CONFERENCE PROGRAMME & INFORMATION GUIDE

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1 CONFERENCE PROGRAMME & INFORMATION GUIDE 10 th Pacific Islands Political Studies Association (PIPSA) Conference SECURING GOVERNANCE: SECURITY, STABILITY AND GOVERNANCE IN THE PACIFIC UNIVERSITY OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC (EMALUS CAMPUS) PORT VILA VANUATU 7-8 DECEMBER 2007 PIPSA acknowledges the generous support of AusAID, the Pacific Cooperation Foundation, and The University of the South Pacific

2 A NOTE ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF PAPERS Papers and abstracts will be available online prior to the conference at and we welcome conference participants bringing copies for circulation to other participants. We will not be photocopying papers for distribution in Port Vila. Those who have not sent us copies of abstracts and papers before the conference are encouraged to bring them in electronic form to the conference to give to one of the convenors or to send them to us by as soon as possible thereafter. A NOTE ON PRESENTATION TIME Each parallel session is to run for exactly 90 minutes consisting of 30 minutes for each of the three presenters (or 45 minutes each if a session only has two presenters in it). Each presenter is allowed a maximum of minutes presentation time immediately followed by 10 minutes of questions and audience discussion. Panel convenors are to strictly enforce these time limits in order to ensure that all presenters are given equal opportunity. 2

3 CONFERENCE PROGRAMME 7 DECEMBER :00 Registration 09:00 OPENING SESSION Welcome Room 1 - Welcoming remarks John Lynch, Pro-Vice-Chancellor, University of the South Pacific George Bogiri, Political Advisor to the Prime Minister of Vanuatu - Opening remarks Steve Ratuva, PIPSA Executive Committee 09:30 PLENARY SESSION ONE Keynote Convenor: Steve Ratuva Room 1 - Security, Stability and Governance in the Pacific: Where the kava still has meaning Lopeti Senituli, Political Advisor and Press Secretary to the Prime Minister of Tonga 10:30 Morning tea 11:00 FIRST PARALLEL SESSIONS COUNTRY STUDY FIJI Room 1 Convenor: Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka Location A - Coups and churches: Christianity and politics in Fiji Lynda Newland - Sugar and democracy in Fiji Keiran Barbalich - Minority Melanesian and Fiji s politics Pate Nunu 3

4 INDIGENOUS GOVERNANCE Room 2 Convenor: Miranda Forsyth Location B - The National Land Development Taskforce and reforms to customary land tenure in PNG Lawrence Kalinoe - The affects of the foreign flower Tutii Chilton AUSTRALIAN POLICY Room 3 Convenor: Ron Crocombe Location C - Which governance in Australian policy? Jonathan Schultz - The antinomies of good governance : Independence and intervention in the South Pacific Tim Anderson 12:30 Lunch - PacLII Presentation, Barbara Jackson 13:30 PLENARY SESSION TWO Kevin Rudd and the Pacific Convenor: Panel Room 1 Panel discussion about the new Australian government s policy towards the Pacific 14:00 SECOND PARALLEL SESSIONS GOVERNANCE, SECURITY & TRADE Room 1 Convenor: John Henderson Location A - Why is China interested in Oceania? John Henderson - Environmental change, security and governance for small Pacific Island states Frederic Bessat - EU development and trade policy in the Pacific Yoonah Choi 4

5 HUMAN RIGHTS AND LAW Room 2 Convenor: Barbara Jackson Location B - Pacific regionalism and governance: Towards a regional human rights policy Kathryn Hay - To ratify or not to ratify?: An assessment of the case for ratification of human rights treaties in the Pacific Natalie Baird 15:30 Afternoon tea 16:00 THIRD PARALLEL SESSIONS POLITICAL ACCOUNTABILITY Room 1 Convenor: Asofou So o - Corruption talk: The influence of public debate on governance Warren Mayes - Bribery in Samoan general elections Aleni Sofara - Civil society and political accountability: The Tumua ma Pule protest and the controversial 1994 Auditor General s report Iati Iati POLITICAL ECONOMY Room 2 Convenor: Jonathan Schultz Location B - Economic performance of PI economies Scott Hook - Roots and routes: An analysis of how globalisation poses a development paradox for Tonga Joanne Wallis - Growth and governance in the Pacific Island countries Haruo Nakagawa Location C ELECTIONS AND REPRESENTATION Room 3 Convenor: Ron May - Pacific Island representation in New Zealand Helena Cook - Maori governance in a new electoral environment 5

6 Molly Kennedy - The 2007 national elections in Papua New Guinea: A postmortem R.J. May 17:30 End Day One 18:00 Conference BBQ -Book Launch Ron Crocombe Asia in the Pacific - Book Launch Anne Brown -Book Launch Ron May Conflict and Resource Development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea 8 DECEMBER :30 Opening Remarks, PIPSA Executive Committee 08:45 PLENARY SESSION THREE Conflict Room 1 Convenor: David Hegarty - Land, development and conflicts in the Pacific Islands Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka - Beyond greed and grievance: understanding the roots of conflict in Solomon Islands Matthew Allen 09:45 Morning Tea - Presentation on PCF, Tina McNicholas 10:15 PLENARY SESSION FOUR Vanuatu Room 1 Convenor: Howard Vontrease - Drivers of change in Vanuatu politics Anna Naupa, Nik Soni & Charles Vatu 11:15 FOURTH PARALLEL SESSIONS Location A VANUATU & NEW CALEDONIA Room 1 Convenor: TBC - Islandism and state-building: On the importance of intermediary identities in contemporary Vanuatu 6

7 Eric Wittersheim - Customary conflict resolution in a state environment: Cases from Vanuatu Volker Boege, Miranda Forsyth & Don Paterson - Collegial policy against disorder Mathias Chauchat GENDER AND POLITICAL EQUALITY Room 2 Convenor: Anne Brown Location B - Security and stability in Papua New Guinea: The case for gender equality in Papua New Guinea s political and decisionmaking arena Patrick Kaiku - Female election candidates and the Media: An analysis of news media coverage of male and female election candidates in the Fiji times Shazia Usman & Katrina Ma u - Opposition and media s role in holding Fiji s government accountable Mosmi Bhim 12:45 Lunch Presentation on Pacific Island Report, Scott Kroeker 13:45 PLENARY SESSION FIVE Custom and Power Room 1 Convenor: Lopeti Senituli - Political dynamics in Samoan custom and tradition Asofou So o - Customary governance and the status of women M. Anne Brown 14:45 FIFTH PARALLEL SESSIONS WOMEN AND POWER Room 1 Convenor: Miranda Forsyth Location A - Ni Vanuatu women and educational leadership development Jane Strachan, Rachel Saunders, Liku Jimmy, Grayleen Lapi - Feminine citizenship: Cultural transformation and resistance strategies among young urban women in Vanuatu Harriot Beazley 7

8 GOVERNANCE FUTURES Room 2 Convenor: David Hegarty Location B - Indicators of Governance and Stability Characterising the Pacific? Nancy Krause & David Hegarty - Considering Oceania s futures: A case for alternative futures methodologies in political research of the Pacific Islands Scott Kroeker 16:15 Afternoon tea 16:45 PLENARY SESSION SIX State of the Region Room 1 Convenor: Ron May - From the Pacific Islands to the Asia-Pacific: The shifting focus of regional organisation Ron Crocombe - Couped up again: The political consequences of the 2006 Fiji military takeover Steve Ratuva 17:30 PIPSA General Meeting organising the 2008 conference 18:00 END NOTE: This programme may be subject to improvisation during the event to take into account participant withdrawals and additions. 8

9 ABSTRACTS The Antinomies of Good Governance : independence and intervention in the South Pacific ANDERSON, TIM This paper examines the antinomies of good governance in the south pacific: the logical nonsense of coerced democracy and carefully tutored economic best practice. The tension between intervention and independence in the region is apparent in the recent Australian failed state threats, regional assistance missions and largely self-serving aid programs. Security and corruption arguments mask the substance of such good governance programs, which closely follow the pattern of earlier structural adjustment programs. After reviewing the origins of these programs, this paper identifies in them key neo-colonial themes of the demand for privileged access to resources and selective open markets policies, to enhance Australian investment and trade interests. These good governance programs have been enhanced by the security patronage and financial administration of regional assistance missions. Common themes can be identified in the recent experience of Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands and Timor Leste. At the same time, all three countries are demonstrating elements of resistance through asserting control of their natural resources, developing distinct public institutions, independently pursuing human resource development and diversifying development partners. Crime Deterrence in the Pacific Region through the RFID Security System AYODE, JOHN RFID is an area of automatic identification that is gaining momentum and is considered by some to emerge as one of the most pervasive computing technologies in history. Today RFID is a generic term for technologies that use radio waves to automatically identify people or objects. There are several methods of identification, the most common of which is to associate the RFID tag unique identifier with an object or person. A typical RFID system will consist of a tag, a reader, an antenna and a host system. In this research paper our objective is to propose and develop a system that will locate and recover missed or stolen items by using the RFID system. The framework of our system is to embed a RFID tag in expensive items like laptops, PDAs, mobile computer systems, cars, and other expensive equipments and to track such items by a specific (authentic) reader. For security purpose, the tracking system will make sure that only authentic readers authorized to access specific tags embedded in the items can have access to those tags. The benefits expected from this research proposal are: (i) It will be a means of protecting items in various departments in the universities, or industries in the Pacific region. (ii) It will enhance police effort in locating and recovering stolen items in the Pacific region. (iii) It will help police to determine the rightful owner of the recovered item in the Pacific region. This paper identified that most times it is very difficult for the police to recover stolen items even when it is within their range, that is, when the stolen items are in the same location or environment in which the police are. However, with the help of our proposed RFID system once the stolen item is within the range of the RFID reader in the hand of the police officers, it will be possible for the police to track the items embedded with the RFID tag. In a nutshell, this research work will be of great benefit to the Pacific region. 9

10 Sugar and Democracy in Fiji BARBALICH, KEIRAN Is Fiji a democracy plagued by a culture of coups, or an incomplete democracy? This paper argues that Fiji is a flawed or incomplete democracy in which an elected government sits parallel to an unelected, traditional political infrastructure. What is more this unelected, parallel political structure has been maintained by Fiji s place in the international economic order, and specifically by the European Union s sugar subsidy payment and quotas. The paper demonstrates how the collection of sugar revenues reinforces and sustains the traditional authority of chiefs and the tribal organization of society. It is this structure which is currently being contested by the December 2006 regime. Environmental Change, Security and Governance for Small Pacific Island States BESSAT, FREDERIC According to the last report of the IPCC, extreme weather events will become more likely in the 21 th century. With the projected increase of hydro-meteorological hazards, socio-political and economic consequences for small island states will rise and they pose security dangers for the poor with low resilience and adaptive capacity. For example, hazard induced or environmentally triggered distress migration has become a major human and societal security challenge. Addressing the environmental dangers to security requires a complex combination of strategic instruments and policies to reduce vulnerability to natural hazards and the related risks for human beings and affected societal group. To respond to this challenge, mainstreaming efforts are required on the scientific and political tracks with regards to the environmental dimension of human security. Thus, effective environmental and climate policies with legally binding obligations may the most cost-effective solutions to counter natural hazards. The study provides projections of coastal submersion around Tahiti Island (French Polynesia) for the future climate change and sea level rise. It identifies potential effects on local government functions and services, and outlines methods for assessing the likely magnitude of such effects. The work then explains how this information can be applied to assess the risk associated with various climate change impacts, and provides guidance on incorporating climate risk assessment into local government regulatory, assessment and planning processes. It goes on to analyze how French policies are formatted and implemented at several levels (regional, national, and local) and propose a conceptual and technical framework for conducting strategic environmental assessment of policies that potentially could be more useful in influencing decision makers to integrate environmental sustainability considerations into policy formulation and implementation. Opposition and Media s Role in Holding Fiji Government Accountable BHIM, MOSMI Freedom of Information lies at the heart of democracy, as it is a fundamental tenet of the principles of accountability and transparency. The concept of public interest lies at the heart of the debate surrounding the relationship between Parliament and the media. This paper examines the Hansard records of the Fiji Parliament for the period May to August 2005 when the Soqosoqo ni Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) party was in government, in coalition with the extreme nationalist Conservative Alliance Matanitu Vanua party. The paper examines much the same period the following year, from June to August 2006, when by contrast, there was a government of national 10

11 unity comprising of SDL and Fiji Labour Party MPs. The essay analyses those questions asked by opposition MPs that were not given a reply by government ministers. It looks at whether there were any follow-up media articles on the issues raised and the response by government, and compares it with the types of issues raised in Parliament that actually received media coverage. This paper intends to provide an indication of the extent of transparency and accountability of the Fiji government in recent times. Notes on Papua New Guinea: Law & Development BRUNTON, BRIAN..the problem with the South Pacific, despite all our aid, has been a problem of governance. And Australian governments over the years, have just taken the view that well that's a matter for them. Well the thing is it's not just a matter for them, when we're providing so much money and so much support (Alexander Downer). Law and development in Papua New Guinea does not lend itself to a rational deductive process. It is far too complex for that. It lends itself to an analysis of what Julius Stone identified as topoi or loci, the seats of argument that keep open a way of entry into the corpus of propositions, and elements of critical evaluation (Legal System & Lawyers Reasoning p325). Originally my intention was to focus a fairly tame treatment of law and development issues in the context of business-risks and corporate-responsibility. But Julian Moti intervened, and the facts in that matter are quite pertinent to our discussions Collegial policy against disorder CHAUCHAT, MATHIAS The members of the government of New Caledonia are elected thanks to a system of proportional representation. This deeply changes the political system based on a simplistic electoral mathematics rule slightly limited by the possibility to choose the number of members of the government. The proportional representation gives the New Caledonian political system its exceptional characteristic. It is unlikely that the Swiss-like democratic system may work in New Caledonia. The Fijian political organisation does not arouse optimism but its concept deserves to be adapted to New Caledonia. The New Caledonian political system leads to the acknowledgement of a "right for implicit veto" used by the big parties in case of disagreement on any decision made by the executive power and on the other hand, of constraints that prevent the executive power from passing a project by force. The constraints placed upon the majority and the vetoes of the minority on what is essential undoubtedly make up the formula of a democracy of concordance. It is up to the elected representatives to create "a constitutional custom". The Affects of the Foreign Flower CHILTON, TUTII This paper will examine how traditional2 Palauan governance3 design and practice would have benefited Palau as a nation state rather than the adoption of an American 1 I dedicate this paper to Jean & Steve Zorn, who taught Law & Development UPNG Traditional here is being defined as values and customs that are not influenced in anyway by colonizing forces. 3 Governance here is defined as, the sum of the many ways in which individuals and institutions, both public and private, mange their common affairs. From: What is Global Governance? 11

12 Model of governance. Prior to 1783 Palauans governed themselves in accordance to their own cosmology4 and were very successful. From, 1783 to 1994 Palau was colonized by four colonial powers, first Spain, then by 1899 Germany, in 1914 by Japan and then by the U.S. from 1945 until 1994 when Palau would finally gain its political independence and continue to use the governance design that the U.S. left Palau. For 211 years of contact, Palau has adapted and adopted their colonizers values, customs and beliefs yet still maintained their traditions. Not until Palau began to use the U.S. model of governance as their own, we begin to see the decline in traditional values and principles in governance practice. My focus is based on the argument that human society first develops their own cosmology which in turn informs their ideology and the result would be the systems and structures of their society. Since Palau has adopted a foreign cosmology and ideology the traditional systems, structures and relationships have changed tremendously to the point where the roles of traditional and elected leaders have gone from being responsible to the community to being responsible for my own individual economic needs. This analysis will highlight how much Palau has changed and attempts to identify how to practice what Taiaiake Alfred describes as, a living commitment to meaningful change in our lives and to transforming society by recreating our existences, regenerating our cultures, and surging against the forces that keep us bound to our colonial past. 5 This transformation will focus on synthesizing traditional cultural values and understanding, as the key ingredient for recreating a 21st century Palauan society. EU Development Policy and Trade in the Pacific CHOI, YOON AH Do the EU s policies and actions promote regionalism? How do they affect interregional trade in the Pacific? What about the French territories? Do these factors reconstruct regional identity, borders and sovereignty for the Pacific? This paper makes a critical analysis of the European Union s development policy in an attempt to reveal the assumptions behind and what is exactly meant by the rhetoric of EU discourse. As a major global actor, the EU takes responsibility in assisting developing countries to realize economic progress and stability, with the emphasis on certain methods and values such as good governance and regionalism. The paper addresses the implications of such motives in the context of the Pacific region and how it reconstructs regional identities, borders and sovereignty. Likewise, the EU s trade initiatives with the Pacific are examined and compared to see the extent to which the development and trade goals are congruent. Perceptions from the Pacific region regarding development and trade are taken into account and questions whether or not this region prioritizes one goal i.e. development, over another, i.e. trade. The discussion includes an assessment of where the French Pacific territories stand in the dynamics and mechanics of EU-Pacific interaction. What EU policies and regional agreements or projects are relevant to these territories are explored, and their current identities and commitments influenced by regionalism are evaluated. Finally, this paper proposes an idealised future situation for the Pacific, and envisages its relationship with Europe. 4 Cosmology is defined as theory or doctrine describing the natural order of the universe. However I m also identifying it as a specific worldview that is developed by a specific environment and spiritual outlook. 5 Alfred, Taiaiake. Wasase: Indigenous Pathways of Action and Freedom. pg 19 12

13 Pacific Island Representation in New Zealand COOK, HELENA New Zealand and the Pacific Islands have long had a close relationship, with ties of culture, heritage and kinship. Pacific Islanders now make up approximately 6.7% of the total New Zealand population and New Zealand proudly calls itself a Pacific nation. This paper examines Pacific Island political representation in the New Zealand parliament with an analysis of the five MPs who have identified themselves as Pacific Islanders. It examines the issue of minority representation in New Zealand, the role of these MPs in an ethnically diverse society, and identity politics and how multiple allegiances and responsibilities can be difficult for ethnic minority MPs. It also looks at how the MPs relate to their Pacific Island constituents and the networks that they use to communicate with them, as well as the relationship between the political participation of Pacific Islanders and the way they are approached by the two central political partys in New Zealand. It paves the way for future research of the relationship between the Pacific and New Zealand in an area that is distinct, important, yet under-researched. By examining the political participation and electoral experience of Pacific Islanders in New Zealand, it is hoped that we can utilize this framework to evaluate political participation and electoral behaviour in a wider Pacific context. From the Pacific Islands to the Asia-Pacific: The Shifting Focus of Regional Organization CROCOMBE, RON Few regional organizations existed before World War II. The growth of Pacific Islands regional organizations followed, largely as a by-product of, World War II, the pressures of the newly-formed United Nations, and the process of decolonization. They grew from about ten before World War II to about 400 today intergovernmental, non-governmental, and both. They include those designed to serve professional, cultural, media, sporting, religious, women s, environmental and a variety of other interests. From the 1970s Asia-Pacific regional organizations have expanded exponentially and increasingly involve the Pacific Islands. From a handful a generation ago, there are now over 700 that I have data on, and probably many more. I expect the total is over 1,000. The paper looks at the forces that originated and shaped the organizations, the nature of the organizations, the pattern of growth, and future trends in regionalism involving the Pacific Islands. Pacific regionalism and governance: Towards a regional human rights policy HAY, KATHRYN Strengthening regional cooperation and integration in the Pacific has become a critical political agenda item for Pacific Island Forum members since the endorsement of the Pacific Plan in October A regional approach to economic, political and institutional development has considerable ramifications for individual Pacific countries as well as for the wider international community. Under the mandate of the Pacific Plan the Forum has the task of strengthening governance within the region. As part of this objective the Plan advances the development of regional human rights policy with the ratification and implementation of regional and international human rights conventions, covenants and agreements. The process of creating a regional human rights policy is complex given the spectrum of countries, economically, geographically, politically and culturally, represented in the Forum. My doctoral research examines the political and institutional processes and contexts by which the 13

14 regional human rights policy is being designed, applied and executed; the position and influence on these processes of individual Pacific Island nation states, relevant supranational and international organisations and the role of non-state political actors in the development of the regional human rights policy. This paper will primarily focus on the theoretical framework for this research and discuss the significance of the theoretical paradigms of governance and new institutionalism in examining the process of developing a regional human rights policy. Pacific Governance and Security: Is the Connection Real or Imagined? HENDERSON, JOHN This paper analyses the frequently asserted connection between governance and internal conflict and political instability. The proposition to be critically examined is that the greater degree of "good governance" the lower the level of internal conflict. After a brief overview of the governance literature, the paper explores traditional forms of governance, and causes of internal conflict such as ethnicity, land, resources,and economic disparities. Reasons for the prevalence of internal conflict in Melanesia are considered. The paper concludes with an attempt to find common ground on what constitutes "good" governance in traditional and modern political systems. The Economic Performance of PI Economies HOOK, SCOTT The economic performance of Pacific Island economies has been less than impressive. The Pacific Plan and other region wide agreements promise to reform policy issues that will filter throughout the Pacific promoting change and supporting reform. However, the experience of Pacific states at national reform has been variable and does not give confidence in the capability of states to effectively manage the scope of proposed trans-national organisations. External donor preferences have long played a more important role than understanding local governance capabilities. This paper reviews the experience of Fiji and Vanuatu at national reforms and reflects on the weak capacity of many states in the region to develop and implement local reform agendas by reviewing their past attempts at reform. The paper also seeks to understand whether all reforms in the Pacific are prone to failure without a better understanding of the institutional capabilities of states. In particular, there is little assessment of alternative approaches to policy implementation such as the capacity of local and indigenous institutions to possibly more effectively guide the policy development and implementation processes. Land, Development, and Conflicts in the Pacific Islands KABUTAULAKA, TARCISIUS TARA In the Pacific Islands, as elsewhere, land is vital for settlement, subsistence, economic development, and as a source of identity, power, authority, and status. Land also features prominently in conflicts as individuals and communities compete for access to and control of rights. The increasing demand of land for economic development, especially large-scale natural resource extraction, has increased not only the value of land, but also the frequency and intensity of conflicts. This paper discusses the relationship between land, development, and conflicts in the Pacific Islands. It examines the nature of interaction between and within the major stakeholders customary land-owning groups, the State, investors, and settlers and the laws and policies that regulate the interactions between them and their access to land. The 14

15 paper examines the nature and expression of power between the stakeholders, and how this influences political and development outcomes, as well as engenders or mitigates potential conflicts. Understanding of the stakeholders and the nature of their interaction is vital for creating policies, laws, and institutions that would protect customary rights to land, facilitate economic development, and mitigate the potential for conflicts. Security and stability in Papua New Guinea: the case for gender equality in Papua New Guinea s political and decision-making arena KAIKU, PATRICK The dual ends of governance; security and stability, are unattainable in societies where there is perpetual injustice and a systematic denial of the rights of one section of the body polity. As we see in the collective case of Papua New Guinean women, their wisdom, experiences, and potential are not maximized to affect national development in the national political arena or institution of the State. The result is that a lopsided leadership nurtures an intense all-male competition that can only exacerbate existing internal dynamics of an inequitable political system. The failure since 1975 to either enforce/invoke existing constitutional provisions for greater women representation in formal institutions of the State, or the lack of initiative, creativity or political will to institute affirmative interventions for greater women leadership has implications for immediate security and governance issues in Papua New Guinea. In this paper I justify why the patriarchic State system of Papua New Guinea as the competing arena of big-men is bound to self-destruct without immediate equitable representation of the interests of half of the section of its population, the women. Likewise, I will suggest existing avenues and potential initiatives that can be instituted to realize the goals of equal representation in governance. Māori Governance in a New Electoral Environment KENNEDY, MOLLY Since New Zealand changed from a First Past the Post electoral system to Mixed Member Proportional representation (MMP) and changed the structure of its Māori seats in 1996, the number of Māori Members of Parliament (MPs) has tripled. This is clearly a large step forward, as the numbers are now much more representative of the indigenous population of New Zealand. However, 10 years on, we must ask whether these changes have translated into real policy outcomes for Māori, whose socioeconomic status remains unequal to New Zealand Europeans across key indicators. My research addresses this question in three ways. First, I look at how the number of Māori MPs has translated to percent of representation in Parliament before and after MMP, both by percent of voters and by percent of resident population. Second, I look at key legislation before and after MMP, to see if there have been significant changes in party manifestos and in actual policy outcomes. Third, I look at socio-economic statistics and chart disparity between Māori and New Zealand European populations, to see if the gap has narrowed or widened since MMP, trends which could partly be accounted for by government policies. After this analysis, I summarise recent events in New Zealand electoral politics, such as the formation of the Māori Party, and consider what impact these events might have on policy outcomes in the future. Finally, I discuss what implications these findings may have for other mixed-ethnicity populations and their electoral systems in other Pacific countries and further abroad. 15

16 Indicators of Governance and Stability Characterising the Pacific? NANCY KRAUSE & DAVID HEGARTY A veritable explosion of indicators has occurred in development agencies and think tanks over the past 15 or so years purporting to describe and measure a wide range of socio-economic and political phenomena - including conflict, stability, vulnerability, governance and democracy - in countries across the globe. Pacific Island countries are included in some but not all of these sets of indicators. While these indicators are commonly used to measure and compare existing conditions and trends, both across countries and over time, substantial problems of data and methodology suggest limits to their utility for this and other purposes. Questions are also raised about the values and assumptions underlying their construction for example the often assumed linkages between democracy, stability, governance and growth. Our interest in this paper is less in the methodological questions associated with these indicators and more in how well or otherwise they describe and characterise Pacific Island countries. At face value the PICs seem not too badly treated by, for example, the well-known Worldwide Governance Indicators (Kaufman and Kraay), in terms of their comparison with other countries and regions of similar size and disposition. They help debunk some common misconceptions, provide a general sense of how PICs are tracking over time and seem to offer a user-friendly tool for providing general information to a variety of audiences, provided the limitations of the indicators are made explicit. (A brief guide to some of the major sets of indicators is appended to the paper). High-level indicators, however, often miss important aspects of the PICs political and cultural contexts including resilience, coping abilities, dispute resolution capabilities, degrees of institutionalization, social coherence and the organic nature of social and political change. Caution in using these indicators, for example in aid or lending allocations and for reform policies and strategies is therefore warranted. For these more prescriptive uses in particular, more qualitative tools, which can better capture and account for the local context of particular countries, are necessary. Corruption Talk: The influence of public debate on governance MAYES, WARREN Corruption is a key international discourse about the legitimacy of public authority. While it is deployed by governments and civil society organisations in the West against regimes seen as dysfunctional it is just as easily used in other political settings to stifle opposition and to criticise the practices of Western regimes. This paper analyses the talk about corruption in the context of a Pacific region heavily influenced by external interests from East Asia and Australasia. It seeks to understand the different ideas about what constitutes legitimate authority invested in these interests. Reflecting on Jurgen Habermas (1989) study of the public sphere the paper argues that the public character of corruption talk is central to understanding its influence on political stagnation and change in the region. Is there a Governance-Growth Nexus in the Pacific? NAKAGAWA, HARUO This paper analyses the relationship between governance and economic growth in the Pacific Island Countries (PICs) using the Good Governance Index developed at PIAS- DG, USP. The governance index uses mostly objective data as proxies of certain aspects of governance performance of PICs and provides an important alternative to more widely accepted perception-based governance indicators. Preliminary time 16

17 series analysis of the data from Fiji shows that one of the governance indicators has long-run effects on the output per worker. Minority Melanesian and Fiji s politics in Fiji. NUNU, PATE This paper seeks to discuss how Melanesian Minority in Fiji been affected by Fiji politics from 1970 to Politics in Fiji seems to focus mainly or revolve around the two main ethnic groups the Fijians and Indians. This has been seen in the setting up of the 1970 government after independence, where Indigenous Fijians, Indians and descendants of the Colonial masters filled Ministerial portfolios. Government policies from 1970 to 2006 where debated along the lines of the two main ethnic groups the Indians and the Fijians. This was seen when there was a Ministry of Indian Affairs and the Ministry of Fijian Affairs while descendants of Melanesians and other Pacific Islanders were excluded from the consultation process and seen as insignificance in Fijis politics and governance. From 1970 to 1987 provisions in the government policies only benefited Indigenous Fijians and Indians where government self help projects and scholarship were established along the two main ethnic groups although Minorities were in the roll for the voting in the election for Government Ministers. In 1970 to 1987 Melanesians were in the Fijian rolls in general elections as Fijians. However, this does not mean that they are treated the same as Fijians or treated equally as Indigenous Fijians. Melanesian are descendants of labourers from Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu who were brought to Fiji during the Black Birding Trading system of labourers in the 1860 to Some labourers were hunted, uprooted and forced by the recruiters and some they joined because of promises made by the recruiters. Some of these labourers were taken to Queens land, Fiji, Samoa and Tonga. In Fiji, some were recruited by white settlers who planters and some were recruited by the Colonial Masters. Those recruited by planters and Colonial masters were scattered around Fiji. Those who work for the Colonial regime were cheap labourers in the infrastructure sectors in building road, railways, ports, reclaiming of spaces around Fiji including Levuka and Suva and some work on Colonial Sugar Refinery (CSR) were they were taken to Nausori, Navua, Labasa and Lautoka. Today descendants of Melanesian settlements are around in these areas. Couped up again: The political consequences of the 2006 Fiji military takeover RATUVA, STEVEN The paper examines some of the political and ideological transformations resulting from the 2006 military coup in Fiji. Of particular interest here is the reconfiguration of the political, traditional and ethnic alliances and the role of the military in creating new fractures and new alliances. The 2006 coup was much more complex than the previous coups for a number of reasons. While the dominant perception is that it was an ethic coup of sorts, the changing power configuration, resulting economic conditions and the general feeling of uncertainty has created a trans-ethnic oppositional front. On the other hand the interim regime has generated support and consolidated itself through reformist policies and emphasis on the good governance rhetoric. The dominant political discourse in Fiji revolves around the rhetorical contestation between good governance and democracy. The interim government is using the good governance agenda to legitimize the coup while the critics are using the democracy leverage to nullify the coup-maker s legitimacy. This has led to the formation of an array of new political groupings and alliances some of whom were enemies before the 2006 coup. How has the coup changed the ethnic and 17

18 ideological dynamics in Fiji? How has the role of the military changed and what are the implications for governance and security for the future? How permanent and sustainable are the new alliances? The paper attempts to examine these questions in more detail. Which governance in Australian policy? SCHULTZ, JONATHAN The term governance appears no less than 59 times in the AusAID policy document Australian Aid Promoting Growth and Stability, but most notably not in the Glossary. This lack of precision is indicative of the quite different ways the term is used in different policy domains. Economic governance refers to the institutional preconditions for the operation of a market economy. In the security domain, it refers to control exercised by the state over its territory. Finally, political governance refers to the operation of representative democracy, notably through transparency and accountability. In practice these three kinds of governance are confounded or assumed to be complementary. However evidence from the Pacific and elsewhere indicates that there are differences and tensions among them. Current Australian foreign policy targets economic and security governance through technocratic means, while political governance is encouraged by building demand. Although security appears to be a precondition for good economic governance, the reverse is not the case. Political governance has potential adverse impacts on economic and security governance thus defined. Recognising these tensions offers a number of opportunities for improving the quality of policy formulation in Australia. Stability and Governance in Sāmoa SO O, ASOFOU The Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) has governed Samoa since 1982 except for the two years of the opposition Coalition government in Sāmoa has thus enjoyed political stability for over 25 years. This paper discusses the implication of Sāmoa s political stability in terms of governance, cultural and social issues. For example, the recent passing away of the late head of state, Malietoa Tanufaili II, and the smooth succession to that post of Tuiatua Tupua Tamasese Efi, has a lot to say about political stability in Sāmoa. On the other hand, the substantial HRPP majority has practically silenced any opposition views in parliament. Furthermore, against the background of Samoans being passionate about their customs and traditions to the extent that they would uphold their customs to the end, it is interesting to note the government meddling with some of these cultural practices such as dictating to the country the right size of cartons of fish to be used for fa alavelave (cultural presentations), and in influencing a return to quality finemats that they believe were commonly available in the past. In short, this paper will discuss the advantages and disadvantages to Samoans of political stability both from a socio-cultural and liberal democratic points of view. Ni Vanuatu women and educational leadership development STRACHAN, JANE, RACHEL SAUNDERS, LIKU JIMMY & GRAYLEEN LAPI In this paper we outline a professional development programme and associated action research project designed to develop women s educational leadership in Vanuatu. The Government of Vanuatu has ratified two important and influential international conventions that directly impact on education, The Convention on the Elimination of 18

19 all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and has also endorsed the Pacific Islands Basic Education Action Plan. The ratification of these conventions requires the Government of Vanuatu to take steps to ensure gender equity in education. Women are seriously under-represented in leadership positions in all education sectors except early childhood. In 2005 the Ministry of Education developed its Gender Equity in Education Policy. One objective of the policy focused on increasing the number of women in senior positions. The authors were invited by Vanuatu s Director General of Education to design and implement a leadership programme for women working in education in Vanuatu. A leadership programme was designed using a collaborative process between the facilitators and participants. The women participants acted as cultural advisers and were consulted on the design, content and implementation of the programme. An action research process was used to research the cultural appropriateness of the educational leadership programme and to investigate the leadership journeys of the women participants. Focus groups and semi structured individual interviews were used to collect data. The four authors worked together as co-researchers. The findings revealed that firstly, the socio-cultural context had a significant impact on women s leadership. Although the women exercised their leadership in their workplace, their family and their church/community, how they exercised that leadership, was strongly influenced by, in particular, Christianity and the stereotypical roles of Ni Vanuatu women. Secondly, the women gained personally from their participation in the programme. For example, their participation in a formalised leadership development programme was seen by some of the women as a means to authenticate and support their current leadership roles. Thirdly, many participants found the skills and knowledge gained from the leadership programme were transferable into other contexts such as their church. Fourthly, the women took action and exercised leadership in a variety of contexts. However, a number of issues were encountered. For example, the women experienced gate-keeping by male colleagues. Accessing funding to run the programme proved very difficult and finding local people to assist with the facilitation of the programme was also problematic. Finally, it was very difficult for women to make changes within their cultural context. Female Election Candidates and the Media: An analysis of news media coverage of male and female election candidates in the Fiji Times USMAN, SHAZIA & KATRINA MA U This research paper examines the question, Are male and female election candidates given equal proportionate coverage by the media when running for public office? In the political arena, one of the main obstacles to the electoral success of female candidates is the media and the amount and nature of the coverage it assigns to their candidacy. The media, therefore, would play an important role in determining good governance by influencing gender equity and equal representation in government. To determine whether inequality exists, we analysed the contents of new stories published in the Fiji Times (the newspaper with the highest circulation) from March 2 to May 5, Out of the 215 election stories published during that period, only 3% of those stories either mentioned and/or used females as sources compared to 86% of male candidates. These figures show the staggering level of disparity between the coverage of male and female candidates during election time. This study also reaffirms some common beliefs about politics and the media; that the media chooses to quote, to a large extent, or sometimes in totality, male candidates in the news. This 19

20 perpetuates the impression that women are less active in politics than they actually are. In the Shade of Mediocrity-Shaping an Agenda of Relevance VUKIKOMOALA, JONE Preface: Knowing the rich potential of the region, it is a realistic expectation that the simple dreams of children playing under the shade of coconut palms to do the things they would be happy doing as they age are facilitated by those shaping policies and not suffer any compromises as a result of the usual shallow and self-serving interests of their present leaders. By keeping the plot simple, governments and their development partners can foster and ensure widespread peace and prosperity if they focused on doing the right things in order. Sadly for us in the region it s never going to happen for us if it s going to remain about the pursuit of the dollar and of material possessions. It was never our way and it will never be our way. What we possess as a collective can make all of us content, but first we must be prepared to establish a model of political and socio-economic co-existence that forces us to look well beyond ourselves and much that we have inherited in the last two centuries. Roots and Routes: An analysis of how globalisation poses a development paradox for Tonga WALLIS, JOANNE Like other Pacific small island development states (SIDS) Tonga has engaged with globalisation in order to advance its development. However, this engagement has exacerbated the vulnerabilities and challenges it experiences as a SIDS. This has in turn led to its increased dependence on aid, migration and remittances, and subsequent characterisation as a MIRAB economy. The dominant conventional development theories generally view both dependency and vulnerability as undermining development. Therefore, globalisation appears to pose a paradox to Tonga: it advances its development; but also increases its dependency and vulnerability. This paper critiques the application of the dominant conventional development theories to Tonga, and argues that as they take inadequate account of Tonga s social and cultural characteristics they have in fact created a false paradox. Based on that conclusion, this paper uses post-development theories combined with Tongan and Pacific Islander perspectives, to propose alternative ways in which to view Tonga s development. It argues that if the MIRAB model is re-read through this lens it may represent Tongans utilising elements of globalisation to promote an alternative path to development, to encompass both their roots in Tonga, and the routes that they follow when moving between Tonga and the rest of the world. 20

21 MAP OF PORT VILA 21

22 GENERAL INFORMATION INTERNET Le Méridien has broadband internet access (512kb). There are also seven internet cafes in Port Vila: Connect Café, Port Vila/Downtown Internet/E- Tourism Centre/Naviti Internet Café/Telecom Vanuatu/Click internet and Vanuatu Post internet. USEFUL LINKS The Vanuatu Tourism Office: Rocket Guide to Vanuatu: The Independent (local newspaper): TRANSPORT There are two primary modes of transport in Port Vila: taxis and minibuses. The former should run at approximately 150 vatu per mile, or about 1,250-1,500 vatu for the trip from the airport into town. The minibuses, meanwhile, provide frequent bus services around Port Vila for an approximate flat fare of 100 vatu. EXCHANGE RATES 1 VUV 1 USD 1 AUD 1 NZD 1 FJD 1 VUV USD AUD NZD FJD 58.9 (according to on 14 September 2007) Money can be changed at the international airport. A number of Automatic Teller Machines (ATMs) for major banks (such as ANZ) are located throughout Port Vila. 22