Central and Eastern European Homelessness Report. National Migration Group, 31 March Rob Warm

Transcription

1 Central and Eastern European Homelessness Report National Migration Group, 31 March 2011 Rob Warm

2 Executive Summary This report has been written with contributions from all parts of the UK. It is not an academic research paper, but it is a collection of key issues and suggested solutions. These suggested solutions in the form of 12 recommendations - are grounded in practice and grounded in reality. This is not about demanding additional resources, or seeking major changes in the way that policy operates. It is about seeking low cost common sense solutions that can make best use of limited resources by changing the way we all operate. Some of these recommendations are around developing our understanding of the problem. This is not about research for its own sake it is about knowing what the actual issue is we are trying to solve so we don t waste time and money on solutions that do not work. Doing this may well challenge many of the assumptions we have about homelessness and challenge some of the ways that agencies work to deal with it. Some of the recommendations are about innovation and how we foster and promote new solutions to a relatively new problem. This might be innovation by employers (developing new models of tied accommodation ); innovation by housing associations (creating a new social housing offer to migrants that competes with the very poor short term private housing); innovation by central and local government working in partnership to develop new more sophisticated funding models which understand how the needs of individuals can be related to the costs of providing services. This also relates to how collaborative partnership arrangements can and should be viewed as a key way of making use of limited resources rather than as an additional cost. Another key emerging theme was around the important role that can be played by reconnection schemes. There was a clear sense across sectors and different areas that early intervention and support to reconnect homeless migrants to their home countries was key. However, there was some concern that not enough was being done to develop a shared understanding about what characterises the most successful of these schemes and how this can be replicated. Similarly, administrative removals were seen has having a potentially bigger role to play moving forward. Finally, looking to the future, it is clear that there are further challenges ahead. Many organisations remain unsure about the impact of the imminent end of transitional controls. More broadly, the challenges faced by those responsible for planning and delivering services in the future will be around coping with and responding to changing populations, not about the delivery of services to a particular group.

3 Introduction 1. At its last meeting, a number of members of NMG raised issues around homelessness of Accession State migrants and the way in which this was playing out at a local level. 2. Members also suggested that there were currently effective local interventions to address this for instance around reconnections, advice services and links to housing options services and choice based lettings. 3. An outcome of the meeting was that there would be a short focused report on A2/A10 homelessness taken to the next meeting, on 31 March. This report seeks to do four things: To begin to scope out the scale and nature of the problem and how it differs from UK born homelessness To identify practical strategies that different agencies are using both to prevent homelessness amongst A2/A8 nationals and to deal with the issue if it does arise To identify any barriers to dealing effectively with the causes and impact of migrant homelessness and make suggestions as to how these can be overcome. To share resources and learning which can help assist effective practice The Scale of the Issue 4. There is a great deal of anecdotal and statistical evidence indicating the scale of homelessness issues amongst this group, mainly in the London area. The scale of the issue, and the quality of the evidence, varies by area, but the CHAIN database (Combined Homelessness and Information Network a database for London), national rough sleeping counts and recent estimates of people sleeping rough on any one night have shown that the number of rough sleepers from A10 countries has increased over the last 2 years. 5. Whilst the scale of the issue is most apparent in London, this is also an issue in other areas of the UK, particularly in those areas where there is significant amounts of agricultural work East of England, the South West and the East Midlands. In other parts of the UK there are localised pockets in towns and cities. In Wales this has been identified as a growing issue particularly in Wrexham and Newport. Information on homelessness amongst migrants is largely anecdotal, but there are reports of increasing numbers of migrants turning up to day centres to access support. In common with many other areas, there is an issue in that neither migrants or service providers are aware of their entitlements. Yorkshire and Humber key issue in Bradford, Leeds, Sheffield and Goole (in the East Riding). The issue is particularly around single males from Poland and Baltic states, who have lost employment and the accommodation that went with it. Again, this is exacerbated by poor understanding of the different rules around eligibility for support by migrants themselves and service providers. In Bradford and Leeds, service providers estimate that CEE homelessness accounts for around 50% of all homelessness. In London the issue is most acute and the data most robust. In 2009/10 26% of verified rough sleepers recorded on CHAIN database were from Central and

4 Eastern Europe. In the first quarter of 2010/11 for the first time more than half of London s rough sleepers were not from the UK with CEE nationals making up 26% of rough sleepers. In a recent survey in Westminster, 47% of users of low threshold services were born outside of the UK. There is commitment from the London Mayor to end rough sleeping in the capital by the end of 2012 and it is clear from these figures that this can only be achieved by addressing migrant homelessness. In the East of England the issue is particularly high profile and acute in Peterborough where there have been a number of pilot schemes to address the issue (around administrative removal for instance), but also increasingly being identified as an issue in the rural hinterlands around Fenland (covering parts of Cambridgeshire and Norfolk) and Breckland, as well as in towns which provide employment to rural areas. Peterborough was the first LA to report considerable migrant homelessness in 2008 (around 40 people), but since then the issue has spread and currently is identified as the most challenging issue around migration within the region. Key nationalities affected by homelessness are Latvians, Lithuanians, Poles and Slovaks. In the East Midlands this is seen as a particular issue in rural areas and the towns that serve them; towns such as Boston and Lincoln. In the South East this is a significant issue both single males from Poland and Baltic countries, and larger families from the Czech and Slovakian Roma communities. The issue is viewed as particularly problematic in Slough, Arun District (Bognor Regis), Cirencester and Thanet. One service provider in Arun District reports that 40% of their service users claiming to be homeless are from Central and Eastern Europe. In the North West, Manchester has reported a drastic rise in the number of destitute Eastern European migrant rough sleepers over the last few years. For example, the Booth centre (a charitable centre that offers advice and activities for homeless people in Manchester) recorded an increase from 5 visitors a week in February 2008 to 42 visitors a week in November Nationalities are: Polish, Latvian, Lithuanian, Estonian, Slovakian, Czech and Romanian. The issue is less pressing in other authorities in the region. In Scotland local authorities feel that is difficult to ascertain the full extent of homelessness amongst migrants. Although levels across local authorities border on 3 4% of the population who are presenting as homeless, there are many anecdotal reports to suggest that there is a substantial amount of hidden homelessness in Scotland. The recent cold weather has been a significant factor in migrants coming forward for help and Edinburgh City Council for instance reported that throughout the winter months, a large number of accession state migrants made heavy use of free overnight shelters. Some of the larger councils have specific areas of housing policy that deals with migrant homelessness but there is an overall ethos to tackle all homelessness by focussing on prevention and there are reports that a number of migrants are engaged with prevention services. In common with other areas, Scotland has identified a key issue around a lack of clarity around the rights and entitlements of migrants in Scotland, in particular, the rights of A2 and A8 nationals to access housing support as well as other benefits. 6. Homeless Link (the national umbrella for the voluntary sector involved in homelessness) has carried out a recent survey of its members which has also identified the scale of this issue.

5 7. This survey of homelessness and refugee/asylum services, which was responded to by 168 advice agencies, indicated that 47% of surveyed agencies see EU migrants. Polish people seen most often (39%) with 25% of agencies reporting clients from Latvia & Lithuania. 56% of agencies see migrants who are sleeping rough 32% see migrants who are squatting and 14% see migrants who sleep in cars Why are migrants homeless? 8. One key difference is the specific vulnerability to homelessness that migrants have. The economic downturn has hit migrants particularly hard migrants often work in industries that are particularly susceptible to recession such as construction and hospitality; Migrants exist on the margins of labour markets (within the informal economy, in poorly organised or weakly regulated sectors); Migrants exist on the fringes of the housing market often in unstable forms of accommodation; Within some parts of the Private Rented Sector there is poor practice for instance often there are no formal tenancy agreements in place or there may be formal and informal sub-letting arrangements; Accommodation is sometimes tied to employment so when the job goes the accommodation follows; The current need to pay to register on WRS for each job creates an additional financial barrier to finding new jobs and thereby remaining in paid (legitimate) employment. Migrants often do not have access to the same social support networks that other young people at risk of homelessness do (i.e. family members close by) Migrants are likely to be young single males a group that itself is disproportionately prone to homelessness in any case. Often there are other underlying risk factors which contribute to homelessness (for instance problematic alcohol use). This is sometimes true for migrants as it is for the wider homeless population. 9. There are also different issues within migrant groups anecdotal evidence collated as part of preparing this report suggests that there are two main categories: Single males often from Polish or Baltic countries who cannot find work. These people often move between areas Families where adults are either unable to find work, or cannot work due to ill health. This is a growing category which has a serious impact on resources. These families tend to be from the Czech and Slovakian Roma communities. 10. Clearly these different groups demand different policy responses for the first group reconnection is probably a viable option. For the second group this is more problematic. One of the responding LAs in this survey summed up the most challenging groups as follows: What do you do when a family is destitute, not entitled to mainstream benefits, the adults will never work again due to illness, they have numerous children and no visible way to support them, but to them life in the UK is still better than back home?

6 Different Issue 11. One of the key areas that we need to understand is whether the nature of homelessness amongst migrant groups differs from homelessness within UK born groups. This is important in understanding if the policy interventions designed to deal with homelessness will be effective in meeting the needs of homeless migrants. 12. Professor Suzanne Fitzpatrick from Heriot Watt University has recently carried out extensive research into experiences of homelessness amongst migrant groups (this covered all migrant groups not just A2/A8). Below is her summary of some of the key differences between these groups: Experience Non-migrants Migrants 1. Rough sleeping 79% 94% 2. Begging 45% 37% 3. Prison/young 61% 25% offenders institution 4. Been admitted to 35% 25% hospital with a mental health issue 5. Used hard drugs 52% 37% 6. Alcohol problems 72% 55% 7. Street drinking 66% 46% 8. Survival shoplifting 56% 40% 13. Some of the classic indicators of homelessness in non-migrant groups having been in prison or young offenders institute, or having established drugs and alcohol problems before ending on the street are significantly different for non migrants. At the same time, migrants were much likelier to experience rough sleeping as a result of being homeless. 14. The policy implications of this are clearly complex but the patterns we are seeing could suggest that existing narratives of homelessness need to be challenged. Recommendation 1 All partners must develop a common vocabulary and evidence base to understand where the issue is most pressing and how it differs between areas. Defining the scale of the problem is incredibly difficult the quality of data differs significantly by area, there is no common approach for identifying homelessness by nationality, language or (in the case of CEE Roma) by ethnicity.

7 Preventing Migrant Homeless 15. Preventing homelessness is recognised by Government, and the sector as a key priority, particularly in times of reduced resources. Preventing individuals and families from becoming homeless is far more affordable than dealing with them once they are homeless. 16. Homelessness prevention is mainstream accepted practice within LAs, and the Housing Minister has repeatedly emphasised that the Government remains totally committed to the prevention agenda. The key question in the context of migrants however is does current mainstream preventative work do enough to prevent migrants sliding into homelessness. Given the extent to which the homelessness is becoming a migrant issue however, it is legitimate to ask whether the current preventative approaches are the right ones? 17. Current preventative work around homelessness has been extensively evaluated and the most effective practice is based around: The reality that preventing homelessness is far less expensive than addressing homelessness when it arises. Early intervention and support to prevent people becoming homeless A focus on advice and housing support A holistic approach that begins by looking at the client and the services that individuals access A focus on involving users in the design of services and the identification of gaps 18. These approaches are not always going to work with migrant groups. The policy focus has been on developing long term relationships with those at risk of homeless and using those relationships to prevent homelessness. To develop those relationships there needs to be a range of services dealing with an individual in a co-ordinated way. Often, with migrants, who are predominantly young and in relatively insecure employment, the longer term preventative work (in the way that it is currently framed) simply is not a relevant or rational policy response. 19. For many organisations that continue to see homelessness through the established narrative of mental health, detention, substance misuse or relationship breakdown, the longer term preventative work is seen as the only rational and cost effective response to homelessness as an issue giving vulnerable individuals resilience to cope with life changing events. 20. The reasons for migrant homelessness are often more straightforward than that model suggests individuals a long way from home, have a job and housing. They lose that job, and that housing, and have limited options in terms of support from friends and family. Preventative work is clearly essential, but it needs to be much more focused on preventing the issues that lead to homelessness so on ensuring responsible practice within private rented sector, ensuring that migrants are more aware of their rights in terms of tenancy etc.

8 Recommendation 2 All migrants coming into contact with advice workers are vulnerable but some are more vulnerable than others - there needs to be better ability to focus resources and support on vulnerable groups of migrants. There are various tools to help frontline staff identify specific vulnerability these need to be evaluated, promoted and used consistently to ensure best use of resources. Recommendation 3- Develop a better understanding the causes of migrant homelessness and you are part way towards addressing it - current mainstream preventative strategies were not designed to address the needs of migrant groups, yet in some places homelessness is becoming a migrant issue. LAs and the wider homelessness sector are in danger of applying tools designed for a different problem to migrant homelessness and then being surprised when those tools aren t adequate. Recommendation 4 Understand the nature of the problem this is only partly about migration. For instance many of the problems are due to poor practice in the lower end of the private rented sector, exacerbated by migrants desire to pay minimal rent alongside poor understanding of rights. Responses to prevent migrant homelessness need to understand the difference between migrant issues and housing issues. Recommendation 5 - Employers need to step up to the plate - Given the close relationship between accommodation and employment in some areas (particularly although not exclusively rural areas), employers have a role to play in making sure that migrant workers are adequately housed. At the most senior levels, government needs to have a dialogue with the business community and work with them and local authorities to develop new models of tied accommodation, recognising the responsibility of employers. Dealing with Migrant Homelessness 21. Because preventative strategies in this area aren t always effective, much of the focus is on how partners deal with the issue of migrant homelessness once it does arise. In very simplistic terms, there are in reality only three ways that migrant homelessness can be addressed once it does occur: Get the migrant into accommodation so they are no longer homeless Get the migrant out of the country so they cease to be homeless in the UK Ignore the issue and hope that the needs of individuals are met by informal networks, voluntary sector etc. Getting Migrants into Housing 22. Most migrants coming to the UK for work or study live in the private rented sector. However, if migrants are not working, and not entitled to benefits, then getting them into private sector housing is not possible. Even if they are working, then the need for an initial bond and the ongoing cost of accommodation might mean it is still difficult to access housing. Anecdotally, several LAs have also reported situations where migrants are working, yet are choosing not to access accommodation to maximise earnings. Again, this begins to challenge some of our existing assumptions around homelessness.

9 23. Many migrants are also accessing housing in the informal housing market subletting from friends, sleeping on sofas. Some are also in the worst parts of the private rented sector, being exploited by landlords and living in conditions which are illegal and potentially dangerous. 24. The situation with social housing is also problematic. Migrants accessing social housing is both practically and politically difficult. Practically difficult because there is a finite supply, and usually individuals are not eligible - either because they are individuals who have No Recourse to Public Funds (known as NRPF), or because even if they are entitled they are often not a priority group, and politically difficult because if they can access it there may be perceptions of unfairness. 25. Some migrants are entitled however, and often where they are entitled they score highly in terms of level of need and family size etc. However, that itself creates the politically difficult fact, that any migrant accessing social housing is reducing the social housing available to members of the host community and this can lead to community tensions. Central and local government have been looking at ways to develop allocations policies which place additional emphasis on local connections, but the reality is that there is still a finite supply of housing across all tenures, and particularly social housing. It is also difficult to allow local connection to over-ride clear evidence of other sorts of need (e.g. overcrowding or health) and in reality it seldom does. 26. Solving these issues is incredibly difficult. The reality is, the issues of access to good quality housing are bigger than issues around migration. The quality and depth of the social and private rented sector (PRS) are also key. The Government has ruled out regulation of the PRS (as recommended by the Rugg Review set up under the last administration), but has at the same time emphasised that councils should use the wide range of powers they already have at their disposal to, tackle the minority of rogue landlords that blight some communities, provide a poor service to tenants and damage the reputation of the private rented sector. 27. Clearly, the parts of the private sector we are most concerned with are those where standards need to be enforced. However, there is a question around what happens to individuals and families living in such accommodation when it is closed down. Enforcement is both expensive to administer, but can also create costs elsewhere by displacing the problem. Enforcement is not always a solution to poor housing it is also sometimes a creator of homelessness. 28. In pulling this report together, many LAs anecdotally report small 2 or 3 bed properties with 20 or 30 individuals living in them. Often there are a number of such properties on the same street or in the same neighbourhoods, similarly overcrowded. If an LA was to enforce closure of these properties, then the question is what do you do with those individuals. Recommendation 6- Improve the private rented sector offer - Central and local government to work together to reconsider the extent to which regulation and enforcement of the poorer end of the PRS can be achieved with minimum resources or bureaucracy.

10 Recommendation 7 - Create a new social housing offer for migrants - Look at ways to promote innovation by housing associations so they can offer viable and affordable alternatives to the very poor end of the private rented sector (e.g. very short term tenancies in hostel accommodation for single working men). No Recourse to Public Funds 29. In some ways however, the most problematic group in homelessness terms are those who cannot legally be helped by public bodies because they are NRPF. This means that often statutory bodies (usually LAs) are unable to put support in place because the individuals who require it are not eligible for help. The situation is not helped by the very complex rules around eligibility, rules which will change again potentially when the transitional arrangements for A2/8 end on 30 April People understand the drivers for not providing public funding for support, but at the same time it does create perverse situations where individuals that are creating costs for some public agencies (e.g. A and E at local hospitals, the criminal justice system) can not be supported by other agencies in a way that may prevent those costs from arising in the first instance. There needs to be more sophisticated ways of understanding how to minimise the cost of such individuals to the wider public purse, not just specific agencies or departments. 31. The personalisation of care model has shown how there ways of looking at budgets which start from the needs of individuals, not the needs of organisations. Clearly there are significant differences in terms of homeless migrants with NRPF and users with entitlement to services. However, there is much to be learned and adapted from models which enable the costs associated with individuals to be harnessed to meet the needs of those individuals. For instance, at present, the costs of individuals to health services or to the criminal justice system cannot be captured by the providers who may be able to provide services to avoid those costs. 32. However, NRPF is not simply an issue about resources. It is an issue about the tools available to organisations to engage with and meet the needs of vulnerable groups. As the body on which statutory homelessness work falls, LAs clearly have a key role to play but clearly they need to play that role within the context of a refocusing of resources. There is a political challenge at both local and national levels about the extent to which limited resources should be used to meet the needs of migrants. 33. There is also a broader issue about the skills and capacity of LAs to engage with and respond to migration as an agenda, and indeed the ability of UKBA as a government agency to maintain strategic dialogue with local government as a sector. Current challenges in terms of deficit reduction mean that there will be a tendency in all sectors to look inwards rather than outwards. The time and resources needed to create the strong collaborative relationships required between agencies to work effectively to respond to the challenges posed by migrant homelessness are unlikely to be available in the future. This doesn t mean that those relationships cannot be developed, but it does mean that they need to be understood as part of the day job, and not a luxury.

11 Recommendation 8 Government needs to be creative in looking at funding models to support work with NRPF groups. Government should look at how other models of understanding how personalised budgets can drive service delivery which meets the needs of individuals and policy relating the needs of individuals to the costs of services. Recommendation 9 Valuing strong multi-agency partnerships - Ensure that all organisations, including central government and its agencies, see the development of multi-agency partnerships as a key way to drive efficiencies and make best use of limited resources rather than seeing them simply as an additional cost. Getting the Migrant Out of the Country 34. As indicated above, if you cannot get a homeless A2/A8 migrant into secure housing, then the other key strategy is to seek ways to get them to return to their native country. 35. The main way that this is done is through what are known as reconnection services working with rough sleepers to help them access advice and assistance on employment and housing, and where that fails, working with the individuals to help them relocate to their home countries where they are more likely to access services. 36. Reconnection has, in a quiet way, been something of a success. Most areas with significant issues around migrant homelessness see reconnection as one of the key tools in their armoury. The approaches differ slightly but the key features are often the same: Multi-agency approach, recognising the range of bodies with a stake in removals Clear LA leadership, as the body with statutory responsibility around homelessness Strong involvement of voluntary sector as a delivery partner with a clear shared objective Proven impact (Peterborough has reconnected 54 A8 nationals, in West Yorkshire there have been 100 reconnections in the last year, Manchester 35 etc). 37. There is also a wider issue about how the expertise that LAs and local voluntary sector groups are developing in this field can be used to support other areas of work for instance the voluntary removal of failed asylum seekers who are Appeal Rights Exhausted. However, whilst reconnections work is successful in some cases, evidence from some areas suggests it is much more successful if it is offered early on to individuals who are new to rough sleeping and have not become entrenched in that behaviour. Again, this highlights the importance of interventions being timely, and occurring at the earliest stage. 38. Many respondents indicated issues around the sustainability of these services some of them were centrally funded pilots, whilst many others linked into the funding available via the Migration Impacts Fund. It is clear that this is not the sort of activity that central government is likely to directly fund in the future with more of an emphasis on local authorities prioritising support for such schemes from within

12 their own budgets if it is a local priority. However, there is still the need for national government to work with local government and the voluntary sector to learn from the disparate pilots that have taken place and ensure that where local schemes are supported they are as effective as possible. Administrative Removal 39. For entrenched rough sleepers who do not want to engage with reconnection services, there is an increasing role for administrative removal. As set out in EU law, EEA nationals who have been in the country for longer than three months have to be working, studying or self-sufficient in order to have a right to stay. If they are not, or don't have a genuine prospect of doing so, the UK Border Agency expects them to return home. Support to find employment or to return home voluntarily is available as set out above. However, the UK Border Agency can take removal action in cases where the individual consistently refuses this support, and is left destitute and a problem for their community. 40. A pilot was launched last year focusing on problem areas in local communities as identified by the Department for Communities and Local Government and local authorities. The pilot trialled the approach of using administrative removal powers where people were not exercising treaty rights and would not engage with outreach workers. Up until end December 2011, 66 individuals had been removed from the pilot sites with 292 individuals making voluntary reconnections. 41. This approach has proved most successful where the local authority has owned and led the response to the issue of migrant rough sleeping and UKBA have been a contributory partner alongside the police, outreach workers and others. Administrative removals are clearly part of the solution and need to be supported across the country. The Role of the Voluntary and Community Sectors 42. As is seen with the work on reconnections, there is a strong role that the 3rd sector can fill in delivering for central and local government on this agenda. However, the role with reconnections is helped by there being a clear shared objectives. 43. Where a clear framework for VCS engagement is lacking then the situation can be more complicated as sometimes local activity can actually be something which sustains homelessness rather than preventing or addressing it. 44. Where that is the case, reconnections work can be used as a framework for working with those groups, to help them to understand how to work in a more constructive way. So in Fenland and Cambridge, one of the key early actions for reconnections work was engaging with local faith groups whose support had been enabling and sustaining street homelessness (for instance by providing people with tents). Through this engagement, such groups are now helping with resources which support the reconnection offer food for the return journey, donated clothing and toiletries to ready people for returning to work. 45. What such examples demonstrate is the way in which a managed and strategic approach can maximise the impact by co-ordinating the use of limited resources from a range of agencies.

13 Recommendation 10 Government should work with LAs and the housing sector to identify and share the features of the most successful reconnection schemes. Reconnection services are key and local and central government need to have a shared sense of how these services can be supported longer term. This needs to start with a shared understanding of what makes the most successful reconnection services work well, and a shared understanding of the level of cost savings that early intervention can generate. Recommendation 11 Administrative removals need to be part of the solution UKBA should evaluate the success of its pilot work on administrative removals and consider extending it., using the new Local Immigration Teams as the focus for ongoing dialogue with LAs on this issue. End of Transitional Controls 46. The 2004 Accession Treaty allowed transitional measures to be applied to countries joining the EU, for a maximum of seven years. Those transitional measures, such as the requirement to register for work, come to an end on 30 April After this point, individuals from A8 countries will have the same rights and entitlements as those from other member states. 47. The implications of this change are complex, and there is a range of views around whether this will have an impact on demand for services at all and, if so, how large that impact will be. Some potential changes include: Increased applications for the housing register or homelessness services from A8 nationals with worker status, or who have a right to reside and are habitually resident. Increased applications for income-related benefits from across all types of A8 national who are habitually resident Increased requests for help from Social Services from parents of children with specific care needs, as these groups may possibly be brought to the UK earlier. A significant increase in demand for advice services from all A8 migrants A possible reduction in A8 nationals considering return or reconnection. A possible increase in new arrivals from A8 countries due to the lack of requirement to register on the WRS, although this may be countered by the expected impact of recession upon work opportunities. 48. The Partnership has produced a briefing note which has been circulated to all LA s setting out some of the potential implications of this change at a local level. This is also available on our website at There is a view from within the Local Government and wider housing sector that the potential implications and impact of this change may not be fully understood. There are many unknowns, including the way in which other states ending their own transitional restrictions, but already there is anecdotal evidence from practitioners that individuals are opting not to take up the option of reconnection because they have an expectation that their entitlements will change on 1 May 2011.

14 Recommendation 12 - Clear, consistent and accurate information given to local authorities and other partners on the implication of the end of transitional controls. This information will need to evolve and change in the light of any challenges to entitlements.

15 Useful Resources Winter 2010 issue of Connect, the magazine of the homelessness sector pages 10 to 15 feature articles relating to asylum seekers, refugees and EU economic migrants. A2RoughSleepersGoodPracticeNotes.pdf A good practice guide designed to support local authorities and their partners in developing a strategic response and offer for Central and Eastern European (CEE) rough sleepers (A8 and A2 nationals). Asylum seekers, refugees, and other migrants can be especially vulnerable to homelessness. They may lack support networks, have limited knowledge of the British system and language, and their entitlements to support can be confusing. There is a lot of support and guidance available for this client group, details of which can be found below. Guidance for organisations working with homeless Central and Eastern Europeans Question from Lord Roberts of Llandudno to Government in House of Lords on 1 December 2010 re A8 transition A new CIH website with up-to-date information on the legal entitlements for all types of migrant whether they are homeless, need accommodation through a local authority or housing association, or apply for housing benefit. FAQs about the rights of EEA nationals to access benefits and the rights and the changes for A8 nationals from 1 May Information on lifting of WRS restrictions and rights of A8 nationals after 1 May Routes Home is intended as a practical guide for outreach staff and other professionals involved in reconnecting Central and Eastern European (CEE) nationals who are rough sleeping back to their home country