A rotten orchard or a few bad apples?

Transcription

1 Towards Human Rights and Truth Recovery NEWSLETTER ISSUE 11/Winter 2013 A rotten orchard or a few bad apples? COPIES AVAILABLE IN DERRY AND ARMAGH OFFICES It has been three long decades of heartbreak for over 120 families. Decades when children have grown up without their fathers - and sometimes their mothers as well. Years when grieving families have been kept in the dark, not knowing the true story behind their loss. More recently, there have been fifteen years of research, interviewing, endless meetings with stonewalling British ministers and hard-faced police officers, long days working in dusty archives trying to ferret out the truth. Even more recently there have been days of shock and disbelief as families (some families only) have finally been accorded, at least, the dignity of being informed of the reality behind their loss. We had promised to tell this story of betrayal, collusion and heartbreak. Or at least to try and tell it. For us in the PFC, by late October, nerves had reached shattering point. Our work had reached a milestone in our shared journey towards truth. We faced an awesome responsibility to tell the story, or at least part of it. But would our planned book, now titled Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland, manage to make the grade? What would be the response? Finally, the moment of truth came. October 23 dawned and the families with whom the PFC has worked, who were bereaved by collusion in what was once called the Murder Triangle, gathered in Armagh to pass their verdict. As dusk fell over the Cathedral, cars began pulling up beside the Cardinal Tomas O Fiaich Library the venue for the advance meeting before publication. Out poured people who the PFC staff and volunteers have come to regard as partners in our joint search for truth. Inside the library, there was a quiet bustle as people exchanged greetings and then, finally, got the book into their hands. It was an unforgettable moment. The PFC is deeply honoured by the trust the families had in us and thank you for the appreciation you have shown for our work. After that first night, days Lethal Allies - book launch Belfast. merged one into another as the press conferences and launches continued. Anne and Alan trekked from one studio to the next being interviewed and photographed. Alex Thomson of Channel 4 spent a week researching and filming locations and interviewing families. Over 500 came to the launch at Saint Mary s University College in Belfast. Long queues formed, as the book was sold and signed. The Derry launch was, likewise, well-attended as was the launch in Glasnevin in Dublin. Everywhere, attendance was double or treble what Over 11,000 copies of Lethal Allies have sold in the first 2 months since publication we had expected. The buzz was infectious. The press for once did not have to be persuaded. Interviews tumbled one onto the other. Channel 4 had led the charge followed by the BBC, RTE, UTV and TV3. The Irish papers, on both sides of the border, gave us full coverage. Even The Guardian and The London Independent covered the launch of Lethal Allies. Finally, the story was out and the confidences we had all kept for so long were spread across the airwaves and the newspapers of our country and others. Continued on page 2 and 3

2 Continued from page 1 But none of us could ever take unalloyed pleasure in our success, even when the news came that the first print-run of Lethal Allies had sold out before the book had been officially launched. Because how can you take pleasure in such a unremittingly grim and dreadful story of grief and bloodshed and betrayal? Nevertheless, it was good to hear the first 3,000 copies had sold out. Then the next 2,500 had sold even before they reached the warehouse in Dublin. Then that Amazon had decided to print the book themselves (to avoid being unable to provide copies to people queuing up to get it). To date over 11,000 copies of the book have been sold. Political reaction was predictable. But not even the hardest-nosed unionist could find inaccuracies in the book. They might not like the fact that it has been written but they could not take issue with the truth of what we had discovered. Our long-term intention, however, was never to sell thousands of books. Yes, we had promised you that we would tell your story. But we are more ambitious than that. We want this book to change the way the conflict is told and remembered. To do that, we have to engage with political parties at home and abroad. We had briefed the Leinster House parties in advance. The book s findings have been raised in the Dail and we thank those TDs and Senators who have supported us. We are still seeking a meeting with the NI Secretary of State, Theresa Villiers. We have already met US diplomat Dr. Richard Haass, who is to bring forward proposals on dealing with the legacy of conflict. Thanks to the British Labour Party MP, Chris Ruane, we garnered a hearing at meeting at the House of Commons of the All Party Irish in Britain Representation Group. We thank the Irish community for a lastminute launch at the London Irish Centre in Camden Town. Thanks go also to the SDLP for inviting Anne to speak to their party conference. Thanks go to Mark Durkan for tabling an adjournment debate at Westminster Hall on the role of the Ministry of Defence in turning a Crowd at Belfast launch...a unremittingly grim and dreadful story of grief and bloodshed and betrayal? blind eye, even encouraging, loyalists to join the UDR where they wreaked carnage. Thanks go to Martina Anderson, the Sinn Fein MEP, who has invited us to Strasbourg to speak to members of the European Parliament in the New Year. Thanks go to all those who have, and will continue, to organise local open door meetings where we can explain the main themes of the book in more detail. Thanks to all the US friends of the PFC who have invited us on a speaking tour of the States in We look forward to meeting them. But above all, beyond everything, thanks to the families who told us their stories and entrusted us with helping them fight their corner. It s not over yet. Legal and court battles lie ahead if there is no alternative. This is, as we said, just one more milestone. Packed hall at the Belfast launch on 26th October 2013 Discussion of collusion between British state forces and loyalists in House of Commons on 6th November Contributions from Ivan Lewis, Margaret Ritchie, Mark Durkan and Nuala O Loan Paul O Connor speaking at the launch in Derry on 28th October Anne Cadwallader busy signing books at the Belfast launch Copies of Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland are available from our offices in Derry and Armagh Belfast launch of Lethal Allies at St. Mary s College on 26th October 2013 Anne Cadwallader speaking at the Belfast launch of Lethal Allies on 26th October 2013 Anne Cadwallader and Alan Brecknell presenting the findings of Lethal Allies in Westminster on 6th November 2013 Geraldine Finucane at the Belfast launch of Lethal Allies on 26th October 2013 Many families linked to the tragic events set out in Lethal Allies will have pondered this month on the relative responses of the Irish and British governments to findings that public servants were involved in murder. On the one hand, we saw the Irish government issue an immediate and abject apology after the Smithwick Tribunal found on the balance of probabilities that members of An Garda Siochana colluded in the shooting of two RUC officers. The Garda Commissioner expressed his shock and outrage at the Tribunal s findings while the Minister for Justice, Alan Shatter, apologised to the families of the bereaved. On the other hand, there has been a deafening silence from London after the publication of Lethal Allies which sets down the outcome of 15 years work by staff and volunteers at the PFC (and later the Historical Enquiries Team) on the murders of over 120 people on both sides of the border. The findings in Lethal Allies are not based on the balance of probabilities. They are based on incontrovertible fact. No-one has yet challenged one single fact in the book. That is because the book is based on hard evidence not a balancing act. In what other developed, supposedly liberal, democratic country in the world a country which has ratified the European Convention on Human Rights would a book stating that its servants had been involved in 120 murders evoke such a nonresponse? Despite three requests for a meeting, to date the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, has yet to make arrangements to discuss the claims contained in Lethal Allies, let alone acknowledge and make adequate apology. In November, a British Minister of State at the Ministry of Defence, Anna Soubry, stonewalled spectacularly when called Cartoon by Ian Knox that appeared in the Irish News on to respond to SDLP MP Mark Durkan s adjournment debate in the House of Commons. If Mr. Durkan and the PFC, she said, had evidence of loyalist infiltration into the UDR, they should bring it to the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The evidence, of course, came from researches in the British government s own files Later in November, in a letter to Mr. Durkan, Ms. Soubry opined that the mere fact of the existence of the 1970s British documents expressing concern at loyalist infiltration of the UDR was evidence that the seriousness of the problem had been recognised at the time. It might be, she wrote, that the MoD was giving serious thought on how best to deal with it, whatever view is taken of the adequacy of the action adopted. As we now know, no effective action was ever taken and the sophistry of Ms. Soubry s letter will be lost on the dozens of families whose lives were shattered because of loyalist infiltration of the UDR where they were trained to kill and provided with weapons of death. To be fair to Dublin, in 2006 the Dail committee reviewing Judge Barron s final report concluded there was no doubt that the British security forces were behind many if not all of the atrocities considered in this report. The committee went on to say that We are horrified that persons who were employed by the British administration to preserve peace and to protect people were engaged in the creation of violence and the butchering of innocent victims. Butchering. It is an accurate description. Dublin must now follow through and take up its own responsibility to ensure London responds to Lethal Allies. This will all take time to talk and work through. The PFC is in this for the long haul. The British can be very slow learners.

3 PSNI on collision course? The toxic and damaging unfinished business of our shared, violent and painful past continues to dominate the politics of the present as this Newsletter goes to print in December The finding of collusion by the Smithwick Tribunal into claims of an IRA mole in Dundalk Garda station have added to an already poisonous discussion. To its credit, at least the Irish Government kept its side of the bargain and set up the Tribunal. Serious allegations had been made about IRA/ Garda collusion and Smithwick found them to be true (on the balance of probabilities ). The Breen and Buchanan families, like all in their situation, have the right to truth but the out-workings of the Smithwick tribunal have yet to be fully understood. The Judge set a precedent by lowering the evidential standard to reach a finding of collusion. Although he did not find a smoking gun he made a finding of collusion based on the balance of probability. His definition of collusion, for example, was closer to the broader definition used by Judge Cory rather than the narrow terminology used by the De Silva review of papers in case of Pat Finucane case. This should have important implications for other collusion investigations, North of the border, where established empirical evidence is already available. The only Cory-recommended inquiry that now remains outstanding is into the murder of Pat Finucane Added to this mix, the Attorney General John Larkin has intervened with his own controversial comments on ending prosecutions, inquests and investigations. His comments caused considerable anxiety among families who had lost loved ones and the response was almost universally hostile. It came in the wake of the publication of Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland and with the potential prosecution of Bloody Sunday soldiers a distinct possibility. Some have speculated that others may have had a word in Larkin s ear, but on the balance of probabilities maybe not. As Attorney General, Larkin has been assiduous in applying the law and approving a number of new legacy inquests. His nuclear approach to dealing with the past has at least provoked a discussion. Days after his comments he wrote to the Director of Public Prosecutions urging him to revisit an earlier decision not to prosecute two soldiers in a case in which the PFC is involved. His nuclear approach to dealing with the past has at least provoked a discussion. But the suggestion that all investigative processes should be closed will appeal only to unionistminded historians ( leave it up to us ) and retired police officers ( we ve lost our notebooks and our memories ). All bereaved families have a right to a thorough, independent, investigative process and in this context the implementation of Her Majesty s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) report into the Historical Enquiries Team is an absolute scandal. The HMIC (which hasn t exactly covered itself in glory in holding the RUC to account over many years) has made recommendations which would completely eradicate whatever remaining limited independence the HET has from the PSNI. HMIC recommendation 15 would mean all live investigations would automatically transfer to the PSNI. The tragic farce surrounding the McGurk s Bar HET report should serve as ample warning of the kind of delays and blockages that families would inevitably face. The HET was a deeply flawed and problematic mechanism but it did at least include a number of independentminded former British police officers of integrity and decency. This has been lost in the row that erupted following publication of the HMIC report. And why did the Chief Constable not give a copy of the report to the Director of the HET until shortly before publication? The scape-goating of Director Dave Cox says more about the moral cowardice of Matt Baggott than it did about the failings within the HET. The HET produced many poorlyresearched, badly-written and sometimes insulting reports but it was the responsibility of NGOs and solicitors to go back in there and fight their case on behalf of families. One thing seems likely. The mechanism to emerge from the current restructuring will not be family friendly, open or accountable. It will certainly not be independent. Has Dave Cox s successor, Detective Chief Superintendent Tina Barnet, been brought in to switch off the lights? There are two key questions that we should now be asking. Will full implementation of the HMIC recommendations/reform of the HET lead to an improvement for families seeking the truth? The answer, on the available evidence, has to be No. What would improve the HET flawed mechanism suspended last July? Our demand can only be: An agreed, independent process utterly removed from PSNI influence. One thing is clear. The real losers over the past six months have been the families left in limbo. Will full implementation of the HMIC recommendations/ reform of the HET lead to an improvement for families seeking the truth? There is every expectation that the PSNI C2 (Criminal Investigation) branch will delay and block investigations involving British Army killings. If that happens, the PSNI will find itself in an unprecedented, never-ending public row with families that will poison current policing and seriously disrupt any efforts by the PSNI to gain the confidence of the community. Families may well decide to turn up at District Policing Partnership meetings, at the Policing Board and elsewhere to challenge the PSNI on how historic investigations are being conducted. Is this what PSNI district commanders and its senior command really want? There is an alternative. An independent investigative body already exists to investigate the police - the Police Ombudsman. A similar model could be established to investigate the past. The PSNI should police the present. They cannot be trusted to police the past. Widow received paltry 750 for case valued at 10,000 Christopher Quinn was shot dead by the British army on 4 November 1971 just yards from his home. He was a 39 year old father of five. Christopher s widow, Mary Jane, received 750 by way of compensation from the Ministry of Defence. However, PFC has uncovered declassified British Government documents that show the case was actually valued at 10,000, and the MoD knew Mr Quinn was an innocent man who simply got in the way. The documents also reveal that the MoD knew their chances of winning the case were slim and that they considered a settlement of 10,000 a good deal, as it would be PFC has uncovered declassified British Government documents that show the case was actually valued at 10,000, and the MoD knew Mr Quinn was an innocent man who simply got in the way. cheaper than running the case in court. Mrs Quinn was offered 750 as an opening gambit and agreed to settle for that paltry amount after the MoD threatened to fight the case and the onus.would be upon the plaintiff to prove her case. Adding insult to injury, the terms of the settlement determined that the judgement went in favour of the MoD, something that would reflect well on the MoD from a political point of view. PFC has seen similar documents regarding other out of court settlements, suggesting a clear policy of settling damaging cases in this way in order to avoid casting the British army in a bad light and, of course, saving themselves a lot of money by doing so. Inquest ordered into the British Army killing of Kathleen Thompson in 1971 Kathleen Thompson, a mother of six, was shot dead by the British Army in the back garden of her Creggan home in November In September 2013 the Attorney General, John Larkin, ordered a fresh inquest into the killing. The Thompson family will insist that Soldier D, the soldier responsible for shooting their mother, attends. He did not attend the original inquest in 1972 to give evidence as he was not obliged to. The Thompson family have welcomed the news after many years of lies and cover-up. Kathleen s son Erne said This is official recognition at some level that a woman, a mother, cannot simply be shot dead in the garden of her own home and there are no consequences, no investigation, only a cover-up. Soldier D will be compelled to attend. This is our opportunity to set the record straight. A cheque for (eighty four pounds and 7 pence) was sent to Kathleen s husband Patrick by way of compensation.

4 Hooded men launch legal case The Pat Finucane Centre has uncovered declassified British Government documents that suggest that the Government misled two inquiries and the European Court of Human Rights. The documents surround the events of 9th August 1971 when Operation Demetrius was instigated, resulting in the internment of more than 350 individuals. Fourteen of the men interned were selected for deep interrogation and taken to an interrogation centre where they were subjected to sleep deprivation, white noise, wall-standing, a diet of bread and water and hooding. This form of interrogation became known as the five techniques. The European Commission on Human Rights called it torture. The declassified documents reveal this secret interrogation centre, where the men were subjected to the five techniques, as being located in Ballykelly, Co. Derry. The existence of the centre at Ballykelly was not revealed to two British inquiries or the European Court of Human Rights when the Irish Government took the case against the British Government in One document states: Col Nicholson said that it was very important to keep secure the existence and location of the centre at Justice for the Forgotten / Pat Finucane Centre met with the Taoiseach in Government Buildings on 18 July More than 20 family members of those killed in Dublin in December 1972 and January 1973; in Dublin and Monaghan in May 1974; in Belturbet in December 1972; in Dundalk in December 1975 and in Castleblayney in March 1976, as well as survivors, attended the meeting. The Taoiseach heard a family representative from each bomb attack describe the impact the atrocity had on their lives. We apprised the Taoiseach of Ballykelly where the 12 detainees in question had been interrogated. It was not publicly known that this centre existed as well as others which were known. A second document marked SECRET - UK EYES ONLY talks of the principles of interrogation that had been used in Malaysia, Kenya, Cyprus, Brunei and Aden. It states: the RUC Special Branch use all these principles in Northern Ireland... the RUC conduct the interrogations and personnel of the Joint School of Intelligence are there only to advise and assist The only place at which interrogation is taking place of the type which requires advice and support from the Joint School of Intelligence is at Ballykelly. Other documents show a discrepancy between what was recorded internally by the British Government regarding the nature and our recent positive meeting with the British Ambassador and appealed to him to back us in our endeavours with the British Government and he agreed to do so. The Taoiseach reaffirmed his support and that of his Government for the all-party Dáil motions, which were passed unanimously (July 2008 and May 2011) urging the British authorities to make available all original documents in their possession relating to the cross-border bombings of the 1970s. These documents were not disclosed to the Barron Inquiry. intensity of interrogations to which these men were subjected, and what was disclosed to the European Court. For example, the length of time the men were forced to stand at the wall, and go without sleep. The European Court concluded that the treatment amounted to inhuman and degrading treatment, but did not meet the threshold for torture. The Hooded Men are now pursuing a legal case against the British Government, based on the documents discovered by the PFC. Had the information in the documents been disclosed at the time, it is almost certain that the Court would have concluded that the treatment did constitute torture. As part of the Belfast Féile An Phobail It is very important to keep secure the existence and location of the centre at Ballykelly during the Summer, the PFC organised an event entitled Beating ourselves up. The PFC outlined many of the declassified documents uncovered at the National Archives, and also included a Q&A session with several of the Hooded Men who described in heart-breaking detail the treatment to which they were subjected. PFC would like to thank l those who took part for sharing their painful, disturbing stories. JUSTICE FOR THE FORGOTTEN MEETS THE TAOISEACH Justice for the Forgotten / Pat Finucane Centre met with the Taoiseach in Government Buildings yesterday evening, 18 July We look forward to engaging the Dublin and Monaghan positively with both Governments in the lead-up to the 40th anniversary of bombings, which will occur on 17 May Retired RUC confirm 3 died in order to protect agent The Dalton family of Derry, the PFC and - moreover - anyone who respects human rights will have been appalled at a recent statement from the NI Retired Police Officers Association (NIRPOA) relating to Sean Dalton, killed by an IRA bomb on 31 August 1988 in Derry. In October the NIRPOA issued what it called a rebuttal of findings made by the NI Police Ombudsman that the RUC had failed to protect life and had then failed properly to investigate Mr. Dalton s death. Two other people (Sheila Lewis and Gerard Curran) had also died as a result of the bombing. All three had gone to check on a neighbour who hadn t been seen for a few days, setting off a bomb left by the IRA with the intent to kill RUC officers. After eight painful years of delay and false dawns, the Dalton family received the first report by the newly appointed Police Ombudsman, Michael Maguire, in July He confirmed that The RUC had failed in their duty to advise the local community of what they knew about possible IRA activity in the area. The RUC had failed to uphold Mr Dalton s right to life under Article 2 of the European Convention of Human Rights. The RUC had failed to properly investigate the deaths of Sean Dalton and Mrs Lewis. Responding, the NIRPOA tried to defend the inaction of the RUC by claiming that certain linkages were not known until the day before the bombing. The PFC asserts that this is factually incorrect and contradicted by the decent officers who cooperated with the Ombudsman s investigation. The NIRPOA statement also claims that the area was declared out of bounds and local people were not informed of the presence of a booby trap bomb in order to protect an agent within the IRA in Derry. Ironically, although the Ombudsman had not been able to substantiate this Family of Sean Dalton at press conference following publication of Police Ombudsman s report. aspect of the family s complaint, the NIRPOA has done so! Difficulties in getting at the truth where agents have been involved are well known. The policy adopted by police forces, security services and the British Government has always been one of neither confirming nor denying the involvement of agents. Now, extraordinarily, the NIRPOA, in referring to the need to protect the agent, have confirmed for the first time that the area was, indeed, out of bounds in order to protect this source. This may yet form the basis for a fresh investigation. In investigating this atrocity, the Ombudsman faced major obstacles including non-cooperation by retired police officers and the absence of key documents. The then Divisional Commander of the RUC in Derry at the time was amongst those who refused to co-operate (as did officers within Special Branch.) This person is the current chairman of NIRPOA. More than anyone he was in a position to provide the Ombudsman with context. He refused and the organisation of which he is chairman came out of the shadows to try and undermine the eventual report. NIRPOA have signalled that unless the Ombudsman addresses their concerns, they will advise retired officers not to cooperate in the future a somewhat hollow threat since their chairman already refuses to do so. If an IRA bomb had ever been left in a block of flats in Edinburgh or Manchester or Dublin for five days, with the police aware yet doing nothing to preserve life, there would be massive public outrage and political condemnation, if not an immediate public inquiry. When it happens here, the same retired police officers who failed in their duties blame those who paid with their lives, while trying to portray themselves as victims. With this rebuttal the NIRPOA may local people were not informed of the presence of a booby trap bomb in order to protect an agent have inadvertently substantiated the family s belief that the RUC were protecting an informer. The Dalton s journey for the truth continues.

5 Amnesty International - It s time to deal with the past PFC joined Amnesty International at the launches of their report Northern Ireland: Time to Deal with the Past recently. Amnesty concludes that victims of the conflict are being disgracefully let down by a patchwork approach to dealing with the past, and blames the failure to deliver truth and justice on a lack of political will from both the UK government and Northern Ireland s political parties. As part of the report, Amnesty met with the PFC and some families with whom we work, to learn first-hand from the experiences of victims. At The PFC / Spinwatch report, Counter-Gangs-a History of undercover military units in Northern Ireland , is available for free download at Spinwatch. It is the most comprehensive study available about the Military Reaction Force and its successor the Special Reconnaissance Unit. the launch of the report in September, Maura Martin spoke of the murder of her relatives in the Killyliss bombing by the UVF in Danny Toland, whose father John was murdered by the UDA in 1976, spoke emotionally of his experiences at the launch in Stormont and Charlie Agnew, whose uncle John Patrick Cunningham was shot dead by the British army in 1974, spoke at the launch of the report at Westminster. PFC would like to extend thanks from Amnesty International to Danny, Charlie, and Maura, and all those who shared their stories and help inform this report. Martin Corey still interned after 3 ½ years Martin Corey has been in prison for three and a half years, despite never facing trial or even being informed of the basis of his detention. Corey was sentenced to life in prison in 1973 for his part in the IRA murders of two RUC officers in Aghalee, County Antrim. He was released on licence in Corey was arrested in April 2010 at his home in Lurgan, and told his licence was being revoked and he was being sent back to prison because he was a risk to the public. The decision was based on secret intelligence material that has never been revealed to Corey or his legal team. The process is known as closed material proceedings. Despite a plethora of legal judgements, including a decision by Judge Treacy in the High Court last year ordering Corey s release, he remains in Maghaberry prison. PFC believes that this is tantamount to internment without trial. Corey has been denied his right to defend any allegations being made against him, as the evidence is secret. His continued detention shows a complete disregard for his right to a fair trial under the European Convention of Human Rights, and PFC support the decision to take this case to Europe. Corey s case, and a handful of others, highlights a clear move by the state to introduce legislation that erodes the rights of individuals. CAJ have initiated legal proceedings to allow interested third parties, such as human rights groups, to attend NI Parole Commission hearings as an observer. This would act as a mechanism to safeguard and protect the rights of those detained. PFC supports this action. PFC Internal PFC continues to receive the support of volunteers and interns who work on different projects and provide assistance to our casework staff. Kody Luczak from Baldwin Wallace University, Ohio, spent three weeks in the Derry office archiving declassified British government documents. We were also assisted by Aisling Ward from Dublin City University who worked at the centre for six weeks during the summer months. PFC would like to thank Kody and Aisling for their invaluable work and wish them good luck with their studies. Amie Gallagher continues to work on a project funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Community Foundation of Northern Ireland, examining issues of sectarian division in Derry. Amie has been volunteering with the centre for over a year and is an invaluable part of the PFC team. Alan Brecknell continues to participate in the Victims and Survivors Forum, and sits on the Dealing with the Past Sub- Group within the Forum. Sara Duddy has recently joined the Storytelling Network Pilot facilitated by Healing Through Remembering. There are a number of different projects involved in gathering personal narratives and stories, and this Pilot will address whether these projects would benefit from the establishment of a network to share experiences, best practice and useful advice. PFC NEWSLETTER ISSUE 11/Winter 2013 DERRY OFFICE: Unit B8, Ráth Mór Centre, Bligh s Lane, Derry, Ireland BT48 0LZ T: (028) E: info@patfinucanecentre.org ARMAGH OFFICE: 6 College Street, Armagh BT61 9BT T: (028) E: armagh@patfinucanecentre.org JUSTICE FOR THE FORGOTTEN: Dublin T: E: info@dublinmonaghanbombings.org W: Charity Reg No. XT6683 Community Relations Council European Union European Regional Development Fund Investing in your Future A Project Supported by the European Union s PEACE III Programme managed for the Special EU Programmes Body by the Community Relations Council/Pobal Consortium /