Ms. Colleen Lowe Morna

Transcription

1 Women s Political Participation in SADC Ms. Colleen Lowe Morna Without the active participation of women and the incorporation of women s perspectives in all levels of decision- making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved. - Beijing Platform for Action Throughout Africa, women are preparing themselves for greater and better political participation. They are inviting the men folk to seize the opportunity and embrace true democracy and good governance by opening up political systems to women and all marginalized groups- youth, people with disabilities and minorities. There can be no turning back this is the call of history. The question is, on which side will you be caught for change, or for resisting change? - Winnie Byanyima, MP, Uganda and Chairperson of the Forum for Women and Democracy, speaking at the Emang Basadi 10 th Anniversary Celebration in Botswana, 13 December, Gender equality is not a bi-product of democracy and it does not derive only from the clauses of the constitution. Democratic constitutions deliver formal, but not substantive equality.a conscious development of theory is critical to help us understand the workings of patriarchy, its character and form in our countries as it exists in and interacts with other oppressive forms such as racism and capitalism. Indigenous approaches, informed by other experiences but based on our concrete situation should be applied. - Thenjiwe Mtintso, Deputy Secretary General of the African National Congress (ANC) in Women in Politics and Decision Making in SADC: Beyond 30 % in Report of the proceedings of a conference held in Gaborone, Botswana, 28 March-1 April

2 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa Executive summary Africa is in the throes of major political transformation. Southern Africa-unique on the continent because of its history of white settler colonialism- is no exception. Over the last three decades, the remaining vestiges of colonialism have been removed. During the last two decades, several countries have experienced second generation revolutions- the shift from one party to multiparty rule. Of the handful of African countries that had functioning democracies before the nineties, two (Botswana and Mauritius) were in Southern Africa. The region is unique in Africa for having experienced only one military coup (in Lesotho). There are presently no military governments in Southern Africa. Because of its settler colonial past, Southern Africa has a keen understanding that government that is not representative of the population is not democracy. But, until recently, that understanding was based almost entirely on race. When less than fifteen percent of the population in Namibia, Zimbabwe, or South Africa constituted the majority of those countries parliaments, there was naturally an outcry. The same outcry did not extended to the fact that, on average, there are five times more men than women in the parliaments of the region; and an even higher proportion at local government level. The Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, heavy lobbying by civil society, and subsequent establishment of gender structures in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have spurred a vigorous campaign whose central theme is that government for men, by men, cannot be government for the people, by the people. In 1997, SADC Heads of Government adopted a Declaration on Gender and Development that pledged to reach a target of 30 percent women in all spheres of decision- making by In May 1999 the SADC Gender Unit (SADC GU) convened a ground breaking conference called Beyond 30 percent in 2005: Women in Politics and Decision Making in SADC. The conference yielded a comprehensive action plan with regional and national components. Even at this early stage, the fruits of this action plan are evident. In the five SADC countries that held elections in 1999, two maintained the proportion of women parliamentarians while three witnessed an increase in the level of participation by women. In the case of Botswana, where the above conference was held just before the elections, and where an NGO called Emang Basadi has waged a concerted campaign for increasing the representation of women in decision- making, the figure doubled from 9 to 18 percent. Currently, the proportion of women in parliament in SADC is 17.9 percent; considerably higher than the African average of 11 percent (and average for sub Saharan Africa of 9 percent); and global average of 13.4 percent. The proportion is also higher than that for Europe and the Americas, at 15 percent. Three of the top ten countries in the world with regard to women in parliament (South Africa, Mozambique and Seychelles) are in Southern Africa. 148

3 Women s Political Participation in SADC What the Southern African and global experience show is that there is no correlation between level of development and the degree of representation of women in leadership. The single major barrier to women s participation in decision- making remains the deeply ingrained cultural and traditional stereotypes around the role of women, whether in western or African society. It is no coincidence that in Southern Africa, as elsewhere in the globe, there is a far closer correlation between the level of women s representation and the existence of social revolutions or upheavals (often ushering in socialist leaning or social democratic governments) than level of economic development. Higher scoring countries include Mozambique, South Africa, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia whose struggles for liberation began to prick the national conscience over whether equal representation should not also be understood to include representation by women in accordance with their numbers in the population. Tanzania s social democratic traditions have been critical in ensuring a higher level of participation by women there. Seychelles is unique in that the high level of men seeking employment outside the island has created a virtual matrilineal society. Participation by women was also boosted by the former one party, left leaning government and has in fact dropped since the advent of multiparty democracy- a phenomenon common in eastern Europe. Some of the lower scoring countries, like Mauritius and Swaziland, have relatively high levels of income, but are socially conservative countries in which the presence of women in the corridors of power remains taboo. Botswana was a similar case. Its recent experience shows that socially conservative, but democratically responsive governments, can be cajoled into change. Lessons learned These observations have profound policy implications. The first is that simply focusing on empowering women ( give them leadership training ) is not going to achieve the desired objective. Empowerment of women must be accompanied by nationwide and region wide campaigns whose aim is to shift mindsets so that a stage is reached when we can close our eyes and see power in both feminine and masculine moulds. Short of more social revolutions and upheavals, these campaigns have to be able to challenge the status quo, leaving no country comfortable at the thought of a parliament or cabinet pin up that has only a token sprinkling of women s faces. Second, it has become apparent that campaigns alone will not do the trick. Some social engineering is essential. It is no coincidence that two of the three countries with the highest proportion of women (South Africa and Mozambique) are countries that have a proportional representation electoral system; and in which the ruling parties have had quotas for women. Because of its past, Southern Africa is more familiar than most regions with the arguments 149

4 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa around affirmative action for disadvantaged groups. The same arguments must now be applied to gender. Third, gender considerations need to be built into existing and ongoing debates on electoral systems- the proportional representation or first past the post system- that up to now have been gender blind. Explicit constitutional provisions for gender equality as found in South Africa, Namibia and Tanzania- are also powerful tools for ensuring transformation. Fourth, Southern Africa must be wary of being caught in the numbers game. This paper draws on the conceptual framework developed by Thenjiwe Mtintso, Deputy Secretary general of the African National Congress (ANC), who argues that the subject of women in decisionmaking must be approached from the three perspectives of access; participation and transformation. Participation concerns where women are located within decision- making bodies and the institutional barriers to their effective contribution. Transformation is about what difference women make- to the institutional culture and exercise of power; as well as to the making of laws and delivery of services. Women can be supported to be more effective participants, and therefore transformers through appropriate capacity building and training. As part of its far- reaching programme on women in politics and decision- making, the SADC GU is producing and testing a Gender Tool Kit for SADC Decision Makers to be adapted and used at national level. SADC GU has been keen to grasp that while there is much that can be done at regional level, each country must come up with a national action plan for promoting women s equal and effective participation in decision making. The agenda in Mozambique with nearly thirty percent women in parliament will be different to that in Swaziland with less than five percent women in parliament- despite the fact that these countries are neighbours. The motto that runs through SADC s Action Plan on Women in Politics and Decision Making is: think globally, organize regionally, act locally. 150

5 Women s Political Participation in SADC BACKGROUND Over the last decade, Africa has been in the grips of a major social, economic and political revolution. Following the lost decade of the eighties when a combination of stumbling commodity prices, conflict, war, political instability and mismanagement witnessed major economic decline, the majority of African countries are undertaking far reaching economic reforms. The end of the Cold War, and growing acceptance of economic liberalisation, have prompted an unprecedented wave of democratisation that has led Africa to move up from the category of not free to partly free in the latest Freedom of the World Survey (1). Southern Africa is both unique and similar to the rest of the continent. The only region in Africa to experience white settler rule, Southern Africa was largely preoccupied during the last two decades of the millennium with the independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia and ending of apartheid in South Africa; as well as the wars that spilled over into the former Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola as a result of South Africa s destabilisation of its neighbours. South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe have constitutions guaranteeing multi party democracy and have experienced peaceful post independence elections, though in Zimbabwe these have been marred by claims of irregularities. Five out of fourteen Southern African countries (Malawi, Mozambique, Seychelles, Tanzania and Zambia) have witnessed a return from one party to multiparty rule; and in two cases (Malawi and Zambia) incumbent parties have been defeated at the polls. Lesotho, the only Southern African country to ever experience military government, has restored a multiparty system. Swaziland has a constitutional monarchy. Angola, and the newest member of SADC, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), are mired in civil war. Botswana and Mauritius are two of the African countries that have long boasted functioning democracies. In the case of Mauritius, elections have led to routine changes in government. In sum, eleven out of the fourteen SADC countries can claim to have multiparty systems with regular elections- even if old established political parties continue to win and consolidate, or in some cases cling, to power. At the very least, more democratic forms of government have led to an increase in the number and voice of opposition parties; a new lease of life for the often outspoken if perilous independent media; and a mushrooming of civil society. 151

6 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa Gender and democracy in Southern Africa Despite these momentous changes, and Southern Africa s own unique experience of government that is not representative, issues of gender and democracy have only recently come to the fore. The painful struggles for independence in Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia provided some impetus for exploring the double and often triple discrimination borne by women- because of their race, class and gender. But gender considerations took back seat to the more immediate cause of defeating colonial and settler colonial masters. Preparations for the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, alongside the blossoming of more democratic forms of government across the region in the closing years of the last millennium, provided new ground for examining the issue more seriously. Among the arguments that have been advanced regionally and internationally for equal representation of men and women in politics and decision- making are: The demographics and justice argument: This school of thoughts argues, that a government by men for men can't claim to be a government for the people by the peoplea view endorsed by the following resolution taken by the Inter Parliamentary Union Council in April, 1992: "The concept of democracy will only assume true and dynamic significance when political parties and national legislation are decided upon jointly by men and women with equitable regard for the interests and aptitudes of both halves of the population.. Who feels it knows it: Democracy is premised on the principle of the will of the peoplemen and women. This school of thought argues that women are best placed to articulate their own needs and concerns. As Ugandan lawyer Florence Butegwa put it in a paper presented at a Commonwealth Local Government Forum (CLGF) symposium in Johannesburg in May 1995: "women's participation in politics is not a luxury, but a necessity." Butegwa went on to point out that over three- quarters of women in Africa are engaged in food production. It follows, she argued, that "policy decisions in agriculture should not be made without the active involvement of women." Women bring a different style and values to politics. "Women's exclusion from power in the public arena," says a United Nations background document to the Beijing conference, "is in sharp contrast to their ability to make crucial decisions relating to the survival of families." By excluding women from decision- making, the document argues, countries are depriving themselves of a reservoir of talent and wisdom, as well as a different style of decision- making. In January 1997, government representatives and NGOs held a ground- breaking gender strategy workshop that put forward recommendations for a gender policy and institutional framework in SADC. This was approved by the Council of Ministers that February. In November 1997, SADC Heads of Government adopted a Declaration on Gender and Development at their annual 152

7 Women s Political Participation in SADC summit in Blantyre. One of the commitments is to achieve a thirty percent representation of women in politics and decision- making by the year Soon after, SADC established a Gender Unit, which in May 1999 convened a conference entitled Beyond 30 percent in 2005: Women and Decision Making in SADC that adopted a far- reaching programme for achieving gender parity in politics in the region. The regional and international obligations for achieving this target are summarised in the box below. INTERNATIONAL, CONTINENTAL AND REGIONAL OBLIGATIONS FOR INCREASING THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN DECISION MAKING The UN Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women states that: "parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in political life and shall ensure to women, on equal terms with men, the right to participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy and to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government." The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action calls on governments to take measures to ensure women's equal access to, and full participation in, power structures and decision making by creating a gender balance in government and administration; integrating women into political parties; increasing women's capacity to participate in decision making and leadership and increasing women's participation in the electoral process and political activities. The Organisation of African Unity committed itself to the Dakar Platform for Action through a Declaration of African Heads of State in June Among the eleven concerns is the issue of the political empowerment of women; the Declaration notes that no African regional organization has appointed women to the top echelons of the hierarchy. The 1997 Southern African Development Community (SADC) Declaration on Gender and Development commits member states to ensuring the equal representation of women and men in the decision making of member states and SADC structures at all levels, and the achievement of at least a thirty percent target of women in political and decision making structures by the year

8 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa SITUATION ANALYSIS Parliament By global and African standards, Southern Africa has a relatively good record with regard to women in parliament, but these two comparisons fall far short of democratic principles. According to the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU), since the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995, the average representation of women in the parliaments of the world has increased from 11.3 percent to 13.4 percent- less than the 14.8 percent achieved in The decline is largely due to the decreasing number of women in the parliaments of former eastern bloc countries. As can be seen from the table below, there are wide variations in these figures across the globe- from 38.9 percent in the Nordic countries, to 3.4 percent in the Arab states. WOMEN IN THE WORLD S PARLIAMENTS BY REGION : MARCH 2000 SINGLE HOUSE UPPER HOUSE BOTH COMBINED Nordic countries 38.9 % % Europe including Nordic countries 15.8 % 13.1 % 15.3% Americas 15.4% 14.8 % 15.3 % Asia 14.7 % 11.8 % 14.4 % Europe excluding Nordic countries 13.6 % 13.1 % 13.5 % Sub Saharan Africa 11.3 % 13.6 % 11.5 % Pacific 11.3 % 25.4 % 13.3 % Arab states 3.6 % 2.5 % 3.4 % Source: Inter Parliamentary Union With an average of 17.9 percent women members of parliament in its upper and lower houses (excluding DRC, for which figures were not available, see table at Annex A), Southern Africa is considerably higher than the sub Saharan African average of 11.5 percent and African average (including North Africa) of 9 percent. Seven of the top ten African countries with regard to representation of women in politics are in Southern Africa; and no Southern African countries feature in the bottom ten of the African league (see Africa table at Annex D). As a sub region, Southern Africa outstrips Europe and the Americas, and is second only to the Nordic countries. But, as the bar graph of women in the parliaments of the region at Annex B shows, the Southern African average is largely accounted for by three countries: Mozambique, which at 28.4 percent is closest to reaching the 30 percent target; South Africa (28 percent) and Seychelles (

9 Women s Political Participation in SADC percent). These three countries indeed feature among the top ten in the global league of women in politics. Still, no SADC country has yet reached the 30 percent target, and only five SADC countries are at 15 percent or higher, that is, beyond the half way mark. These are: Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Seychelles, and Tanzania. Swaziland (4.2 percent) and Mauritius (7.6 percent) are the lowest in the Southern Africa league. Cabinet Globally, according to the Inter Parliamentary Union, there has been a slight increase in the number of women in the executive (ministers, state ministers delegate, deputy ministers, secretaries of state, deputy secretaries of state, deputy secretaries of state and parliamentary secretaries) from 5.7 percent in 1995 to 11.7 percent in The average percentage of women in cabinet in Southern Africa (excluding DRC, for which figures were not available) is 14.2 percent (see table at Annex A): well below the average for women in parliament. Only two Southern African countries -South Africa, at 29.6 percent, and Seychelles (21.4 percent)- are over the half way mark for achieving a 30 percent representation of women in cabinet. As the graph at Annex C shows, there is not necessarily a high correlation between a high representation of women in parliament and in cabinet: for example, Mozambique s 28.4 percent representation of women in parliament is in contrast to its 14.2 percent representation of women in cabinet. The average representation of women deputy ministers in the region, at 17.6 percent, is higher than that for ministers; but this is largely influenced by South Africa s exceptionally high proportion of 61.5 percent. Local government Statistics on women in local government in Southern Africa are incomplete and are the subject of a research project about to be launched by the SADC GU. They are therefore not featured in the table at Annex A. Available percentages of women in local government in SADC range from 1 percent in Mauritus; 3.1 percent in Zimbabwe; 5 percent in Malawi; 6 percent in Tanzania; and 6.3 percent in Zambia; to 14.6 percent in Botswana; 18 percent in South Africa; 41 percent in Namibia (which had a legislated quota for local government) and 52 percent in Seychelles. Women representatives at local government level in Seychelles and Namibia are the only example in SADC of the minimum 30 percent target for women in decision- making by 2005 being surpassed before the deadline; and in the case of Seychelles, of gender parity being achieved. In general, however, it would appear that the representation of women at local government level is even lower in SADC countries than at the national level. 155

10 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK At the SADC GU conference on Beyond 30 percent in 2005: Women in Politics and Decision Making in 1999, ANC Deputy Secretary General Thenjiwe Mtintso provided a simple framework for analysing women in politics and decision- making. Mtintso s starting point is that the under-representation of women in decision-making is anathema to democracy and that boosting numbers is a pre-requisite for change. It is therefore important to uncover what is barring women s access to the corridors of power, such as attitudes and stereotypes; lack of political will; electoral systems and voter apathy; as well as seek to redress these through appropriate campaigns and support for candidates. But she argues that simply getting in is not enough; as she puts it: an assumption that once women enter the parliamentary sphere, they may freely participate without any constraints is erroneous (2). Women's participation in male dominated institutions is often inhibited by patriarchal norms that leave women unable to operate effectively as a result of where they are located within the institution; gender unfriendly work environments; unfamiliar language and rules; lack of training and experience or of adequate support. For women to participate effectively in politics and decision making calls for a institutional transformation; the establishment of gender structures in parliament; as well as the empowerment of women through relevant training and support. As argued in the IDEAS book, Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers the key is to learn the rules; use the rules; and where necessary, change the rules. In keeping with the main theme of this book, Mtintso goes on to argue that access and effective participation must ultimately be geared towards transformation. As South African MP Melanie Verwoed puts it in Mtintso s paper: We must stop making history and start making policy. Beyond Numbers adds: Previous efforts related to increasing the numbers of women in politics, particularly in the context of women in some parts of the world not even having the right to vote, were a feature of those particular times and conditions. Though still crucial to contemporary endeavors towards equality and representation, it is now essential to look beyond the question of numbers to enhancing the quality and effectiveness of women politicians. (3) The following sections will analyze the constraints facing women in politics and the requirements if their presence is to contribute to transforming gender relations in Southern Africa using Mtintso s framework. 156

11 Women s Political Participation in SADC ACCESS Changing attitudes and stereotypes In their soon to be published study on women and leadership in Africa, Longwe and Clarke construct two indicators: A Women s Empowerment Index (WEI), to provide a quantitative indicator of women s progress measured in terms of women s level of representation in leadership positions including the executive, members of parliament and managerial positions. A Women s Self Reliance Index (WSI) to measure women s individual capacity to advance, in terms of education, training and access to resources, including level of education, share of income and proportion of women in industry. (4) The main finding of the report is that there is absolutely no correlation between self reliance and empowerment; and that this is in keeping with global trends that suggest a lack of correlation between women s education, affluence, and levels of representation in politics and decision- making. Put differently, Mozambique, one of the poorest countries in the world and one with the highest illiteracy levels, has the highest representation of women in parliament in Africa (see Annex D). Yet Mauritius- Africa s little tiger - is 29 th in the same table! Similarly, Southern Africa, the world s least developed continent, is ahead of Europe and America, two of the most developed continents in the world, when it comes to women in parliament. As Namibia s Minister for Women s Affairs Netumbo Nandi Ndaitwah commented wryly during the UNDP s 1997 conference on Governance for Sustainable Growth and Equity : At least in one area (women and decision making) developed and developing countries share a similar record! (5) Longwe and Clarke conclude that: Gender gaps in empowerment are far more fundamental and intractable, by comparison with gender gaps in self reliance women s occupation of top leadership positions poses a much greater threat to male interests and privileges, which therefore attracts greater resistance to women s advancement in these areas. At the heart of the under representation of women in politics are age old attitudes and stereotypes that assign women to the private, and men to the public domain; reinforced to varying degrees by custom, culture, religion and the media. 157

12 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa It is no coincidence that, of the bottom ten countries in the Africa table at Annex D, five are in North Africa where custom and religion exercise a powerful influence. Mauritius, with one of the lowest levels of women in parliament in SADC, has strong religious influences. Swaziland, at 36 on the list, is a monarchy with socially conservative traditions. Despite the fact that women in Lesotho, where there is a high level of male migrant labour to the mines in South Africa, are the majority of heads of households, women are not allowed to participate in the traditional public decision making meetings known in Sotho as the pitso. One of the reasons why, in general, there are higher levels of women in national parliaments than at local level in Southern Africa is the fact that custom and tradition play an even stronger role at this level than at national level. Yet, as the following excerpts from a debate in parliament in Zimbabwe on the participation of women in politics shows, the prejudices are deeply ingrained at all levels: The present problem is that women are trying to overshoot their rights. Biologically we are different and never will men and women be the same. Women must be wary of bringing too many women to parliament. There will not be balanced thinking in parliament because of the irrational thinking of women. Micah Bhebe, MP Bubi. From the beginning the land was always regarded as she and the heavens as he. This means that it is natural that women are below men otherwise the land will be above and the heavens below. Women should not act as though they want to rule men. It just cannot be - William Mushonga, MP Dzivarasekwa. (6) As Beyond Inequalities, Women in Zimbabwe comments, women invariably internalise their own oppression: ironically, society has made women the custodians of the very cultural values that lead to their oppression. In that respect it is tempting to conclude that politically, socially and culturally society has turned women into their own oppressors as they too tend to see men as better leaders than women. (7) The media feeds into and reinforces gender stereotypes. In a review of gender, politics and the media in South Africa just prior to the 1999 elections in South Africa the Media Monitoring Project noted: Women entering the political sphere provide the news media with a problem. They embody a challenge to masculine authority. They also defy easy categorization. The scrutiny of women s work in our society, therefore, is closely tied to their traditionally defined roles as women. Their images fit in well with prevailing cultural perceptions of women. These images also help to maintain the patriarchal structure by inculcating restricted and limited images of women. (8) Even in South Africa, with its laudable achievements, politics remains a man s world. The Media Monitoring Project found, for example, that 87 percent of the news sources in the 1999 elections were men (9). 158

13 Women s Political Participation in SADC Changing the male face of politics remains one of the greatest challenges to the region. NGOs working in this field have been keen to grasp that simply training and supporting women s candidates is not sufficient; they must also change societal mindsets. In Botswana, Emang Basadi, which provides training and support to women candidates and parliamentarians, began by co-ordinating the production of a Women s Manifesto with a list of demands designed to show male politicians that women s issues are political issues, and that the women s vote is important to them. This NGO, which has become virtually synonymous with the advancement of women in Botswana has conducted a vigorous public education and mobilisation campaign alongside its training activities (10). A similar strategy is being pursued by the Zambia National Women s Lobby Group, which has membership across the country and is conducting a civic education campaign in addition to training parliamentarians and local councillors (11). In Zimbabwe, a group of men have formed the Men s Forum for Gender, known locally as Padare to promote gender sensitive behaviour by men. While the idea of engaging men in public education campaigns is still in its infancy, it holds considerable attraction as a strategy for changing stereotypes. Political systems, commitment and philosophy Of the top ten African countries with regard to women in parliament in Annex D eight countries (including five from Southern Africa) - Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Uganda, Rwanda, Eritrea, Angola and Namibia - have recently undergone social revolutions or upheavals; first or second- generation wars of liberation. This suggests that upheaval often creates opportunities for women to play non- traditional roles and opens the door just a little wider for women to participate in decision- making. Another feature is that eight of these top ten countries (six of them Southern African) have come from social democratic or socialist roots (Mozambique, South Africa, Seychelles, Uganda, Tanzania, Angola, Eritrea and Namibia). At the very least this suggests that getting women into politics and decision-making is not something that can be left to chance: it must be part of a deliberate strategy and must have strong political backing. It is no coincidence that gender equality features in the manifestos of the ruling Frelimo in Mozambique, African National Congress in South Africa, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in Tanzania, and South West Africa Peoples Organisation (SWAPO) in Namibia. Seychelles ascribes its tradition of women s comparatively higher visibility in politics and decision- making to women taking responsibility for decision making at all levels as a result of men seeking work away from the island; as well as the strong socialist philosophy of France-Albert Rene s Seychelles People s Progressive Front. Indeed, from 1980 to 1985, Seychelles boasted 41 percent women in its national assembly- over the critical mass of thirty percent. This proportion has since dropped with the advent of multiparty democracy and new 159

14 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa political parties gaining seats in parliament that did not have the same commitment to the advancement of women (12). Still, the societal acceptance of women playing an active role in public life has led to a continued high representation of women at local government. Constitutional guarantees Southern Africa is unique in having examples of countries with relatively new constitutions, drafted at a time when issues of gender equality had become the subject of lively debate, lobbying and advocacy. The South African, Namibian and Mozambican constitutions explicitly outlaw gender discrimination and provide for affirmative action. In South Africa, the Women s National Coalition, an umbrella of non governmental organisations working in the gender area, conducted a participatory research campaign that culminated in a Women s Charter, presented to the negotiators in Kempton Park. Each three- person delegation to the negotiations had to have at least one woman. This presence made a symbolic statement and made a substantive difference to the outcome of the constitutional negotiations in the strong provisions made for gender equality. Constitutions are not static. Malawi and Tanzania have incorporated gender considerations into their constitutions, including, in the case of Tanzania, a quota for women (see below). Several countries are undertaking or anticipating constitutional reviews. There is therefore scope for strong gender provisions to be incorporated into the constitutions of all SADC countries. Indeed, the SADC Plan of Action on Women in Politics and Decision- Making requires that all SADC countries include an unequivocal commitment to the attainment, promotion and protection of gender equality in their national constitutions. Electoral systems, quotas and special measures Of the thirteen SADC countries represented in the table at Annex A, six have constituencybased electoral systems; and four -Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Angola- have proportional representation systems except at the local level in South Africa (in which there is a combination of the PR and constituency based system) and at the regional level in Namibia (where elections are constituency based). Seychelles has a mixed PR and constituency-based system. Tanzania has a constituency- based system except for the 15 percent seats reserved by the Constitution for women, which are contested on a PR basis. There is overwhelming evidence internationally to suggest that women stand a better chance of getting elected under the proportional representation, as opposed to the constituency based, electoral system. The reason for this is that in the former case, candidates focus on the party and its policies, rather than on a particular individual. This works in favour of womenat least in getting their foot in the door- because of the in built prejudices against women (Lowe-Morna, 1996). The chance of women getting elected is even higher when the PR system works in concert with a party or legislated quota. 160

15 Women s Political Participation in SADC TYPE OF QUOTA PR SYSTEM CONSTITUENCY BASED SYSTEM VOLUNTARY PARTY QUOTA CONSTITUTIONAL OR LEGISLATED QUOTA Source: Lowe-Morna Eg ANC in South Africa; Frelimo in Mozambique Eg In the local government elections in Namibia, which has a PR system, 33 percent of all candidates had to be women. Overall, women constitute 41 percent of local councilors Eg Labour Party in UK Eg The Ugandan and, Tanzanian constitutions reserve certain percentages of seats for women. As illustrated in the table above, there are four different possible combinations of quotas and electoral systems: The voluntary party quota, combined with the Proportional Representation (PR) system, are seen at work in South Africa and Mozambique; and it is no coincidence that these two have the highest representation of women in parliament in SADC. The two ruling parties, the ANC and Frelimo, have their own voluntarily adopted 30 percent quotas. Because of the PR or list system, every third person on their list was a woman. As the majority parties, this system has ensured levels of representation by women of close to thirty percent. The disadvantage of this is that it is reliant on the ruling parties getting substantial majorities. In other words, unless every party contesting has a 30 percent quota, there is no guarantee of the critical mass of thirty percent being obtained. There also strong arguments against the PR system, because of the perceived lack of accountability to constituents in this system. South Africa could well move in the 2004 elections to a mixed system, and the test then will be whether women are sufficiently accepted in the political realm to stand and win as constituency candidates. South Africa s 1995 local government elections, which were held on the basis of a mixed system, do not engender much confidence. In the PR seats, women won 27.9 percent of the seats. In the constituency- based seats, women won only percent of the seats. This gave an overall average of 19 percent of the seats in local government being won by womensubstantially below the 27 percent at national level, where elections were held entirely on the basis of proportional representation. The second local government elections will be held in South Africa towards the end of this year. It is expected that because of the higher level of awareness of gender issues there may be a small increase in the proportion of women who win seats. However, as a result of the mixed electoral system, this will still not match the one third level being reached at national level. 161

16 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa The legislated quota, combined with the proportional representation system was seen at work in the local government elections in Namibia. Because the quota was legislated, as opposed to being voluntarily adopted by one or other party, the elections had a guaranteed outcome of thirty percent women. However, as some parties fielded even more women candidates, the overall outcome was 41 percent. This suggests that the combination of a legislated quota and PR system are the most powerful combination for achieving gender parity in politics- the ultimate objective. However, the idea of a legislated quota is strongly resisted by some parties; in South Africa, for example, opposition parties have made it clear that they would oppose a legislated quota on the basis that it is contrary to freedom of association. The voluntary party quota, combined with the constituency based system: An example of this internationally is the Labour Party in the UK which, through its commitment to fielding women candidates managed to increase the representation of women substantially. In Botswana, which has a constituency system, two opposition parties (the Botswana Congress Party and Botswana National Front) had quotas of thirty percent women in the 1999 elections. Unless all political parties contesting elections have a thirty percent quota, the target of thirty percent will not be met in such a system. Moreover, unlike the list system, women candidates have to be fielded in safe constituencies, where they are assured of winning, for the voluntary quota to actually lead to an increase in the representation of women. Studies in Botswana and Mauritius have shown that women in constituency systems often get dropped at the stage of party primaries, that are often secretive and dominated by intra party intrigue within which women are sidelined. These factors explain why Southern African countries with the constituency- based system, are further behind than those with a PR system when it comes to women in politics. Legislated or constitutional quotas in the constituency based system: The example of this in Southern Africa is in Tanzania, whose constitution stipulates that at least 15 percent of the 238 members of parliament must be women- in other words 38 seats are reserved for women. With the eight seats that women contested directly and won, this has given women in Tanzania an overall representation of 16.4 percent in parliament. Clearly, the quota has boosted the level of representation by women. But, as Tanzania s Minister for Community Development, Women Affairs and Children Mary Nangu points out, having reserved seats for women perpetuates the stereotype that women are not capable of competing with men. (13) In addition to quotas, the electoral systems of many countries allow the Head of State to make some appointments to parliament (examples are Zimbabwe, Botswana and Swaziland). Indeed, of the six women in the Swazi parliament, only two were elected. The king appointed the remainder. The SADC Plan of Action on Women in Politics and Decision Making recognizes such appointments as another short- term measure at the disposal of countries for ensuring that the thirty percent target is met. 162

17 Women s Political Participation in SADC The area in which heads of state have complete discretion to make appointments is with regard to cabinet. The fact that with the exception of South Africa and Botswana levels of women s representation in cabinet are far behind their representation in parliament calls into question the political commitment of Heads of State to the declaration they signed in This issue is also highlighted in the SADC Plan of Action on Women in Politics and Decision Making as a lobbying and rallying point. Significantly, despite the inevitable charges of tokenism that accompany debates on quotas and discretionary appointments, very little evidence has been presented to show that women who enter politics in this way prove to be incompetent. On the contrary, anecdotal evidence suggests that women members of parliament and cabinet ministers find themselves under pressure to be twice as good in order to be half as recognized as their male colleagues. ANC Deputy Secretary-General Thejiwe Mtintso cites, as an example, the way in which many ANC women parliamentarians have improved their position on the ANC list between the 1994 and 1999 elections (see table below) as evidence that once in parliament, women have gained acceptance and credibility in their own right, as a result of their hard work and delivery (14). POSITION OF SOME WOMEN IN THE 1999 ANC NATIONAL TO NATIONAL LIST. NAME POSITION IN 1994 POSITION IN 1999 Nkosazana Zuma 51 3 Geraldine Fraser- Moleketi 61 9 Winnie Madikizela-Mandela Gill Marcus Frene Ginwala Stella Sigcau Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula Baleka Kgositsile- Mbethe Bridgette Mabandla Melanie Verwoerd Lindiwe Sisulu Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka Sanki Mthembi-Mahanyele Thoko Msane-Didiza Pregs Govender Adapted from the 14th May 1994 Government Gazette and the March 1999 ANC List. 163

18 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa Recognising that the 30 percent target of women in politics and decision making will not be achieved without direct intervention, the SADC Plan of Action on Women in Politics and Decision Making requires SADC member states to adopt specific measures, including constitutional or legilslated quotas, non constituency seats over which Heads of State have discretion, to achieve this objective. Women in political party structures The location of women in political party structures is an area that requires further study. Available evidence suggests that while espousing increasingly progressive rhetoric on gender equality on the outside, parties continue to marginalize women within. The ANC, for example, has not applied its thirty percent quota to party leadership (one out of six of its top officials are women). This is a critical issue as leadership within the party is an important training ground for women in politics (Lowe-Morna, 1996). A common feature of most parties in the region is the existence of women s wings. As in other parts of the world, these structures have played an ambivalent role; often reflecting the inferior status of women by serving as the hospitality wing of the party. The Inter-Parliamentary Union has set out some useful guidelines for women s wings, including focusing on special problems encountered by women in carrying out party activities; helping to mobilise women at grassroots level; assisting in special training programmes for prospective women candidates and establishing support networks for women who get elected (15). In Botswana, Emang Basadi has taken the conscious policy decision to work with the women s wings of political parties because, despite their present overwhelming concern with the welfare of the party, the group sees them as a potentially powerful tool for advancing the status of women (16). Support for women candidates Aside from societal stereotypes and marginalisation within political parties, women candidates are at a disadvantage because of their lower levels of education; lack of access to funds; and dual responsibilities that limit the time they have available for campaigning. NGOs in the region such as the Women s Development Fund in South Africa; Emang Basadi in Botswana; and the Zambia National Women s Lobby Group offer training to women candidates such as public speaking and campaign management. Less formal programmes, such as mentorship of younger candidates by older ones have yet to be looked at, and may usefully be taken on by the women s wings of political parties. Given the intensely competitive nature of party politics, the most important source of support for women candidates should be from within the party. 164

19 Women s Political Participation in SADC Women voters African women have enjoyed universal suffrage from the time their countries achieved independence. The level of voter turn out in African countries is generally higher than in the west; and the turnout of women voters is especially high. But the link with advancing gender equality is still weak. Emang Basadi has found that a lot of women lack the knowledge of what their vote is in a democracy as a voter and what obligations of those they vote for are towards them. (17) Beyond Inequalities, Women in Zimbabwe comments: An issue of interest is whether women voters can make a distinction between women s political interests and party political interests, and whether they realise the potential they have to influence both party and national politics to serve their interests. (18) In the 1999 elections in South Africa, one million more women than men registered as voters. A survey carried out by the Commission on Gender Equality of the 1999 elections in South Africa noted: Women need to be aware of the huge power they wield as the majority of the supporters of the main political parties in the country. These parties have not yet made a clear link between the women s vote and the need for unequivocal policies and practices aimed at achieving gender equality. This is because women have not articulated either their needs or their collective political muscle strongly enough to influence party positions. The challenge is therefore both to the male dominated party hierarchies, and to women voters and party members, to reshape the agenda. (19) This is an area that cries out for more research, since establishing a link between women s votes and women s concerns would be a powerful impetus for political parties to take gender seriously, in fielding women candidates, and in formulating gender sensitive campaigns and programmes. 165

20 International IDEA Conference - Towards Sustainable Democratic Institutions in Southern Africa The regional campaign REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN SADC COUNTRIES THAT HELD ELECTIONS IN 1999 COUNTRY PRE ELECTION POST ELECTION INCREASE No of Women Percentage No of Women Percentage Botswana 4/44 9 % 8/44 18 % 100 % Malawi 9/ % 16/ % 59 % Mozambique 71/ % 71/ % 0 % Namibia * 14/ % 14/ % 0 % S Africa * 128/ % 137/ % 7 % Source: IPU and SADC GU * Upper and lower house Even at this early stage, the regional campaign of the SADC GU is beginning to pay dividends in ensuring women s access to politics in the region, and will be critical in monitoring future developments. The above table shows that of the five countries that held elections in 1999, three experienced an increase in the representation of women in parliament; while two countries retained the previous level. An interesting case in point is Botswana. Before 1994, the maximum female representation in parliament was five percent. Thanks largely to lobbying by NGOs such as Emang Basadi, the representation of women in parliament rose to 9.1 percent in the 1994 elections. In May 1999, a few months before the Botswana elections, the SADC GU held its conference on Women in Politics and Decision Making in SADC: Beyond 30 percent in 2005 in Gaborone. At this conference, President Festus Mogae warned that the deadline for achieving a 30 percent participation of women in politics by 2005 could not be extended. In the ensuing October elections the representation of women in parliament in Botswana doubled to 18 percent. Three SADC countries have elections scheduled to take place this year- Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Lesotho. By 2005 all SADC countries, with the possible exception of those at war, will have held at least one, if not two elections. Those countries that are half way to achieving the 30 percent target such as Namibia, Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Botswana stand a good chance of reaching the target, if specific strategies are applied. This is more doubtful in the countries lagging behind such as Lesotho, Malawi, and Swaziland; while the war in Angola makes it difficult to predict what will happen there. In sum, it would appear that overall, SADC countries will increase their proportion of women in parliament from the present level of