The Maoist Insurgency and Conservation in Nepal: Exploring Institutional Resilience of Community-based Conservation

Transcription

1 The Maoist Insurgency and Conservation in Nepal: Exploring Institutional Resilience of Community-based Conservation By Nabin Baral Department of Forestry Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University 305 Cheatham Hall Blacksburg, VA A progress report submitted to The Rufford Small Grants Foundation United Kingdom 2008

2 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Rufford Small Grants Foundation for providing the Rufford Small Grant to conduct this research. I appreciate the alacrity and efficiency of Josh Cole and Jane Raymond during and following the grant application process. My academic supervisor Dr. Marc J. Stern deserves special thanks for his continuous support, encouragement and involvement in the project. The comments from my dissertation committee members Dr. Bruce Hull and Dr. Tom Hammett have been helpful in shaping the study. I would like to thank Dr. Joel T. Heinen and Dr. Shant R. Jnawali for sending the recommendations promptly. I appreciate the comments by Dr. Som Ale on the draft research proposal. I am grateful to the ACAP management at Pokhara for granting me the permission to conduct the research and providing the requested data. My former colleagues Lizan Maskey and Nava Raj Chapagain helped me in research planning. All ACAP staff deserve special thanks for helping me a great deal during the various stages of the field research; particularly Bhim Upadhaya, Laxmi Pun, Raj Kumar Gurung, Manish Pandey, Krishna Gurung, Ram Gurung, Shree Krishna Neupane and Suresh Thapa took their time to introduce me to CAMC members. The field assistants Hari Nepali, Shanti Gurung, Lil Raj Kunwar and Shiva Banskota did an excellent job of interviewing the local people. I would like to thank all the respondents who eagerly answered my questions and allocated their precious time for interviews. Beg Bahadur Pun and Janardan Bastola accompanied me during the field work in Sikha and Lwang, respectively. I highly appreciate the help of Namrata Baral for transcribing interview schedules promptly. While I was in the field, my wife Ranju missed me in the US, and my parents missed me too at home. I am indebted to their incessant showering of love. 1

3 Table of Contents Page No. Acknowledgments 1 Executive Summary 3 The Problem Statement 4 Background of the Study 5 Conservation paradigms 5 Conservation and violence 8 Conservation management 9 The Study Areas 10 Annapurna Conservation Area 10 Buffer zones 11 Community forests 12 Methods 12 Research approach 12 Site selection 13 Sampling frame 13 Sample size 14 Sample selection 14 Preliminary Results from ACA 15 Institutional arrangements 15 Sample characteristics of CAMC members 16 Institutional resilience 17 The insurgency s impacts 18 Sample characteristics of local people 18 Trustworthiness of CAMC members 19 Participation in CAMC activities and the performance evaluation 19 Status of natural resources 20 Attitudes towards the ACA 20 What accrues legitimacy, in eyes of local people, to CAMCs? 21 Research Implications 22 Budget Expenditures 23 References 24 Appendices 27 2

4 Executive Summary Of the three community-based conservation models that were proposed to survey, I ve completed the field research in Annapurna Conservation Area (ACA) during the summer of I plan to survey buffer zones and community forests in the summer of In ACA, I surveyed 30 Conservation Area Management Committees (CAMCs). I interviewed 190 executive members of the CAMC, 207 local villagers and 12 ACAP staff. Of 190 members, only 15% were female and 8% were from underprivileged groups. A higher proportion of members were in their 50s and 60s, and the average age was 51 years. The level of education among members was low; the average years of formal schooling was Among the present members 46% served on the CAMC before, and the average years of experience on the CAMC were 6.7. Gender differences in age, education and experience were prominent. The Maoist rebels vandalized three CAMC offices, killed three committee members, bombed ACAP s four unit conservation offices and destroyed nine tourist check posts. Although about 18% of members received threats from the rebels, none of them resigned. All CAMCs weathered the Maoist insurgency, yet their degree of resilience was different. The CAMCs can be grouped into three clusters: highly functional, functional and mere existent. In the highly functional CAMCs, the following characteristics were often recorded: the level of trust among members was higher; the members were more empowered, had strong influence on decision-making, were more satisfied and were highly motivated; the number of leaders was higher; and the members were more educated than the others. The CAMCs received popular support of the local people in ACA. The villagers reported that they trust the CAMC members to be honest, work for their interests and treat all villagers equally. They also considered the CAMCs as a legitimate institution to manage natural resources of the area. The above were some of the accomplishments of this season s field research. In addition, one of my abstracts (appended in the report) has been accepted for presentation in RESILIENCE 2008: Resilience, Adaptation and Transformation in Turbulent Times/International Science and Policy Conference to be held in Stockholm, Sweden, April 14-17,

5 The Problem Statement The formal conservation movement in the developing countries has come a long way as measured by the number of protected areas (PAs) established in the past four decades; however, their institutional sustainability remains weak in many cases primarily due to the following challenges: burgeoning human populations within or in the periphery of parks, increasing consumptive use of resources, dearth of financial support, lack of trust and legitimacy in eyes of local people, and ineffective enforcement (e.g. Infield and Adams 1999, Barrett 2001, Barber et al. 2004, Stern 2008). PAs are a cornerstone for biodiversity conservation and the trajectories of conservation hinge upon their institutional sustainability. There are two paradigmatic lenses to look at institutional sustainability: optimization and resilience. The optimization paradigm introduced static fortresses and fines conservation in which human component is ignored and ecosystems are managed in isolation for maximum productivity (Bengtsson 2003). The paradigm is dominant in decision making of where to establish protected areas, how much to invest in their management and how to allocate optimally conservation resources between regions identified as priorities for conservation (Wilson et al. 2006). The basic tenet of optimization is that we can increase the utility of ecosystems by manipulating their desirable components and ignoring the others. This paradigm does not take into account the important characteristics of ecosystems such as nonlinearity, irreversibility and dynamism in decision making, which has generated many undesirable consequences in natural resource management (Holling and Meffe 1996). The resilience approach integrates a human component into biotic systems and treats them as one social-ecological system. It fosters systems capacities to revert back to previous regime or transform into another desirable regime without changing fundamental structures and functions after disturbances (e.g. Gunderson and Pritchard 2002). The approach acknowledges disturbances as a part of system dynamics and redundancies as a resource for reorganization following the disturbances. By giving more emphasis on institutional development, the approach is gaining popularity for solving problems of social-ecological systems (Cummings et al. 2005, Abel et al. 2006, Anderies et al. 2006). One critical difference that has a bearing on sustainability is the fact that optimized systems cannot absorb external shocks while resilient systems are adaptable to changes and disturbances, making them more sustainable than the former (Folke et al. 2005). It is argued that a transition to sustainability requires effective institutions of governance (Orr 2002). To this end, community-based conservation (CBC) can be considered as a paradigm shift in natural resource management as it moves toward a systems view, includes humans in the ecosystem and adopts participatory approaches to ecosystem management (Berkes 2004). However, institutional weakness is apparent in CBC models as they have not been able to reconcile external pressures such as markets, globalization and political instability (Brown 2003). It is therefore critical to ask under what conditions CBC institutions become resilient. 4

6 This research posits that institutional resilience is critical for CBC to weather unexpected events in order to be a sustainable conservation paradigm. The essence of CBC is to set up sustainable institutions (Murphee 1994); however, a body of research in the field hardly explains about what factors contribute to institutional resilience in CBC. Through adopting an interdisciplinary approach and integrating theories and concepts from ecology, sociology, psychology, political science and management this research attempts to explore micro-level foundations for institutional resilience. This research surveys the performance of three CBC models during and following the Maoist insurgency in Nepal and poses a broad research question, Why were some community-based conservation institutions more resilient to the Maoist insurgency than others and what explains their institutional resilience? To meet the research goal, this study will answer the broad research question and the following specific research questions: 1. What are the characteristics of resilient institutions? 2. What accrues legitimacy in eyes of committee members and villagers to conservation institutions and does it foster institutional resilience? 3. Why are committee members committed to institutions and where do their motivations come from? 4. What socioeconomic or other factors influence committee members' attitudes towards conservation institutions and institutional resilience? Answers to these questions are critical to enhance our understanding regarding theoretical and empirical propositions of institutional resilience in CBC. This research is an interesting topic for both practical and theoretical reasons. From a practical viewpoint, these paradigm shift CBC institutions, if resilient, could go a long way for biodiversity conservation in the developing world while integrating human needs. It is therefore important to explore what factors contribute to institutional resilience. From a theoretical viewpoint, CBC models are implemented in a varied set of contexts, which affords researchers an opportunity to explore micro-level foundations for institutional resilience. The comparative case studies can gather critical data needed for theory development in the resilience field. Background of the Study Conservation paradigms Most biodiversity conservation efforts around the world are driven by one of two paradigms: preservation-oriented or people-oriented approaches. The proponents of preservation-oriented approaches support strict law enforcement to achieve conservation objectives (Terborgh et al. 2002). This strategy is reflected in many national parks throughout the developing world in which protected areas have been designated and are actively patrolled by park guards to prohibit any extractive use of the resources contained 5

7 within. Meanwhile, proponents of people-oriented approaches argue that conservation objectives can be met by addressing human needs (Wilshusen et al. 2002). These approaches are reflected in initiatives such as community-based conservation (CBC) in which capacity-building, environmental education and other forms of external support work to empower local communities to more sustainably manage their own resources for both use and conservation objectives. Nepal s formal conservation efforts date back to 1973 when the government passed the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act. The Act established the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC) and vested it the authority to declare any land as a protected area. A series of national parks and wildlife reserves were established based on the preservation-oriented approach. People were evicted from the areas, boundaries were delineated, extractive uses of resources contained therein were prohibited, and parks were actively patrolled by armed staff. This fortresses-and-fines conservation (FFC) has achieved a measurable success in protecting habitats and species; some endangered species have rebounded within protected areas (Heinen and Yonzon 1994). However, a host of problems emerged within a decade of program implementation. Wild animals from parks and reserves damaged villagers crops, and killed livestock and villagers. The local people killed wild animals in retaliation, plundered resources and held negative attitudes toward parks. In all parks and reserves, park-people conflicts became a formidable challenge (Mishra 1982, Sharma 1990, Heinen 1993). Also, centralized bureaucratic management strategies proved inefficient to manage resources at a local level; despite strict regulations, poaching, encroachment, illegal resource extraction and misuse have continued unabated. The government came to realize that the FFC approach would be infeasible to further extend Nepal s network of protected areas. The provenance of the CBC approach in Nepal dates back to 1978 when the government ratified two pieces of legislation (Panchayat Forest Rules and Panchayat Protected Forest Rules) that allowed hand over of government forests to local political and administrative units called panchayats (Acharya 2002). It took more than a decade for the CBC approach to become a dominant paradigm in Nepal s nature conservation. The government passed the Conservation Area Management Regulation in 1991, which legally recognized the Annapurna Conservation Area. There, local people have been implementing integrated conservation and development projects (ICDPs). As an alternative to the traditional park management approach that stresses policing and ant encroachment strategies, ICDPs are introduced in the 1980s. Their goal is to link conservation of protected areas with social and economic development of local communities. Since local communities frequently bear the cost of park establishment through denied resource access but receive few benefits, ICDPs aim to provide alternative income generation to local people that are compatible with conservation objectives. The success of ICDPs to link conservation with development has been modest; however, they are still receiving attention from bilateral and multilateral donors both in the conservation and development sectors (Wells et al. 1992, Wells and McShane 2004). The 1993 Forest Act instituted Community Forest User Groups and vested them the management authority to manage government forests handed over to them as 6

8 community forests. After three years, the government also ratified the 1996 Buffer Zone Management Regulation, which made the provision of involving local people in management and sustainable resource use within the delineated buffer zones along the boundaries of more traditional national parks and wildlife reserves. To date, three CBC models exist in Nepal: conservation areas, buffer zones and community forests. All three models have established grassroots institutions called user groups (UGs) to implement programs based on the CBC principles such as popular participation and decentralized decision-making. The household is the unit of membership in UGs. The assembly of UGs is the highest authority in decision making regarding natural resource management as stipulated in the Regulations. UGs prepare their own constitutions and draft operational and work plans. Once boundaries are delineated and the plans are approved by governing authorities, UGs play a direct role in implementing them. The assembly elects an executive committee to implement the UGs decision and perform day-to-day activities. General members of UGs can use forest resources in conservation areas, buffer zones and community forests for subsistence and commercial benefits as prescribed in the management plan. The government assumes the facilitator role and local people are active managers rather than passive beneficiaries of conservation initiatives. The three CBC models vary in scale, scope and management regime. The government has handed over the management authority of two conservation areas (Annapurna and Manaslu) to a nongovernmental organization, the National Trust for Nature Conservation. The Kanchenjunga Conservation Area, which was formerly managed by WWF Nepal Program, is recently handed over to a council of local user groups. A total conservation area of 11,327 sq. km is actively managed by local communities. As of 2006, 11 buffer zones have been declared in the periphery of national parks and wildlife reserves, which cover a total area of 5,079 sq. km. The DNPWC staff support local user groups to manage the buffer zones. As of December 2005, 14,337 forest user groups working under the District Forest Office (DFO) have been managing 12,191 sq. km. of national forests under the community forestry program (Department of Forest 2007, online). The DFO staff provide technical help to user groups in forest inventory, silvicultural practices, and management plan preparation. In these models, the management strategy is collaborative decision making with the involvement of local communities and incorporation of local knowledge. In addition to the three CBC models, the government directly manages the following variants of the FFC model: nine national parks (cover 10,288 sq. km.), three wildlife reserves (cover 979 sq. km.) and one hunting reserve (covers 1,325 sq. km.). See Figure 1 for detail. There is a slight variation in management objectives of these variants. The main goal for the establishment and management of national parks is to conserve representative ecosystems of the country and promote tourism. Wildlife reserves are areas protected for the preservation of endangered species. In the hunting reserve, controlled sport-hunting of common species is allowed in order to generate revenues. The DNPWC, the highest public park management authority, is in-charge of these protected areas, and the management strategy is strict protection through command and control regulations. 7

9 Figure 1: Spatial distribution of protected areas in Nepal (NP = national park, CA = conservation area, WR = wildlife reserve and HR = hunting reserve). Conservation and violence Violence is pervasive in many areas of high biodiversity around the world, placing large pressures on natural resource management institutions (Price 2003). Nepal provides one example in which biodiversity conservation has been threatened by civil uprising. The Maoist People s War, a decade-long insurgency that lasted from 1996 to 2006, claimed more than 13,000 human lives. Like most sectors of Nepalese society, the conservation sector suffered severe consequences. The Maoist rebels damaged physical facilities, took over protected areas and forests forcibly, colluded with poachers and smugglers in illicit trade of endangered animals and plants, and re-directed conservation funds to support the insurgency directly. From the natural resource management perspective, the environmental scarcity theory is helpful to explain the Maoist insurgency. According to the theory, the Maoist insurgency is a deprivation conflict (Homer-Dixon 1994), brought about by a rapid population growth and unequal distribution of resources. The rebels exploited natural resources and plundered material resources from civilian and government s coffers, cashing in on grievances of rural poor people to mobilize educated but unemployed rural youths for their liberation cause. Since describing causal mechanisms of the insurgency is beyond the scope of this research, I will not cover many other theoretical frameworks proposed to analyze social movements. 8

10 from the consequences of the insurgency. Yet community-based initiatives largely survived the Maoist insurgency, continuing conservation efforts even under extreme duress (Baral and Heinen 2006). Within community-based initiatives, some performed better than the others. Following a ceasefire that has endured since May, 2006, Maoist insurgents signed a comprehensive peace accord with the Nepalese government on November 8, 2006 and formally renounced violence. This provides a unique opportunity to gain insight into the differential resiliency of these strategies for biodiversity conservation in times of violence. Conservation management Even in times of peace, solving conservation problems is a daunting task because it requires a complex mixture of technical, economical, social, political, cultural and psychological expertise. Many protected area manager s lack interdisciplinary perspectives to problem solving. Conservation problems are exacerbated by political instability, insurgency, civil warfare and ethnic conflict. There are no silver bullets to solve them. Conservationists have realized that many conservation problems are site-specific, so a blue-print approach would not help. On the contrary, management strategies that provide opportunities for adaptation, innovation and learning have potential to solve conservation problems. In times of violence, strong site-based, semi-autonomous programs have shown promising results in Africa (Hart and Hart 1997). It has been recorded that technical, expert-proposed solutions have often failed to solve problems in natural resource management but only resulted in growing distrust for experts (Ludwig 2001). The CBC model has been promoted as an alternative approach to conservation in order to solicit wider participation of local people in all phases of a project cycle, capitalize on local knowledge and prescribe site-specific planning. However, we do not know yet whether the CBC approach can be effective in a country engulfed by the scourge of political instability and civil warfare. The sustainability of CBC depends upon the commitment of local communities and their legitimate demands and interests (Infield and Adams 1999). It is often hard to predict how insurgency movements impact conditions necessary for successful CBC implementation. Capitalizing on this uncertainty, some conservationists argue that there is a need to bring back the FFC models to counter the impacts of insurgencies upon conservation (Yonzon 2004). This proposition overlooks the fact that insurgency movements challenge the legitimacy of the state. Furthermore, government park management agencies have been chronically under-funded and institutionally unstable in many developing countries (Hamilton et al. 2000). It is therefore an unreasonable expectation that the government s coercive conservation will work during political instability. Conservation programs are unlikely to achieve success in areas that are undergoing rapid social changes and suffering from political instability. A contentious question in the conservation sector is how should we sustain and manage protected areas amidst political instability? Conservationists have proposed technocratic management strategies 9

11 for protected areas, but they have largely ignored how conservation institutions cope with disturbances. The concept of institutional resilience is critical to understand the performance of protected areas under duress. Sustainable conservation management is only possible when institutions are resilient. No matter which strategy (preservation oriented or people-oriented) we adopt, the conservation programs are bound to fail if institutions governing them cannot adapt to changing environment and absorb external disturbances. A new line of research should focus on what factors make conservation institutions resilient and how to set up such institutions. The proposed research attempts to address these issues and will collect information required to devise more robust conservation models. The Study Areas Annapurna Conservation Area It is the largest protected area (7,629 sq km) in Nepal and also believed to be the most geographically and culturally diverse area in the world (Gurung and DeCoursey 1994). The elevation ranges from 1,000 m to over 8,000 m, contributing to wide gradients in climate and elevation which promote a rich biodiversity. ACA harbours 22 different forest types (including the world s largest Rhododendron forest) with 1,140 plant species, and the area is replete with faunal richness with 101 species of mammals (including a keystone species Snow Leopard Panthera uncia), 478 birds, 32 reptiles and 21 amphibians (ACAP 1997). The region is also culturally diverse; about 120,000 people belonging to various ethno-religious groups inhabit the area. ACA has an easy access, is logistically less demanding, and has a higher rate of the disturbance incidence of 42 insurgency events occurred in protected areas, 24% occurred here (Yonzon 2004); all making it a suitable site for this research. There are seven management units in ACA; three lie on the northern slope and four on the southern slope of the Annapurna Himalayas. Altogether there were 56 user groups called Conservation Area Management Committee (CAMC). Local people elect their representative on the CAMC and it is the highest authority to manage natural resources and implement integrated conservation and sustainable development programs within a Village Development Committee the lowest political and administrative unit in rural Nepal. I selected two management units (Jomsom and Manang) from the north and two units (Ghandruk and Lwang) from the south. These four management units represent the diversity of ACA. In ACA, 30 CAMCs constituted the sample size for the case study. Please refer to Figure 2 for detail. 10

12 Figure 2: A map depicting seven management units and 56 CAMCs within ACA. Buffer zones The buffer zone program was first implemented in Chitwan and Bardia National Parks in In the mountain region, it was implemented in Langtang, Shey Phoksundo and Makalu Barun National Parks in These three parks are in the remotest Himalayas. Given the time constraints, I will not be able to go there. Mt. Everest National Park was the only park unaffected by the direct impacts of the insurgency (Shakya and Chitrakar 2006). The buffer zones in Rara and Khaptad National Parks were declared only in The research would be more representative if some buffer zones are selected in the mountain region, but it is unlikely given the time and fund constraints. Buffer zones in the mountain region are either infeasible or do not meet the selection criteria, so I ve to limit the selection from the terai region only. The buffer zones in Koshi Tappu and Parsa Wildlife Reserves were declared in 2004 and 2005, respectively. These areas are still engulfed by political instability so I am excluding them for a safety reason. In accordance with the case selection criteria, I will select user groups from three buffer zones managed by the government in the central and western terai: Chitwan National Park, Bardia National Park and Suklaphanta Wildlife Reserve. These three sites provide variability in durations, geographical locations and intervention levels (Baral and Heinen 2007), and I am proposing to survey about 15 UGs within these three buffer zones. In the past, only 11

13 malaria-resistant ethnic Tharus lived in the terai region, but people from hills started migrating to these areas after the eradication of malaria, changing the ethnic composition. It is therefore possible to survey some homogeneous and other heterogeneous groups in these sites. Community forests The community forestry program is the largest and most diverse of the three CBC models. Selecting comparable groups within community forests poses an enormous challenge because there are about 14,337 UGs distributed throughout the country. It is further complicated by the fact that the government policy on community forests can vary in the mountain and terai regions. To circumvent the problem, I will request the implementing agency staff and experts working in community forest to help me select cases based on the selection criteria (see below). The average size of community forest per user group is about 80 ha and the average size of an executive committee is of 11 members (Shrestha and Suvedi 2006). Methods Research approach I ve proposed to survey three models of community-based conservation in Nepal: conservation area, buffer zone and community forest. These three models were selected based on the comparative method paradigm from political science (Lijphart 1975, Collier 1991). Within this paradigm exist two strategies for selecting cases: one strategy is to select most similar cases so that an element of control is added while the other strategy is to select most different cases that allow researchers to distil out common elements among the disparate cases (Lijphart 1975, Przeworski 1987 and Przeworski and Tenune 1970 cited in Collier 1991). A mix of both strategies by selecting some cases on maximum similarity and the other on maximum differences might be the best selection process (Collier 1991). The three models are similar in some aspects. All work under the implementing agency, all have instituted grassroots user groups (UGs) and all have stemmed from a people-oriented paradigm. They, however, vary in institutional arrangements, management philosophies, durations and scope. These variations serve as controls so that I can measure effects of experimental variables on the institutional resilience. Each model has many UGs, and some groups are quite similar while some groups are quite different. By selecting both types of groups within each model, variations will be captured and control will be added. In ACA, semi-structured interviews were conducted with the executive committee members. These interviews were aimed to gauge the members perceptions of the impacts of the Maoist insurgency, their environmental attitudes and their conceptions of trust, legitimacy, resilience, and social capital related to conservation efforts. The research employed mixed methods. Both qualitative and quantitative approaches were used to collect data. Qualitative data were gathered from field observations, answers to open-ended and follow-up questions during semi-structured interviews, and reviews of 12

14 reports and other available documents of UGs and the implementing agencies. Quantitative data were primarily collected from answers to closed-ended questions. The qualitative data provide depth, context and rich information about institutional resilience while quantitative data facilitate statistical analyses. The same procedures will be followed in case of buffer zones and community forests. This research has two units of analysis: individuals and user groups. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data from the committee members and agency staff while field observations and archival review gathered data primarily on UGs. The primary units of analysis are individuals. Many variables such as motivations, environmental values, attitudes, legitimacy and trust are best measured at the individual level because these are the attributes or perceptions of an individual. Since the goal of this research is to summarize how each UG coped with the insurgency and explain differences in coping strategies among groups, the other units of analysis are UGs. Site selection Within each CBC model, representative sites will be selected based on the research question, conversations with the implementing staff and experts, prior research experience, logistical convenience and safety situation. The following criteria were used while selecting cases in ACA and will also be used in buffer zones and community forests. 1. The user groups have been impacted by the Maoist insurgency somehow and preferably with various degrees (from a low to high degree of intensity). 2. The user groups have achieved variable levels of success in coping with the insurgency (from mere existent to highly functional). 3. The user groups have been in place for different time periods (from short-term: around 5 years to long-term:10 years or more). 4. The user groups are managing different sizes of forested areas (from smaller forested areas to larger forested areas). 5. The user groups broadly reflect different community structures (from ethnically homogenous to ethnically heterogeneous). Sampling frame In each of the CBC models, user groups (UGs) are formed at the grassroots level to manage natural resources and implement conservation projects. The number of executive committee members of the UGs varies from 9 to 15. The implementing agencies are required to make public the names of executive members. In ACA, the user groups had 15 members on their executive committee (a de facto member was absent, so only 14) while in buffer zones and community forests it varies. Since I surveyed 30 CAMCs in ACA, the sampling frame consisted of 420 members. Similarly, the sampling frames of buffer zones and community forests will be computed. 13

15 Sample size I did not have the information about the variance of the targeted population so I could not use the formula designed for a continuous variable to calculate the sample size. Since I had many dichotomous variables in my research, the formula for sample size estimation for proportions was more appropriate. The following equation was used to determine the sample size required for ACA. For the worst case scenario (maximum variance), we put P = 0.5. Where, t = Student s t-test statistics (t = 1.98, for convenience we use 2) P = proportion of attributes present in sample Q = proportion of attributes absent in sample (1-P) d = standard error (confidence interval, for 5% error level d = 0.05) After correcting for the finite population, the required sample size is Where, N = total population Based on the above formula, the required sample size for ACA was 207. Similarly, I will compute the sampling frames for buffer zones and community forests and estimate the required sample sizes with the above formula. Sample selection I used both the probability and non-probability sampling techniques in ACA. Since my primary goal is to explore factors that make institutions resilient, I need factual information about user groups. It was expected that the chairs and secretaries would provide more factual information about user groups than other executive members; therefore, they were selected purposively. The other members of the executive committees were selected by a simple random method from the total population to reduce potential biases associated with convenience sampling. This sample selection approach is justified on the ground that coordinators are found to provide more factual data and the other members enrich with subjective information, thus producing complimentary information to assess groups success and function (Leach 2002). I conducted 190 scripted interviews in ACA. In addition, I am planning to interview around 200 members in buffer zones and community forests. I also used purposive sampling to interview the agency staff in order to gain their perspectives on how the committees they have been supervising functioned and fared during and following the Maoist insurgency. A quota sampling of villagers was done in each site to collect data on their perceptions regarding the trustworthiness of the 14

16 distribution of benefits. Preliminary Results from ACA Institutional arrangements Of 33 Conservation Area Management Committees (CAMCs) belonging to four management units, I surveyed 30 CAMCs in ACA during the summer of The names of surveyed CAMCs and the total number of members interviewed were given in Table 1. In each CAMC, I targeted to interview a chair, secretary and few members (4-5). Both the chair and secretary were interviewed in 18 CAMCs; a chair was interviewed in 5 CAMCs, a secretary was interviewed in 5 CAMCs, and neither a chair nor a secretary was interviewed in 2 CAMCs. The total number of members interviewed in each CAMC ranged from 3 to 9. The encouraging observation was that women were chair in two CAMCs and secretary in one CAMC. A maximum number of females on the committee was four. The disheartening finding was that nine members had died, two were bed ridden, 11 had temporarily migrated to other countries and four migrated to other areas within the country over the past three years, yet their posts were not replaced by new members. Table 1: The name of CAMC and the number of respondents in each CAMC. S. No. CAMC Member Secretary Chair Total 1 Lahachowk Lwang Dhampus Rivan Ghachowk Macchapurche Sardikhola Sikha Narchyang Dangsing Lumle Ghandruk Dharapani Thonche Bagarchhap Chame Pisang Bhraka Khangsar Tanki Manang Manang Dzong Muktinath Kagbeni Jomsom Marpha Tukche Kobang

17 29 Kunjo Lete Total Sample characteristics of CAMC members I targeted 210 members (7 from each CAMC) for scripted interviews, but I was able to interview 190 members only. The response rate was 90% and the non-response analysis was given in Table 2. Of 190 executive members interviewed, only 29 (15%) were females. Similarly, only 16 (8%) members were from disadvantageous castes such as blacksmith, cobbler, goldsmith and tailor while a majority represented either Hindu castes such as Brahmin and Chhetri, or ethnic groups such as Gurung, Magar, Thakali and Manangi. Table 2: Non response analysis of CAMC members S.No. Reasons Number Percent Chair/Secretary 1 Out of village for official work % 2 Out in the pasture to collect Yarsa Gompa % 3 Gone to Kathmandu for personal work % 4 Migrated abroad % 5 Did not return home as promised % 6 Declined the request due to spouse s critical health % Total % Other member 1 Expired % 2 Bed ridden % 3 Migrated to other places permanently % 4 Moved overseas for jobs % 5 Did not understand Nepali language % Total % The respondents age profile had bimodal distribution. A higher proportion of members were in their 50s or 60s (Figure 3). An average age of CAMC members was about 51 years. A potential problem in this type of age profile is that the rich experiences gained by elder members could easily be lost. The elder member may have fewer opportunities to groom young generations and pass down their experiences. Recruiting younger members on the CAMC is critical to sustain the conservation area in the long run. 16

18 Figure 3: Age distribution of CAMC members. The level of members education, as measured by the total years of formal schooling, was low. It ranged from 0 to 15 years and an average was 5.73 years. About one fourth had no formal education or just one year of schooling. Among the present members 46% served on the CAMC before, of which 23% served two terms and 77% served one term. On average the members had 6.7 ± 3.5 years of experience serving on the CAMC, ranging from 1 to 17 years. In general, males were significantly older (52.1 ± 11.8 years) than females (45.6 ± 12.4; t = 2.61, p = 0.013, df = 38), males had more years of schooling (6.1 ± 4.2) than females (3.6 ± 3.8; t = 3.21, p = 0.003, df = 42), and males had more experience of serving on the CAMC (7.1 ± 3.5 years) than females (4.6 ± 2.2; t = 4.94, p < 0.001, df = 58). Institutional resilience During the field research, I found that the CAMCs could be grouped into three clusters: highly functional, functional and mere existent. The highly functional CAMCs such as Lumle, Rivan, Chame and Kobang held regular meetings and completed all programs specified in a yearly plan. The functional CAMCs such as Lahachowk, Kunjo, Sikha and Dharapani held meetings and implemented programs when the intensity of the insurgency subsided in their area, but they remained dormant as it escalated. The mere existent CAMCs such as Manang, Ghandruk and Lwang did not hold meetings and organize programs for more than two years. They were existent but functionless, as measured by the CAMC performance standard, during the insurgency. For example, both the chair and secretary of Manang migrated to overseas and the committee never met for the past three years. Based on the preliminary data analysis and field research, the following are the characteristics associated with the highly functional CAMCs: The level of trust among members was high Members had strong influence on decision-making processes Members were empowered The satisfaction rating among members was high Members were motivated to serve on the committee the next term The number of reported leaders was high Members had more years of experience serving on the committee 17

19 In general, members were more educated Higher number of sub-groups and memberships in them Members believed that the implementing staff understand their culture Members perceived that conservation programs have became more effective The insurgency s impacts The Maoist rebels vandalized three CAMC offices (Lwang, Macchapurche and Sardikhola), and burned furniture and official documents. They also attempted to set fire on Ghachowk CAMC office, but local people foiled their attempt. During the insurgency, the Maoists killed three CAMC members. Between 2001 and 2003, the rebels bombed ACAP s four unit conservation offices and destroyed nine tourist check posts in the field. They also planted a bomb at the headquarters in Pokhara that caused some damages. The rebels threatened CAMC members and forced them to resign from the post. About 18% of members reported that they received threats from the rebels, but none of them resigned. In a few instances, they temporarily migrated to Pokhara for a safety reason and worked from there. The insurgency displaced some villagers. About 14% of members said that they observed villagers migrating to other places due to the insurgency. The reported high displacement occurred in Ghandruk. A majority of members (67%) reported that the relationships between a CAMC and local people had not changed over time, yet 36% reported that the insurgency had adverse impacts on the relationships. When the insurgency escalated, the Maoist rebels forced the ACAP staff to evacuate the area in their strongholds. Following the ACAP staff withdrawal, the CAMC were left on their own to implement conservation and development programs that have been collaboratively implemented by the ACAP and CAMC. While managing the conservation area solely for more than two years the CAMCs have developed the confidence to take the management responsibility solely. When asked whether the CAMCs can manage the ACA on their own, 69% said yes, 28% said no and 3% had no opinion. In another question regarding how long do they need a preparatory time to take over the management responsibility, 7% said less than a year, 40% said 1-2 years, 25% said 3-4 years, 15% said 5-6 years and 13% said more than 6 years. Sample characteristics of local people There were slightly more males than females in the sample (Table 3). An average age of respondents was 46 years. The respondents belonged to three economic strata: wealthy (20%), middle class (47%) and poor (33%). Only 15% of respondents had migrated to the study area. 18

20 Table 3: Socio-demographic variables of the local people surveyed. Variable Description Statistics N Age Reported age of respondents in 45.9 ± years. (Mean ± SD) Gender An individual s self-conception of as Male (1) = 56.5% 207 being a male or female. Female (0) = 43.5% Status Villagers relative economic status assessed by the condition of a home compared to other villagers. Wealthy (3) = 20.4% Middle class (2) = 46.6% Poor (1) = 33.0% 191 Migration Respondents moving into the area from outside and establishing a permanent dwelling. It is assessed by asking a question: Have you migrated to this village? Yes (1) = 14.6% No (0) = 85.4% Numbers in parenthesis are codes used for entering data into statistical software. Trustworthiness of CAMC members Trust is a critical factor for the success of community-based conservation. Without trust people find it hard to participate in collective actions and to facilitate decision-making processes. I asked local people regarding the trustworthiness of CAMC members. Based on the responses to three questions, local people considered CAMC members trustworthy (Table 4). Responses to these questions were strongly correlated (r > 0.28, p < 0.01), suggesting that they were measuring the same concept of trust. Table 4: Local people s perception of the trustworthiness of the CAMC members. Variable Question Yes (2) Unsure (1) No (0) N Work for Do you trust CAMC members to 74.8% 20.4% 4.9% 206 villagers work on behalf of all villagers interests? Fair Do you trust that CAMC 67.5% 6.0% 26.5% 200 members treat all villagers equally? Honest Are CAMC members honest? 70.4% 6.4% 23.2% 203 Numbers in parenthesis are codes used for data analysis. Participation in CAMC activities and the performance evaluation A higher proportion of respondents had participated in various programs organized by the CAMC (Table 5). Similarly, about 66% of respondents reported that they had benefited from ACAP. Those who participated in CAMC activities also reported benefiting from conservation programs implemented by the ACAP (r = 0.46, p < 0.01). About half of the respondents evaluated the CAMC s performance as good and the other half as fair

21 Table 5: Local people s participation in CAMC activities and their evaluations of the CAMC performance. Variable Question Statistics N Participation Have you participated in any programs organized by the CAMC? Yes (1) = 62.6% No (0) = 37.4% Benefit Have you benefited from ACAP? Yes (1) = 66.2% No (0) = 33.8% Performance How do you rate the CAMC s performance? Numbers in parenthesis are codes used for data analysis. Status of natural resources Good (3) = 49.8% Fair (2) = 47.8% Poor (1) = 2.4% Local people perceived that the status of natural resources had improved compared to the pre-aca era or 10 years ago (Table 6). Respondents reported that there had been no decrease in natural resources even during the insurgency. Table 6: Respondents perceptions regarding the status of natural resources in ACA Statement Improved Remained the same Decreased N 1 Compared to the pre-acap era, the 70.4% 16.0% 13.6% 206 status of natural resources in your area has: 2 Compared to 10 years ago, the status of 76.7% 10.2% 13.1% 206 natural resources in your area has: 3 Compared to 5 years ago, the status of natural resources in your area has: 49.0% 44.6% 6.4% 204 Attitudes towards the ACA Local people tend to hold favourable attitudes towards the ACA (Table 7). More than 85% of respondents regarded conservation programs in their village as successful. Almost all respondents thought that ACAP is doing a good job, and most were against the delisting of conservation area. Table 7: Local people s attitudes towards the ACA and their descriptive statistic Variable Question Statistics N 1 Success Do you regard conservation programs in your village as successful? Yes (2) = 86.4% Unsure (1) = 11.7% No (0) = 1.9% Evaluation Do you think ACAP is doing a good job? 3 Delisting Would it be better not have conservation area here? Yes (2) = 90.4% Unsure (1) = 8.1% No (0) = 1.5% Yes (0) = 3.5% No (1) = 96.5%

22 Table 5: Local people s participation in CAMC activities and their evaluations of the CAMC performance. Variable Question Statistics N Participation Have you participated in any programs organized by the CAMC? Yes (1) = 62.6% No (0) = 37.4% Benefit Have you benefited from ACAP? Yes (1) = 66.2% No (0) = 33.8% Performance How do you rate the CAMC s performance? Numbers in parenthesis are codes used for data analysis. Status of natural resources Good (3) = 49.8% Fair (2) = 47.8% Poor (1) = 2.4% Local people perceived that the status of natural resources had improved compared to the pre-aca era or 10 years ago (Table 6). Respondents reported that there had been no decrease in natural resources even during the insurgency. Table 6: Respondents perceptions regarding the status of natural resources in ACA Statement Improved Remained the same Decreased N 1 Compared to the pre-acap era, the 70.4% 16.0% 13.6% 2 status of natural resources in your area has: 2 Compared to 10 years ago, the status of 76.7% 10.2% 13.1% 206 natural resources in your area has: 3 Compared to 5 years ago, the status of natural resources in your area has: 49.0% 44.6% 6.4% 204 Attitudes towards the ACA Local people tend to hold favourable attitudes towards the ACA (Table 7). More than 85% of respondents regarded conservation programs in their village as successful. Almost all respondents thought that ACAP is doing a good job, and most were against the delisting of conservation area. Table 7: Local people s attitudes towards the ACA and their descriptive statistics. Variable Question Statistics N 1 Success Do you regard conservation programs in your village as successful? Yes (2) = 86.4% Unsure (1) = 11.7% No (0) = 1.9% Evaluation Do you think ACAP is doing a good job? 3 Delisting Would it be better not have conservation area here? Yes (2) = 90.4% Unsure (1) = 8.1% No (0) = 1.5% Yes (0) = 3.5% No (1) = 96.5%

23 What accrues legitimacy, in eyes of local people, to CAMCs? To explore what accrues legitimacy to CAMCs, I built a multiple regression model taking a legitimacy index as a dependent variable. Legitimacy is a concept which cannot be measured directly; therefore, I asked villagers two indicator questions regarding their perceptions about legitimacy. The responses were of dichotomous type and their frequency is given in Table 8. Table 8: Questions used to compute a legitimacy index. SN Question Yes (1) No (0) N 1 In your opinion, is CAMC the right authority to 92.2% 7.8% 205 manage natural resources? 2 Do you think most villagers abide by CAMC s rule? 77.3% 22.7% 194 Numbers in parenthesis are codes used for data analysis. Both statements were significantly correlated (r = 0.28, p < 0.01); therefore, I summed up responses of both the statements to create a legitimacy index. The value of the index can be 0, 1 or 2. I used the following explanatory variables in the multiple regression model: migration, fair, performance, work for villagers, honest, participation, benefit, delisting, relatives, age, gender and status (see Tables 3, 4, 5 and 7 for their description). The multiple regression model using the forward selection procedure built four models. The ANOVA test showed all models statistically significant at 5% error level. The value of R2 gradually increased and was the highest for the model 4. The model explained about 22% variability in the dependent variable (Table 9). Of 12 variables included in the model, only four variables were significant predictors of whether the villagers considered the institution as legitimate (Table 10). The native people tend to consider CAMC more legitimate then the immigrants. When the local people perceive the committee members as fair (treating all villagers equally) they tend to confer legitimacy to the CAMCs. The local people who rated higher on the performance of CAMCs were more likely to confer legitimacy than others. When the local people trust that the committee members works for villagers interests they were more likely to perceive the CAMCs as legitimate. Table 9: A summary statistics of four regression models. Model Sum of df Mean F P R² Adjusted Squares Square R² 1 Regression Residual Total Regression <0.01ᵇ Residual Total Regression Residual Total Regression Residual Total a Predictors: (Constant), Migration 22

24 b Predictors: (Constant), Migration, Fair c Predictors: (Constant), Migration, Fair, Performance d Predictors: (Constant), Migration, Fair, Performance, Work for villagers e Dependent Variable: Legitimacy index Table 10: Predictor variables included in the model and their statistics. Explanatory variable Unstandardized Coefficients Standardized Beta t P B Std. Error Coefficients (Constant) <0.001 Migration <0.001 Fair Performance Work for villagers Excluded variables Honest Participation Benefit Delisting Relatives Age Gender Status a Dependent Variable: Legitimacy index Research Implications It is expected that the project will reveal lessons about institutional arrangements for conservation that are most resilient to political instability caused by violent conflicts and other forms of civil strife. The results of this research will help to enhance our understanding of institutional resilience in CBC and can contribute towards building more robust conservation models. Furthermore, the lessons learned from the Nepalese experience may thus enhance biodiversity conservation in areas of political instability worldwide. The resilience paradigm is still in the process of theory development because it lacks any broad theory so far. The comparative method is an important tool for theory development. This research surveys three cases of CBC models so has a potential to develop a theory regarding institutional resilience through case study comparison. 23

25 Budget Expenditures Of the total approved budget of 4,050.00, I spent 3, during the 2007 field season. I humbly request you to carry over surpluses ( 290) for the next field seasons expenditures. S.No. Particulars Amount ( ) 1 International Travel 1, Washington DC Kathmandu Washington DC ( 1,000 ) Blacksburg Washington DC Blacksburg ( 160) 2 Domestic Travel To and from Kathmandu to the field site 3 Per diem for Principal Investigator 1, Room for per day = 500 Food for per day = Subsistence payment for assistants Field assistant hired for per month Research assistant hired to transcribe Equipment, stationery, and expendable materials Digital voice recorder one 200 Printing of interview 150 Expendable field Report preparation and mailing (250.00) Total 4, Budget narration: 1. I spent 1,000 for international air fare (Washington DC Kathmandu Washington DC). In addition, I spent 160 for a round trip from Blackburg to Washington DC and back. The total cost for international travel was 1,160 leaving a 40 surplus. 2. I spent 400 in domestic travel. I made two round trips from Kathmandu to Pokhara ( 210) and one round trip from Pokhara to Jomsom ( 80). In addition, I took a bus or taxi to get to other research sites within the Annapurna Conservation Area ( 110). 3. I spent 90 days in the Annapurna region and 10 days outside of it. I did not keep the details of expenditures on per diem, but managed to live with 10 on average. 4. I hired one full time field assistant for 2.5 months and paid 200 per month ( 500). Another research assistant agreed to transcribe interviews in Nepali for I bought one Sony digital voice recorder ( 160) and two 2 GB memory cards ( 40). I spent 100 on expendable field materials such as batteries, charger, stationery and minor gears. An additional 150 was used to print interview schedules. 6. This amount is for printing and delivery of copies of a final report. The amount is not used yet, but will be used for the next season s report preparation as well. 24

26 References Abel N., Cumming D. H. M. & Anderies J. M. (2006) Collapse and reorganization in social ecological systems: questions, some ideas, and policy implications. Ecology and Society 11, 17 Acharya, K. P. (2002). "Twenty-four years of community forestry in Nepal." International Forestry Review 4(2): Baral, N. and J. T. Heinen (2006). "The Maoist People s War and conservation in Nepal." Politics and the Life Sciences 24(1-2): Baral N. & Heinen J. T. (2007) Decentralization and people s participation in conservation: a comparative study from the Western Terai of Nepal. International Journal of Sustainable Development & World Ecology 14, Baral N. & Heinen J. T. (2007) Resources use, conservation attitudes, management intervention and park-people relations in the Western Terai landscape of Nepal. Environmental Conservation 34, Baral N., Stern M. J. & Heinen J. T. (2007) Integrated conservation and development project life cycles in the Annapurna Conservation Area, Nepal: Is development overpowering conservation? Biodiversity and Conservation 16, Barber, C. V., K. R. Miller, et al., Eds. (2004). Securing protected areas in the face of global change: issues and strategies. Gland, Switzerland and Cambridge, UK, IUCN. Barrett, C. B., K. Brandon, et al. (2001). "Conserving Tropical Biodiversity amid Weak Institutions." BioScience 51(6): Berkes, F. (2004). "Rethinking community-based conservation." Conservation Biology 18(3): Cumming, G. S., G. Barnes, et al. (2005). "An Exploratory Framework for the Empirical Measurement of Resilience." Ecosystems 8: Folke, C., T. Hahn, et al. (2005). "Adaptive governance of social-ecological systems." Annual Review of Environment and Resources 30: Gunderson, L.H. and L. Pritchard (2002) editors. Resilience and the behaviour of large-scale systems. Washington, D.C., Island Press. Hamilton, A., A. Cunningham, et al. (2000). "Conservation in a region of political instability: Bwindi Impenetrable Forest, Uganda." Conservation Biology 14(6): Hart, T. and A. Hart (1997). "Conservation and civil strife: two perspectives from central Africa." Conservation Biology 11(2): Heinen, J. T. (1993). "Park-people relations in Koshi Tappu Wildlife Reserve, Nepal: a socioeconomic analysis." Environmental Conservation 20(1):

27 Heinen J. T. & Yonzon P. B. (1994) A Review of Conservation Issues and Programs in Nepal: From a Single Species Focus toward Biodiversity Protection. Mountain Research and Development 14, Holling, C. S. and G. K. Meffe (1996). "Command and Control and the Pathology of Natural Resource Management." Conservation Biology 10(2): Infield M. & Adams W. M. (1999) Institutional sustainability and community conservation: a case study from Uganda. Journal of International Development 11, Leach, W. D. (2002). "Surveying Diverse Stakeholder Groups." Society and Natural Resources 15(7): Ludwig, D. (2001). "The Era of Management Is Over." Ecosystems 4: Mishra H. R. (1982) Balancing human needs and conservation in Nepal's Royal Chitwan Park. Ambio 11, Murphree M. W. (1994) The role of institutions in community-based conservation: In Natural Connections: Perspectives In Community-Based Conservation (M. Wright and D. Western eds.). Island Press, Washington D.C., pp Orr, D. W. (2002). "Four challenges of sustainability." Conservation Biology 16(6): Price, S. V., Ed. (2003). War and tropical forests: conservation in areas of armed conflicts. New York, USA, Food Products Press. Shakya, M. M. and A. Chitrakar, Eds. (2006). Cost of conflict on Nepal's conservation efforts. Kathmandu, Nepal, Wildlife Watch Group. Sharma, U. R. (1990). "An Overview of Park-People Interactions in Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal." Landscape and Urban Planning 19: Shrestha, R. B. and S. Suvedi (2006). Impact of insurgency on community forestry program in Nepal. Cost of conflict on Nepal's conservation efforts. M. M. Shakya and A. Chitrakar. Kathmandu, Nepal, Wildlife Watch Group: Stern, M. J. (2008). "The power of trust: Toward a theory of local opposition to neighbouring protected areas." Society & Natural Resources xx (xx): xx-xx. Terborgh, J., C. vanschaik, et al., Eds. (2002). Making parks work: strategies for preserving tropical nature. Washington, DC, Island Press. Wells, M., K. Brandon, et al. (1992). People and parks: linking protected area management with local. M. Wells, K. Brandon and L. Hannah. Washington, DC; USA, The World Bank: xii Wells, M. P. and T. O. McShane (2004). "Integrating protected area management with local needs and aspirations." Ambio 33(8): Business Review,

28 Wilshusen, P. R., S. R. Brechin, et al. (2002). "Reinventing a square wheel: critique of a resurgent "protection paradigm" in international biodiversity conservation." Society and Natural Resources 15: Wilson, K. A., M. F. McBride, et al. (2006). "Prioritizing global conservation efforts." Nature 440: Yonzon, P. (2004). "Threats to Nepal's protected areas." Parks 14(1):

29 Appendix 1: An abstract accepted for Resilience Conference 2008, which is being held in Sweden. Capital Stocks and Institutional Resilience of Conservation Area Management Committees in Annapurna Conservation Area, Nepal Nabin Baral, M.S. and Marc J. Stern, Ph.D. Department of Forestry Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University 305 Cheatham Hall Blacksburg, VA USA Abstract Conservation Area Management Committees (CAMCs) are local level institutions created to conserve, manage and use natural resources within the Annapurna Conservation Area, Nepal. The entire conservation sector was badly hit by the decade long Maoist insurgency ( ), including the CAMCs. Some CAMCs, however, were able to function during and following the insurgency while others did not. To explain the observed phenomenon; we draw upon capital stock theory and the resilience concept. The stock of capitals (natural, social, human, financial and physical) has been presented as the critical element for sustainability of a socio-ecological system. Yet, sustainability can only be achieved when institutions governing these capitals are resilient, i.e., they are able to absorb external shocks without undergoing major structural and functional changes. We have undertaken an empirical research to explore relationships between the stock of capitals and institutional resilience. To this end, we surveyed 30 CAMCs during the summer of 2007, estimated the capital stocks of each committee. Interviews with park officials (external to the committees) provided insights into the degree of resilience of each CAMC during and after the Maoist insurgency. The results suggest that human and social stocks are strongly related to the resilience of the CAMCs. Of particular importance were themes of intra-committee trust and members experience in the committees. 28

30 Appendix 2: Some photographs from the field. In the past, the committee members used to hold meetings in private homes but now most CAMCs have their own office building. This is the office building of the youngest CAMC Narchyang. 29

31 The Maoist rebels attempted to set fire on this office building of Ghachowk CAMC; however, the local people foiled their attempt. Now road construction seems to be an enormous challenge for natural resource management in the area. 30

32 In the trans Himalayan region livestock herding is an important component of the subsistence economy. This region is also famous for many aromatic medicinal plants. The sustainable management of these resources can significantly help to raise the local people s cash income. This is a photo of Yarsa Gompa Cordyceps sinensis, which is popularly called Himalayan Viagra owing to its supposedly aphrodisiac properties. 31

33 These are typical situations of interviewing the committee members. A CAMC member in Ghachowk allocated the time for an interview in the middle of his work. 32