually around one half (Heath, Glouharova and Heath 2005) Iraq Council of Representatives of Iraq is elected according to the Election Law as amended in 200 which prescribes that out of the 325 seats in the Council of Representatives (the lower chamber of a bicameral parliament) a total of 8 seats are reserved for minorities: 5 for Christians, for Yzidi, for Shabeans and for Shabak. According to the detailed rules produced by Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) based on the Electoral Law, the allocation of seats proceeds as follows: 30 non-minority seats are allocated to parties competing in 8 multi-member districts corresponding to the country s 8 governorates. A legal threshold is applied in each of the districts and is equal to the ratio of valid votes cast and seats available in the particular district. Seats are distributed proportionally at the level of each district to lists surpassing the threshold, and subsequently awarded to the best faring candidates on the winning lists (open lists with one preference vote are used). Reserved seats for Christians are allocated in the same way, except the threshold and the quota are calculated based only on the votes cast for Christian lists in the entire country. In addition to that, each of the 5 seats reserved for Christians is linked to a particular governorate (one seat each for Baghdad, Ninewa, Kirkuk, Dahuk and Erbil) and is part of a particular governorate s overall quota of legislative seats. For this reason all of the winners for Christian seats must be registered in different governorates. If this is not the case with the best 8

23 ranked candidates of the winning lists then allocation is adjusted by awarding seats to candidates with less preferential votes, or even to other lists, until the pre-determined geographical apportionment of the reserved seats is satisfied. For the other three groups (Yzidi, Shabeans and Shabak) winners are determined based on the simple plurality rule in separate single member constituencies. These seats are also linked to particular governorates, but voters can vote for them throughout the country. Finally, after the 38 seats have been awarded as described, the remainder of 7 compensatory seats are allocated to parties based on the proportion of seats they have already won (IHEC 200; UNAMI 200). Compared to other cases of reserved seats, Iraq s system is interesting in so far as the seats are won nationally by lists of candidates, but are eventually allocated locally into particular governorates. This is an important innovation for situations when within confines of a proportional electoral system more than one seat needs to be allocated to a geographically dispersed minority, but with some degree of geographical representation also taken into account. The drawback is, of course, the fact that parties may actually lose seats if their candidates are not registered in the right districts Jordan Even though elections in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan lack some of the basic features of democratic competition, they nevertheless feature such provisions as reserved seats for ethnic and religious minorities as well as for women (Dietrich 200; Sweiss 2005). The reservations are built into the electoral system for the lower house of the parliament the Majlis al-nuwaa, with nine seats reserved for Christians, nine for Bedouins and three for Circassians and 9

24 Chechens together. The latest changes to the electoral law in 200 did not change the provisions regarding ethnic and religious reservations, although the size of the lower chamber was increased from 0 to 20 seats. Seats are not reserved in the same way for all of the three groups, however. The nomad Bedouin tribes elect their representatives in three districts, each encompassing one of the three Bedouin-inhabited areas (north, centre and south). Christians and Circassians/Chechens, on the other hand, vote within the same multi-member districts as the general population. In both Bedouin and general constituencies representatives are elected by single non-transferable vote, with minority candidates being prioritized for election in those districts where there are reserved seats (Sweiss 2005) Kosovo The structure of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo is laid down in the Article 64 of 2008 Kosovo Constitution. Of the 20 seats in the Assembly, 20 are reserved for minority ethnic groups according to the following distribution: 0 seats are reserved for representatives of the Serb community, three seats are awarded to the Bosniak community, two seats to the Turkish community, one seat to the Gorani community and one seat is reserved for each Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian community. Finally, one additional seat is awarded to either Roma, Ashkali or Egyptians, depending on the electoral performance of their respective parties. The details of the electoral rules for distribution of seats are prescribed in the Law on General Elections in the Republic of Kosovo. Both minority and Albanian parties compete in a single nationwide electoral district with all lists being printed on the same ballot paper. The first one 20

25 hundred seats are awarded to all parties based on a 5% legal threshold and a proportional formula (the Saint-Lague method). Only then are the twenty additional seats awarded to the parties representing the minority communities, irrespective of any seats that these parties might have already won in the allocation of the first hundred seats. The same proportional formula is used, but without the legal threshold. In order to be eligible to win seats under the special provision, competitors need to indicate their communal affiliation when applying for certification by the Central Election Commission (in which some positions are also reserved for minorities) prior to the elections. Voters are not required to register as members of minorities as all the lists are printed on a single ballot and available to any voter anywhere in the country Mauritius The island Republic of Mauritius is a social highly heterogeneous former British colony that features an electoral system whose obvious roots are in the Westminster model, but with a proportional twist of a very particular nature. The country s rather majoritarian electoral system features 20 three-seat districts and one two-seat district with representatives elected by single non-transferable vote. However, according to the First Schedule of the Constitution of Mauritius (Art. 3 to 5), following the allocation of the directly elected seats, a maximum of eight additional parliamentary seats are to be allotted with the explicit purpose of ensuring fair and adequate representation of each community the four Mauritian communities being Hindus, Muslims, Sino-Mauritians and the General Population (mostly made up of French-speaking European and African descended persons). Every candidate submitting an official nomination for a seat in the parliament must indicate to which of the four Mauritian communities he or she belongs (Constitution, First Schedule Art. 2

26 3.4). This information is then made public and is subject to revision by the Supreme Court should an elector object to a candidate s declared communal membership. Once the election results are in, the additional seats are awarded on a best loser and communitarian principles to candidates who must be members of a political party. The allocation itself is performed by Electoral Supervisory Commission after each election so that the first four seats are granted to those unelected candidates belonging to communities whose ratio of population 3 and seats is the least favorable, and who have, although defeated, won the highest percentage of votes in their district. The calculation determining the most underrepresented community is repeated after each awarded seat. The next four seats are allocated based on a somewhat modified set of rules. First the most successful party is determined this is the party which had won a plurality of the 62 directly contested seats. If during the allocation of the first four seats some seats had gone to parties other than the most successful one, then the most successful party is entitled to a number of seats equal to the number that went to their rivals. These seats will be awarded to candidates of the most successful party that belong to the most under-represented community if there are such candidates. If not, then the seats will simply go to the best loser running under the banner of the most successful party. Finally, in case there are any seats still left unallocated, these will be reserved for parties that have so far not received any of the additional seats, so that the best fairing candidate of such party who belongs to the currently most under-represented community is elected. A party may 3 In 982 the unitarist anti-communal government elected with a landslide 00% victory removed the census category of communities from the legal system of Mauritius. Census data was therefore no longer collected about voters communal affiliation, but the compensatory mechanism was not removed from the electoral system due to protest from some of the community-based organizations. Instead, the Constitution was amended to explicitly state that census data from 972 will be used in calculation of the worst standing community. However, this decision has not resulted in a strong distortion of the compensatory effects, as the population shares of the Mauritian communities have proved to be quite stable over time (Mathur 997, 6, 75). 22

27 only receive one seat in this way. In the event that some of the eight seats remain undistributed, then most successful parties that have not received any of the additional seats are prioritized for further allocation, but they can only receive seats if one of their candidates belongs to the currently most underrepresented community (First Schedule of the Constitution of Mauritius, Art. 5). Finally, if still not all of the eight seats are filled, further seats will be awarded to candidates of the second most successful party, the third most successful party and so forth, again, provided the candidate belongs to the most underrepresented community. It is possible that some of the seats remain unfilled if there are no candidates left fulfilling both the party- and community-based criteria. There are two important points to recognize in this arrangement. First, under these provisions none of the four Mauritian communities is considered as endangered a priori. Rather, any community which at some point becomes underrepresented will benefit from the attribution of additional seats. The second point, which is sorely missing from the existing accounts which make mention of the case of Mauritius (Reynolds 2006; Htun 2004), is that not all of the 8 seats are necessarily reserved for the under-represented communities. The provision governing the distribution of the second round of compensatory seats makes sure they are allocated in a way that could increase the proportionality of community representation, but not necessarily so. In truth, the primary function of the second four-seat allocation is to maintain the balance of power created by the popular vote. By prescribing that some additional seats must go to the strongest party even if that does not bolster balanced communal representation, the designers of the Mauritian constitution have made it almost impossible that the allocation of the compensatory seats to best losers results in legislative majority being transferred from one party to another. This was a compromise solution between ethnically based anti-independence parties and majoritarian-oriented proindependence parties at the time preceding Mauritius independence from the British Crown 23

28 (Krennerich 999, ). The final product is a unique example of an electoral system which boosts proportionality of communities, while remaining highly majoritarian in terms of seat shares for parties Montenegro The electoral system used for parliamentary elections in Montenegro is a proportional representation system with a nationwide constituency and a 3% threshold. Although ethnic composition of the Republic of Montenegro is rather heterogeneous (including populous Serbian and Bosniak minorities as well as a smaller Croat minority), special electoral mechanisms exist only for the representation of the Albanian minority, while the other ethnicities are represented by their respective parties elected in the regular part of the elections. The same features (PR in at-large district and 3% threshold) are used in the special five-seat constituency (increased from 4 in 2006) for the Albanian minority, but with voting rights available only to persons registered as residents in one of the localities designated prior to each elections by an act of Assembly of Montenegro (Electoral Law, Art 2, 8). In comparative perspective, this makes Montenegro a rare case (next to Iraq) of reserved seats being allocated in a multi-member district with proportional representation. 3.. New Zealand Special provisions guaranteeing Maori representation in the parliament of New Zealand are probably among the most known and most cited such examples in the world. However, the current version of the Maori reservations represent only the latest incarnation of a tradition that began in 867 when the Maori Representation Act introduced four Maori seats into the 24

29 New Zealand Parliament - a number that was at the time grossly at odds with the much higher proportion of Maori people living in New Zealand (Banducci, Donovan and Karp 2004, 536; Geddis 2006, ). During the following 50 years many changes to those provisions would gradually result in amelioration of the political inequalities between the European settlers and the indigenous population. This trend was reflected in the positions of the New Zealand Royal Commission on the Electoral System whose 986 report would be the basis of the country s now famous mixed electoral system enacted in 993. Effective Maori representation was one of the key criteria used by the Commission in drafting its recommendations (The Royal Commission 986, ). Interestingly, the Commission did not recommend the special Maori districts. Instead, its recommendation was based on the idea that MMP would be enough to secure Maori representation through the proportional tier. Consistent with the Commission s draft, the 993 mixed electoral system features two tiers: the first with single member districts and plurality rule, and the second with a nationwide district and proportional allocation of seats. The size of the parliament is fixed at 20 in principle but overhang seats are possible. The distribution of seats between the SMD and the proportional tier is changeable (see below). Voters have two votes, one to cast for a candidate in their district and one to cast for a party list (Vowels 2005). Departure from the Commission s recommendations is the fact that there are two electoral rolls: the general roll and the Maori roll. Registration on the latter is optional, provided a person can demonstrate any degree of Maori origin. Voters enrolled on the Maori roll gain the option of casting their first (candidate) vote in one of the special Maori single member districts, while they cast their second vote in the nationwide district just like the voters on the general roll. The number and boundaries of Maori districts are determined based on the same population quota as for the general electorate districts, with the relevant Maori population figure being the number of voters registered on the Maori roll. This recalculation is performed 25

30 prior to every election and following a four month Maori Electoral Option period during which voters are given the opportunity to switch between the Maori and the general rolls (Electoral Act 993). Since 993 the number of voters registered on the Maori rolls has increased and so the number of Maori seats has also grown from five in 996 to the current count of seven (Geddis 2006, 356; IPU 202). The unique appeal of the New Zealand system consists in its ability to seamlessly integrate the reserved seats for Maori voters. Unlike in some other cases, no unevenness of votes is induced, nor is the principle of geographical representation surrendered Niger After a period of political and social turmoil, Niger has adopted a new Constitution and a new Electoral Law in 200. Just as in the previous incarnations of Niger s electoral system, a provision was enshrined in these laws which allowed for creation of special minority electoral districts next to the eight multi-member regional districts for general elections to the unicameral National Assembly of Niger. For the 20 elections eight such special districts were created with one seat each and representatives elected by plurality (IPU 202). Although the law remains unspecific as to the precise assignment of the special districts, their effective purpose is to provide representation for the Tuareg ethnic group which makes up between 9 and 0 percent of the country s population and has for long been in conflict with the central government due to the group s feelings of marginalization (Basedau 999, 678). 26