Track: Demography, Multi-Culturality and Social Cohesion

Transcription

1 Paper presented at the 26 th Annual AESOP Conference, July, 2012, Ankara, Turkey Track: Demography, Multi-Culturality and Social Cohesion Migration and Integration in Rural Areas in Germany: The Role of Clubs and Voluntary Associations Sabine Weck & Heike Hanhörster ILS - Research Institute for Regional and Urban Research, Dortmund Keywords: small towns, rural areas, migration and integration, clubs and voluntary associations, Germany Abstract There are few German studies on migration and integration processes in rural and peripheral areas, as is the case for most European countries. However, on average 11% of the rural population of Germany have a migrant background. In West German rural regions, social and cultural activities are still often organised in formal clubs and associations. Voluntary associations form and shape social contacts and relationships, social life and cohesion more than in an urban context. This paper deals with the relevance and importance of sports clubs, associations of individuals, and other voluntary and non-profit initiatives for integration processes in small rural towns. It is based on findings from a two-year research project that analysed integration processes in ten rural and two urban case-study areas throughout Germany. The findings indicate that even in rural communities with a long history of inmigration going back to the 1950s there are surprisingly few signs of cross-cultural relations in clubs and associations. While the degree of diversity in rural societies is growing, the governance of cultural diversity matching this reality appears to develop slowly. The stable hierarchies and network structures of long-established local communities, and the low degree of self-organisation of migrants are decisive factors influencing this process. This is especially the case in small rural communities, where social clubs and associations play a significant role in shaping the local social climate. 1

2 1. Migration and integration in rural communities remains a blind spot Recent migration flows have become very complex. Not only have rates of migration accelerated worldwide, with new patterns of circular, seasonal and temporary migration appearing (Castles/Miller 2009; Geddes 2011), but the diversity of migrant groups and the variety in destinations of migratory movements have also increased. Research has largely concentrated on immigration and (global) cities. There are few studies in Europe focusing on immigrants and rural communities. Jentsch and Simard (2009a) argue that in European migration studies in general, research before the 1990s paid little attention to the role of locality in migration processes. They then see the progressive development of a research focus on rural immigration, as migrant inflows began to target rural areas and thus change immigration patterns. Prominently discussed examples for these incipient migrant inflows into rural areas include the unexpected influx of migrant workers during the 2000s into the rural areas of such European countries as Sweden, Ireland and the UK, countries which offered A8 immigrants (i.e. immigrants from the Eastern Europe EU accession states) unrestricted access to their labour markets (TUC 2004; DCLG 2011). In Southern European countries, before the economic crisis, labour-intensive economic sectors (agriculture, textiles, tourism) attracted migrant workers to rural areas, in some cases hand-in-hand with governmental immigration policy (Morén-Alegret 2008; Fonseca 2008; Kasimis 2008, 2009). In Germany, state policies intensified immigrant inflows into rural communities in the 1990s. As a result of the Federal Government s distribution policies at this time, ethnic German repatriates 1 are much more often found in rural areas than in agglomerations in Germany. Similarly, refugees were directed to reception camps in rural communities although, in contrast to the above-mentioned migrant group, they often only stayed there temporarily. Migrant workers constitute a third major community in rural areas. In West Germany, it is above all the Turkish community that is strongly represented. This group has been in-migrating since the beginning of the 1960s and at that time was also attracted by rurally located industries. In East Germany, the Vietnamese community is larger than in West Germany and inmigrated predominantly in the 1980s. Studies of rural immigration have often focused on the economic contribution of immigrants to the rural economy, such as their impact on local labour markets, or have focused on immigration as a solution to the de-population of rural and remote areas (DCLG 2011; Mendoza 2003; Kasimis 2008), arguing from a more instrumental perspective. Less attention has been paid to intercultural forms of socialisation beyond the spheres of work and the labour market, i.e. in social and community life. 1 Ethnic German repatriates (so-called Aussiedler ) in-migrating into Germany predominantly in the 1990s from the former Soviet Union states either had, as Germans of ethnic origin, German citizenship or were entitled to naturalisation. Their integration nevertheless encountered many obstacles, partly due to deficits in their language skills and problems with integrating into the labour market, but also because of feelings of disorientation amongst younger family members and, at times, a lack of welcome by the established local community. 2

3 The purpose of this paper is to look at the role of clubs and associations in rural communities and to analyse whether they are valuable vehicles for strengthening cross-cultural social relations between immigrants and established local communities. We have chosen this focus owing to the important position held by social clubs in terms of community activities and social life in the rural context, more so than in an urban setting. Such clubs can be powerful local institutions for interest representation and for the exchange of resources between members (i.e., information, support and help and other accompanying individual benefits) (Hüttermann 2010). Empirical findings in this paper are based on research carried out within a recent two-year study commissioned by the Schader-Stiftung, a German non-profit foundation, on the forms, processes and potential of migration and integration in rural communities (Schader-Stiftung 2011). In looking specifically at migration and integration in the rural context, the study was the first of its kind in Germany. It was based on close cooperation between research and (local) politicians and administrations in ten rural and two urban (reference) towns. Research within the project focused on the presence of different immigrant communities 2 and their internal organisation, as well as their relative position in different fields, such as the labour market, education, (political) participation, housing, and leisure activities. The research approach was mainly qualitative, with expert interviews conducted with local stakeholders, along with additional focus group discussions, in each of the small towns and rural counties studied. 3 The project analysed integration processes at the functional or systemic level (e.g. labour-market insertion, access to services, housing conditions, educational success), at the social level (such as networks and relationships between migrant and local communities, as analysed here for clubs and voluntary associations), and at the symbolic level (feelings of identity and belonging). A second research focus was on policies and practices in the host communities, and the current state of the governance of cultural diversity in the rural communities. The project also sought to encourage local administration and politics in participating towns to start exploring ways of promoting intercultural dialogue and processes. 2 In the German context, and according to the definition of the Federal Statistical Office (Destatis), the term persons with a migrant background encompasses the heterogeneous group of those who have in-migrated themselves, as well as all persons born in Germany with at least one parent who either migrated or was born as a foreigner in Germany. In this paper, the terms immigrants, migrants and persons with a migrant background are synonyms. 3 The themes for focus group discussions were defined according to local characteristics and policy priorities and covered a wide range of topics, from parental involvement in schools and the intercultural competence of the public administration or local associations and organisations, to sport and integration. Among the interview partners were representatives from intermediary and third sector organisations (29 interviews), schools and kindergartens (22), integration authorities (20) and local authorities (16), migrant organisations (17), local clubs and associations (12), active citizens (11), as well as a further 35 interviews with representatives from media, business interests, and the police. 3

4 2. Background: Some figures and facts on immigration and integration in rural small towns in Germany On average 11% of the population in rural areas in Germany has a migrant background, compared to 23% in agglomeration areas (Microcensus, data from 2010, Federal Statistical Office 2011: 40). Regionally, the presence and composition of migrant communities varies widely. According to Microcensus analysis, for example, while on average less than 5% of local residents in East German rural communities have a migrant background, the corresponding figure in some West German rural communities can rise to 20%. In some rural communities, ethnic German repatriates constitute the largest migrant community, in others it is migrant workers and their next-generation offspring. For example, in Emsland, one of the rural counties studied, situated in North-West Germany close to the Dutch border, 7.2% of the population are ethnic German repatriates, thus constituting the largest local migrant community. In Freren in Emsland, one of the case study towns, this percentage rises to 15.8% (data from 2008). By contrast, in the Hochsauerlandkreis, an early industrialised region situated in the east of North Rhine-Westphalia, about 16.5% of the population (29.1% of under-18s) had a migrant background in 2008, with many of them being of Turkish, Italian or Portuguese origin with a family history of in-migration going back to the 1950s. In general, the risk of poverty in Germany is twice as high for people with a migrant background than for those without (Microcensus, data from 2010, Federal Statistical Office 2011) 4. Also, migrants are disproportionately exposed to labour market exclusion and data reveals the problem of lower educational achievements. Our research indicates that employment opportunities for immigrants and access to lowskilled jobs seem slightly better in the rural context, especially in regions with a thriving economy. Yet the patterns and challenges with respect to labour market integration are largely comparable for the urban and the rural contexts. According to figures on the educational success of children with a migrant background, the education system in rural areas seems to offer no particular advantages compared to urban areas. In both places children with a migrant background are not provided with sufficient resources for upward social mobility and equal participation in society, compared to those without a migrant background. School or residential segregation is an urban as well as a rural phenomenon. In contrast to integration at the functional or systemic level, where research findings point to largely comparable patterns and challenges in rural and urban areas, other aspects of integration involving the social, cultural, political and community sphere reveal specific rural dimensions. In most rural communities, forms of intercultural dialogue and governance of cultural diversity are still in their infancy. Although in recent years awareness for the subject has increased in rural communities, there are still only a handful of towns and villages where it is possible to find sustained efforts and institutionalised structures for promoting integration, for example through the appointment of integration officers or the establishment of integration concepts or 4 In 2010, 15.7 million people had a migration background; 19.3% of the total population in Germany (Federal Statistical Office 2011) 4

5 councils. In towns and villages without such structures, civil society or intermediate actors (voluntary workers, churches, charities) therefore have a major influence on integration processes. Moreover, in small-town contexts the attitudes of community leaders (such as the mayor, heads of local clubs, the hodscha and other religious leaders) play a decisive role in shaping the local integration climate. Research into small towns highlights the special role played by clubs and associations, especially in West German rural areas, with sociologist Hüttermann (2010: 24) for instance referring to the "exceptionally high importance clubs and associations have for inter-group relations and the social climate" in small-town societies. In Germany, more than in other countries, formally organised clubs and associations (Vereine) traditionally play an important role as forms of selforganisation, taking responsibility for community activities and representing interests. Integration into local community structures is therefore in small towns and villages to a great extent dependent on participation in club life. (This is less true for East German towns, where due to history such club and association structures are not so prevalent.) Yet at the same time there is a certain ambivalence in the role played by clubs and associations. In small towns and villages in particular, clubs and associations can promote social inclusion, but also social exclusion. Local sports clubs, cultural organisations and those upholding traditions can act as glue for local networks and local belonging (Neal 2009). Clubs and associations also function as important venues for exchanging information and networking, especially in the rural context. Through belonging to community clubs and associations, members have access to wider networks and resources that potentially offer support and help. Being excluded from such resource-rich ties can however, especially in small towns, intensify social exclusion processes. This is what makes clubs and associations an interesting focus for research when analysing integration processes. If local clubs and associations are broker institutions for the dissemination of information (ie. about quality of schools, employment opportunities) and for representing interests, belonging to these networks can enable people to acquire valuable resources in the local context for getting ahead (Granovetter 1973). Considerable difference between the rural as opposed to the urban context exists also regarding the presence of migrant organisations. While for the Turkish community in the urban agglomeration of the Ruhr, Halm (2006: 79) states that the establishment of ethnic infrastructures generally in the form of clubs could, after about 1995, be considered largely complete, the self-organisation of immigrants is much more difficult in rural areas as the individual immigrant groups are generally much smaller than in larger cities. In addition, there are mobility problems to be overcome, as living in a rural area often entails having to travel to the next village or town to engage in any regional organisation. This is also the case with recently immigrated German ethnic groups, the main migrant group in rural areas. Only recently have migrant organisations started receiving support from the political level, with the adoption of the 2007 National Integration Plan (NIP) (BBMFI, 2007) representing a major step forward for migrant organisations. The first NIP progress 5

6 report underlines the importance of migrants' involvement and similarly the importance of migrant organisations. Rather than seeing a contradiction here, it identifies complementarity between involvement in an organisation oriented towards members' countries of origin (i.e. a migrant organisation in the area of culture, sports or religion) and a club or association that does not have this specific orientation (BBMFI 2010: 285f.). High importance is attached to ethnic organisations especially in such fields as religion and culture where German institutions have no alternative on offer. In this area, migrant organisations are not just seen as resources for supporting their members, but also as representatives of their members' interests and as catalysts for democratic movements. At the same time, it needs to be stressed that in Germany the political demands directed towards migrant organisations as dialogue partners and representatives of migrant interests are often unrealistically high (Roth 2012). In rural areas in particular these expectations are met only by a handful of migrant organisations, and in turn by only a handful of their members. 3. Clubs and associations: bridges between and limits to intercultural relations The importance and influence of clubs and associations in small towns and villages is a characteristic of rural life, especially in West Germany. In this respect they constitute a special framework condition for integration processes. In the rest of this paper we will focus on this area, looking at: - how club membership and civic participation takes place in rural areas, in part in comparison with urban areas (Chapter 3.1) - which different organisational forms and functions are to be found in clubs and associations, and the associated potential with regard to cross-group intercultural relations (Chapter 3.2) - which fields of activity seem basically suited for supporting intercultural communication (Chapter 3.3). Our findings are based on expert interviews and focus groups in the case study areas, supported by quantitative data analysis. Data from the Survey of Voluntary Work, as well as data on milieu affiliation is analysed. 3.1 Membership in clubs: a comparison of rural and urban practice. There are only a few studies dealing explicitly with the forms and special features of the civic participation and self-organisation of migrants in rural areas (Weiss 2011; Bade/Oltmer 1999). Most studies tend to have either an urban focus or not to differentiate between rural and urban areas. Studies point to the fact that migrants frequently engage in less formal ways than ethnic Germans (SVR 2004: 323) and that a sizeable portion of migrants individual involvement in civil society takes place in the field of supporting families and direct neighbours (Hoppe/Huth 2002). 6

7 To determine differences in engagement between urban and rural areas and between people with and without a migration background, we looked closely at the Survey of Voluntary Work. This is a representative survey of voluntary work in Germany, conducted every five years, with the last (the third) survey in Survey findings indicate several trends over the survey years. Thus men are more likely to be engaged in voluntary work than women, whereby migrants are less likely to engage in voluntary work than people without a migration background. Voluntary work is generally more prevalent in rural areas than in cities, for men as well as women, and for people with as well as without a migrant background. Looking at the question of whether there are any "specific rural" dimensions to civic engagement and self-organisation, we evaluated the data contained in the latest Survey on Voluntary Work (BMFSFJ 2010). Here we find that the proportion of immigrants belonging to a club or association is considerably higher in rural areas than in cities 5. 30% of immigrants (compared to 37% for people without a migration background) living in rural areas belong to a club or association. This compares with a mere 21% of migrants (32% for people without a migration background) in cities (see Figure 1). Figure 1: Membership of a club or association in cities and rural areas. Source: Calculations and presentation based on the data found in the 2009 Survey on Voluntary Work (n city = 7.817; n rural area = 2.695; n city and migrant = 951; n rural area and migrant = 167) 5 Compared with the definition of the Federal Statistical Office for persons with migrant background, the analysed group is smaller. We excluded all those born in Germany, all with German nationality and all with only one parent who was born abroad. 9.1% of all respondents then belong to the analysed group of immigrants. Rural areas (Ländlicher Raum) and city (Kernstadt) correspond to the terms used for differentiating residential areas by the German Federal Agency for Building and Regional Planning (Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung) The term city refers to all settlements with more than 100,000 inhabitants. Rural areas refer to all regions with a population density under 150 inhabitants per km². 7

8 Of those interviewed in the context of the Survey on Voluntary Work, half of the immigrants who lived in a rural area and stated that they were official members of a club or association were members of a sports club (in total numbers: 26 of 50). This proportion is higher than in cities, and reflects the importance of sports clubs for intercultural socialisation in rural areas. By contrast, membership in cultural clubs or in the educational area is lower for both male and female migrants in rural areas than in cities. Active participation refers to an individual's engagement in civil society, going beyond formal membership of a club or association and covering all activities outside one's immediate family and work. This includes clubs and associations, initiatives, projects and self-help groups, but excludes private support provided within the family or group of friends that has no official character. The overall tendency here is reverse, that is, active participation rate is higher in cities than in rural areas for migrants, while this is less obvious for men and women without a migrant background. Analysing the figures for active participation outside family and work for the five most often named fields (sports, culture/music, leisure, social activities, school/kindergarten) 6, again we see significant differences between cities and rural areas in the different areas of engagement. It is particularly striking that migrants in cities are nearly twice as likely (15.6%) to actively participate in voluntary work in a school or kindergarten than migrants living in rural areas (8.4%). The lack of participation in the field of education, especially on the part of men, could point to migrants living in rural areas being more ready to uphold traditional values and role models (see discussion below). The low rate of migrant representation in support groups for school and kindergarten children is also confirmed by interviews and focus group discussions in the communities taking part in our study. Given the importance of education for moving up the social ladder and as a determinant of children's futures, this low rate needs to be looked at in greater detail in future research. The Survey on Voluntary Work does not differentiate between immigrant involvment in single-ethnicity or mixed-ethnicity organisations. Unfortunately, there is no nationwide data on clubs and associations and their (intercultural composition of) members. According to the few surveys that focus on this issue, however, of those migrants who are members of clubs, approximately one-third are organised in clubs of their own ethnicity, and up to 40% in clubs and associations where the majority of members are German 7. However, no distinction is made in these surveys as to whether the immigrants in question live in a city or in a rural area. 6 In order of appearance, these five fields are followed by active participation in environment/nature/animal protection; politics; professional associations; religion/church; and rescue service/fire brigades. Note that participation in religious activities is remarkably low in this survey. In other studies, i.e. Halm 2006 for the Turkish in North Rhine-Westphalia, there is a clear emphasis of civic engagement in religious activities. The relevance of sports clubs and cultural organisations is, however, confirmed by Halm s study. 7 See for example Halm (2006: 77) whose analysis of the Turkish community in North Rhine- Westphalia, revealed that 33% of Turkish migrants are active in organisations of their own ethnicity, and another third in clubs and associations where the majority of members are German. The 8

9 As it is more difficult for immigrants to organise themselves in rural areas due to the smaller size of groups and mobility problems, one could assume that migrants in such areas are more likely to take advantage of existing structures in which Germans predominate. As discussed in the following however, great differences exist in the bridge-building potential of clubs Introspective or bridge-building mechanisms in clubs and associations It is conceivable that a stronger presence of clubs and associations with greater transparency of the offerings available and a potentially higher linkage to everyday life could promote intercultural cross-group communication in rural communities. However, in the small towns and villages we looked at, we found that little intercultural socialisation takes place via clubs and voluntary work in rural areas. Where migrants actually belong to a club or association, it is in most cases a sports club (as seen by our study and also the evaluations of the Survey on Voluntary Work). In most of the other clubs or associations for locally long-established residents, migrants are seldom, if at all, to be found as members. Focussing on Bestwig, a small town in the Hochsauerlandkreis with some 11,000 inhabitants, illustrates the point. Roughly one fifth of the population of Bestwig has a migrant background, mainly Turkish, and there are over a hundred clubs and associations active. These include a number of Protestant and Catholic women's clubs, traditional German "Schützenvereine", pet associations, choirs and sports clubs. In contrast to this wealth of social activity, there is one mainly Turkish cultural association linked to the local mosque, a parent organisation, and a primarily Turkish football club. Other than the sports clubs, the majority of Bestwig's clubs and associations for the locally long-established population have no migrants as members. Given the fact that the third generation of Turkish population is now living in this small town, there are surprisingly few cross-group contacts between the Turkish and the native German population via social clubs and associations. As a rule, with little evidence to the contrary 8, the local club landscape in rural areas has so far hardly been enriched by migrant organisations in our case study areas. Where ethnically homogenous migrant organisations do exist, be it in the form of sports clubs or in the cultural or religious field, they are often regarded sceptically by locally established groups. The introspection of migrant groups in a religious context is often discussed one-sidedly in both social and academic discourse, in particular where Moslems are concerned, as Weiss and Thränhardt (2005) argue. Looking specifically at the rural context, Boos-Nünning and Ilgün (2010, p.64) refer to the critical stance of local populations vis-à-vis the religious communities of migrants, often regarded as a sign of de-integration. Bertelsmann Foundation comes to slightly different figures of 27% resp. 41% (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2009: 28) for immigrants. 8 Thus, in the case study town of Freren in Emsland, the religious orientation of in-migrating ethnic Germans in the 1990s blended well with the predominantly Protestant environment and the corresponding local clubs. 9

10 To a much greater extent than in cities, people taking up residence in established communities in rural areas, whether with or without a migration background, are characterised by either becoming integrated or by remaining not integrated in their everyday lives in terms of existing local networks, social and community life. In this context, the often informal and subtle mechanisms practised by clubs and associations in rural areas for including or excluding migrants play an important role in integration processes. In clubs and associations geared to upholding traditions, such as the typically German cultural-historical clubs (Heimat- or Schützenvereine), but also in the social clubs of so-called ethnic German re-patriates (Aussiedler), maintaining traditional customs and cultural continuity often represent a core theme of club life. Such clubs are specifically established for the purpose of upholding traditions and specific cultural features and customs and are thus de facto introspective, attracting mainly the membership of people with the relevant ethnic roots and strengthening group solidarity inside their own community. In accordance with their primary function for members (i.e. orientation, sanctuary for emotional identity), they are less likely to build and support interethnic ties. Expectations with regard to intercultural relations should obviously be directed more at local clubs and associations with an organisation and purpose that possesses the bridge-building potential to attract members from different cultural backgrounds. Here the focus is on sports clubs, or associations organised around common goals of interest for different communities (for example parent associations in schools). In our rural case study areas, many of the clubs and associations are single-ethnicity bonding rather than mixed-ethnicity bridging institutions. Analysis of data on the different background of immigrants with regard to their social position and values (vhw 2009) 9 might further explain why few intercultural relations are formed via social clubs and associations (see Figure 2). Interesting differences can be found between very central and very peripheral areas. In more rural, peripheral areas, we see the different milieus of the locally long-established inhabitants and immigrants, each with a focus on its own customs and traditions, clashing with each other. On the other hand, those migrant milieus characterised by good economic prospects, modern values and the ambition to climb the social ladder are much more prevalent in cities. It seems quite possible that intercultural relations are more likely to develop in urban areas, where middle-class and ambitious milieus tend to blend well with one another. 9 The market survey institute Sinus-Sociovision has now conducted milieu studies in 18 different countries. Individuals are categorised into eight different milieus dependent on their social standing and values. In Germany corresponding studies were conducted for people with migration backgrounds for the first time in

11 Figure 2: Migrant milieus in very peripheral and very central areas (probability of being present). Source: ILS evaluation on the basis of Microm (2009), MOSAIC Migrant milieus, based on Sinus Sociovision The potential for intercultural relations The evolution of clubs and associations can itself be seen as an active social process, with functions and orientations changing over time. Even associations that uphold customs and traditions differ in their orientation, with some being more open to progress while others try to maintain their conservative character. The path taken is dependent on members and external stimuli. In the case study county Offenbach, for example, the last few years have seen the integration agency instigating and supporting the establishment of a number of partnerships between clubs and associations for locally long-established groups and migrant organisations. What is already apparent is that it is helpful in such cases for clubs to designate a contact person, as a sort of integration officer, who is responsible both within the club and externally for everything concerned with integration. Moreover the importance of having professional support needs to be underlined as is the case in Offenbach with its regional integration agency that acts as a broker between clubs and associations. Such support can help establish and professionally maintain a platform for bringing together representatives of clubs and associations and integration officers. In particular in regions characterised by out-migration and dying industries, distribution conflicts are often "ethnicised". Our study would seem to confirm what Jentsch and Simard (2009b:186) describe as one of the immigration challenges for rural areas: "Social tensions associated with linguistic, religious, and other cultural differences are (.) often magnified in smaller communities, especially if they have a largely mono-ethnic history". Local negotiation processes, for example negotiating when certain local (sports) amenities can be used or where mosques can be built, always involve questions of social hierarchies. Conflicts and the pro-active shaping of the negotiation process can however be used as a lever for promoting interculturality. Looking, for example, at our case study town Bestwig, we can cite the case of well-established local sports clubs competing with an ethnic Turkish sports club for football talents and good players. Conflicts arose from feelings of 11

12 discrimination on the one side, and of experiencing unfair or rule-breaking behaviour on the other side. In order to clarify occurences and to try to start a dialogue between the clubs, the mayor as well as the local hodscha, supported by the district football associations, took the initiative. In small-town societies, negotiation processes can especially benefit from the mediating role of leading local figures. In rural areas, sports clubs possess great potential for building bridges, especially as, generally speaking, their club philosophy targets attracting members from all layers of society. In the small towns and villages studied, sports clubs with a strong culture of welcoming new members are able, especially in ball sports, to attract and integrate children and young people from all sorts of different ethnic backgrounds. In the reports from these small towns and villages, the importance of having an explicitly worded or implicitly lived culture of welcoming new members soon becomes clear. This is often the result of committment personally shown by the club's leaders and plays a decisive role in whether a club is successful in attracting new members from the different migrant communities. The first step towards clubs opening their doors to other cultures is often the result of demographic pressure, when the shrinking numbers of one's own ethnic group makes it imperative to look for new potential elsewhere. Yet even in sports clubs and sections of clubs where relatively high numbers of members with migration backgrounds are actively involved, the number of migrants taking on an office within the club (for example as a youth trainer) remains low. Looking, for example, at the sports region of Meschede in the Hochsauerland, the share of migrants holding such functions is just 1%. Looking on the brighter side, there is now a whole range of programmes and initiatives available at regional and federal level (e.g. the German Sports Association, the German Football Association) devoted to providing information, advice and training for club members, thereby making a valuable contribution to clubs opening their doors to other cultures. The Survey on Voluntary Work (BMFSFJ 2005) shows that there is a general trend towards migrants seeing the solution of their own problems and an expansion of their horizons and experience as a much greater motivation for voluntary work than is the case with non-migrants. In the small towns and villages studied, migrants' involvement in support and parent associations in schools and kindergartens is astonishingly low. The reasons for this, as stated in qualitative expert interviews, seem to lie on the one hand in language deficits or fears of rejection, and on the other hand in different views on who has the responsibility for bringing up children (the school or the parents). A further aspect involves existing clubs and associations not addressing immigrants explicitly enough. In the participating small towns and villages there were however a number of good examples of ways of increasing the engagement of parents with a migration background in kindergartens and schools. For example, in one secondary modern school (Hauptschule) in Bestwig, 6 of the 13 newly elected parent representatives were immigrants. This corresponds to the proportion of children at the school with a non-german passport. This success is attributable to teachers pro-actively approaching potentially interested parents. Though schools and kindergartens and the common interest in children s future 12

13 would seem to be a good rallying point for getting migrants involved in voluntary work, this potential is not sufficiently tapped in rural areas. 4. Conclusion Clubs and associations in West German rural areas remain mainly in the hands of the locally long-established population, even after decades of in-migration. In general, the proportion of immigrants that are official members of a club or association is higher in rural areas than in cities. However, looking at the data on the intercultural composition of the existing range of established clubs and associations in our case study areas, few clubs, mainly sport clubs, seem to be able to attract and offer adequate opportunities for the integration of immigrants. Moreover, and in contrast to urban agglomerations, a diverse own-ethnicity infrastructure is hard to develop for rural immigrants, partly due to group size and mobility problems. Taking an overall look at the findings from the small towns and villages studied, we see that spatial proximity, that is, sharing life in a small rural town, does not necessarily or automatically translate into or favour cross-cultural personal ties via clubs and associations, any more than in an urban context. Due to smaller overall numbers of immigrants, the stable hierarchies and network structures of majority communities are considerably less questioned than in the big cities. It is often a case of there not being enough "critical mass" for immigrants to be able to take up leading positions in clubs or in the social life of a small town or village, something that would allow them to formulate their needs and introduce these into local negotiation processes. At the same time locally long-established inhabitants would seem to have high expectations regarding the adaptability of immigrants and their desire or ability to join existing clubs and associations. Much more than in an urban context, the social position of immigrants within the society of a small town is thus dependent on their desire or ability to become integrated in the traditional forms of socialisation, itself a yardstick determining membership of small-town society. In rural communities that have long been mainly characterised by the (engagement) structures of the majority, interculturality is only now beginning to take hold in clubs and associations. It is possible that intercultural forms of socialisation develop more easily in urban areas where there are more cosmopolitan and multicultural milieus. However, sport and common parental concern for children's education (kindergartens and schools) seem to be good triggers for intercultural socialisation in clubs and voluntary organisations. While migrant membership in sports clubs has already reached high levels, migrant engagement in the educational field remains low, in contrast to cities. As education is an important determinant of children s futures, this lack of involvement requires further research. In the rural context, social clubs still hold an important position for community activities and social life. Though negotiation processes are slowly changing social hierarchies in small towns and villages, there is still some way to go before clubs and associations become valuable vehicles for strengthening cross-cultural social 13

14 relations between immigrants and established local communities. Further intercultural relations can be promoted by discussion of existing inclusion and exclusion mechanisms, by an "open-door" social climate welcoming newcomers, and by the mediating role of key local leaders. Acknowledgements Empirical findings in this paper are based on research funded by Schader Foundation, Darmstadt (Schader-Stiftung 2011) References Bade K.J., Oltmer J. (Eds.) (1999): Aussiedler. Deutsche Einwanderer aus Osteuropa. In: IMIS-Schriften 8. Osnabrück. BBMFI (Ed.) (2007): Der Nationale Integrationsplan. Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration: Berlin. BBMFI (Ed.) (2010): 8. Bericht der Beauftragten der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration über die Lage der Ausländerinnen und Ausländer in Deutschland. Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration: Berlin. Bertelsmann-Stiftung (2009): Zuwanderer in Deutschland. Ergebnisse einer repräsentativen Befragung von Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund. Bertelsmann-Stiftung: Gütersloh. BMFSFJ (Ed.) (2010): Hauptbericht des Freiwilligensurveys Zivilgesellschaft, soziales Kapital und freiwilliges Engagement in Deutschland Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend: Berlin. BMFSFJ (Ed.) (2005): Freiwilliges Engagement in Deutschland Ergebnisse der repräsentativen Trenderhebung zu Ehrenamt, Freiwilligenarbeit und bürgerschaftlichem Engagement. Submitted by TNS Infratest, München. Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend: Berlin. Boos-Nünning U., Ilgün E. (2010): Gesellschaftliche und politische Partizipation von Frauen mit Migrationshintergrund. In: Migration und Soziale Arbeit 1: Castles S., Miller M.J. (2009): The Age of Migration. International Population Movements in the Modern World. Palgrave: London. 14

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