Age Cohort, Ancestry, and Immigrant Generation Influences in Family Relations and Psychological Well-Being among Black Caribbean Family Members

Transcription

1 Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 63, No. 4, 2007, pp Age Cohort, Ancestry, and Immigrant Generation Influences in Family Relations and Psychological Well-Being among Black Caribbean Family Members James S. Jackson, Ivy Forsythe-Brown, and Ishtar O. Govia University of Michigan Immigration is contributing to the U.S. population becoming increasingly ethnically diverse. This article examines the role of family relations and well-being among different generations of Black Caribbean immigrants. Family disruptions, such as migration, can have complex effects on the support networks and emotional well-being of family members. Data from a recently completed national study of American Blacks in the United States, however, reveal significant similarities across ancestry and immigrant status in family contact, solidarity and well-being. It is concluded that intrafamilial relations may serve to overcome barriers of geographical distance in providing comparable levels of contact, solidarity, and well-being for both U.S.-born and immigrant Black Caribbean family members of different generations. Because of the increasing numbers of immigrant elders, these sources of family support will become increasingly more important in bridging the gaps between government resources and needed assistance in an aging society. The dramatic increase in life expectancy has contributed to people living in more complex family structures, having greater geographical mobility, new Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to James S. Jackson, Room 5010, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 426 Thompson Street, P.O. Box 1248, Ann Arbor, MI [ jamessj@umich.edu]. The National Survey of American Life (NSAL) was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (grant U01-MH57716) with supplemental support to this grant from the National Institutes of Health Office of Behavioral and Social Science Research; a National Institute on Aging grant (5R01 AG ) with supplemental support from the National Institute on Drug Abuse; and the University of Michigan. Preparation of this article was also aided by grants from the National Institute of Mental Health (1p01 MH58565, 1T32 MH67555, and 5TMH16806). We appreciate the assistance provided in all aspects of the NSAL study by the Program for Research on Black Americans faculty and research staff, including Jamie Abelson, Deborah Coral, Nakesha Faison, Antoinette Booze-Battle, Jane Rafferty, Phyllis Stillman, and Julie Sweetman. We thank the staff at the Survey Research Center s Survey Research Operations department for their assistance with instrumentation and fieldwork for the NSAL study. 729 C 2007 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues

2 730 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia patterns of immigration and changing family roles. This growth of aging societies worldwide is transforming family life. Individuals continue, however, to find social relations generally, and family relationships specifically, fundamentally important to their health and well-being. More specifically, there is a great reliance on family members from different generations (Hays & Mindel, 1973; Hofferth, 1984). Because of strains on government resources, it is important to understand the nature of intergenerational family relations to maximize the effectiveness of informal and formal family support systems. This article assumes an intergenerational view of individuals and their perceptions of relations within the family to examine how these reports and perceptions are affected by demographic, social and societal contexts, such as race, ethnicity, and migration. Family relocations due to immigration can have complex effects on the support networks, relationship quality, and emotional well-being among family members (Mahler, 2001). The significance of immigration to individual health and well-being within the family is the foundation upon which this article is based. Specifically we explore the associations among ancestry and immigration statuses, age cohort, family relations, and well-being for three-generation age cohorts of Afro-Caribbeans residing in the United States. 1 Given the growing number of immigrants to the United States, especially from the Caribbean, Mexico, and Latin America, it becomes increasingly important to understand the interrelatedness of culture, adaptation, acculturation, and generational change within these populations. While some research on family relations of different generations of contemporary immigrants exists, studies have focused largely on Hispanic and Asian Americans. Unfortunately, prior research has not given the same systematic attention to these issues as they pertain to Black immigrant families. This article attempts to address this void in the literature by using a unique dataset to highlight perceptions of family relations and well-being among three different age cohorts of Black Caribbeans living in the United States. Family Contact and Support Studies within the past few decades seem to confirm racial differences in kin network assistance (Hays & Mindel, 1973; Hofferth, 1984). Hofferth (1984), for example, found that within Black two-parent families, men and women were more likely to live in an extended family, to give and to receive financial help from family members, while within the White sample these trends were present only for female-headed households. Within Black families, Becker, Beyene, Newsom, and Mayen (2003) found a high frequency of contact among African American family members and a wide range of exchanges, including financial assistance, emotional 1 This population has several referents in the migration literature; Black Caribbean, and Afro- Caribbean are the most popular and are used interchangeably in this article.

3 Black Caribbean Family Relations 731 support and child care. Differences in receipt of support are also linked to proximity of other family members and favorable evaluations of family interaction and closeness; generational differences are also apparent with elderly people who have family members living closer receiving more support in the Black U.S. population (Taylor, 1986). What remains unclear is whether the overall levels of contact, help received and help given differ among generations within Black populations. The influences of immigration on family contact and reciprocity also have not received a great deal of empirical attention. One of the few studies to explore these issues within immigrant populations suggested that visits, telephone calls, gifts, and cash remittances are forms of reciprocity developed by migrants to cultivate and strengthen cross-national family ties (Basch, 2001). Among Afro-Caribbean immigrants, immediate family and extended kin play significant roles in the migration of individuals, assisting in the financing of initial migration, caring for the children of absent parents, assisting in settlement, and obtaining employment (Basch, 2001). Among Afro-Caribbean immigrants, sustaining family ties across households is often employed as an adaptive economic strategy (Ho, 1999; Basch, Glick-Schiller, & Blanc, 1994). This suggests that Black Caribbean immigrants are likely to exhibit high levels of contact with relatives compared to those native to the United States. In addition, immigrant intergenerational exchanges are likely to exhibit a cohort effect, with younger and older immigrants receiving greater support from family members than the middle cohort. It is still unclear, however, how age cohort and immigrant generation may influence the frequency of contact, helping behaviors or other forms of exchanges among immigrant families. Does a model of motivation which predicts that individuals strive to maintain a sense of independence, even when confronted with significant need (Antonucci & Jackson, 1990), apply to different generations of Black Caribbean immigrants? Or might the elderly report receiving more help because of adaptation struggles that are likely to increase with age of immigration (Jackson & Antonucci, 2006)? Perceptions of Family Relationship Quality Research on the associations among intergenerational reciprocity, relationship quality, and well-being suggests that life stage position significantly influences the balance of intergenerational exchanges. It also proposes that younger and older family members receive greater benefits from these exchanges (Levitt, Guacci, & Weber, 1992). Levitt et al. (1992) found that a balance in intergenerational exchanges was correlated with relationship quality and sense of well-being among mother-daughter dyads. What remains unknown is if members of age cohorts in the native and immigrant Black U.S. populations report similar perceptions of relationship quality. Racial and ethnic differences in perceptions of family quality are also likely. Research has suggested that Blacks perceive higher levels of family

4 732 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia support than native-born Whites (Johnson & Barer, 1995; Taylor, Chatters, & Jackson, 1993; Taylor, Chatters, & Mays, 1988). This research illuminates the need to understand the factors that are correlated with favorable perceptions of family quality within the Black population in the United States. There are different perspectives about the influences of migration on family cohesion. The Levitt et al. (1992) findings suggest that the migration of family members likely disrupts socialization and bonding processes within families. Therefore, it can be surmised that extra effort may be needed in order for the family to maintain a sense of family cohesiveness. In addition, Glick s (1999) study of Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants suggests that age of migration and length of residency may significantly influence the level of connectedness and reciprocity of individuals with family members remaining in the nations of origin. Other studies, however, have shown that immigrant families tend to have increased intergenerational family cohesion (Nauck & Niephaus, 2006; Noivo, 1993). The different findings of these studies highlight the need for research on the variations in perceptions of family relationship quality among different immigrant generations. The Becker, Beyen, Newsom, and Mayen (2003) study on between ethnic minority group differences in family outcomes provides a comparison for exploring generational expectations and patterns of exchange among Afro-Caribbeans. As an immigrant group, Afro-Caribbeans might exhibit patterns of reciprocity similar to other immigrant groups, or they could display family exchanges similar to those of native-born Blacks (Taylor, 1990). Unfortunately, there has been little research about whether within minority group specific factors, such as nativity, immigrant generation, and length of stay in the United States, affect family outcomes. Psychological Well-Being Psychological well-being has been shown to be linked to personality traits (DeNeve & Cooper, 1998), family structure (Amato & Keith, 1991), gender (Wood, Rhodes, & Whelan, 1989), health (Kirkcaldy, Furnham, & Siefen, 2004), family support, and culture (Edwards & Lopez, 2006). The literature on psychological well-being among ethnic minority populations in the United States asserts that environmental context is a significant predictor of well-being (Murry, Brown, Brody, Cutrona, & Simons, 2001). Environmental context might also differentially affect people of different ages. Although recent studies seem to confirm the impact of growing older on well-being among some groups within the Black American population (Jackson & Antonucci, 2006), additional studies and replications are needed before reaching firm conclusions on the role that aging related processes play in well-being within the heterogeneous American Black populations. Within the immigrant Black population in the United States, the immigrant s reason for migration is likely to affect well-being (Jasso, Massey, Rozsenweig, &

5 Black Caribbean Family Relations 733 Smith, 2004). As the predominant rationale for the majority of Caribbean migratory transitions has been economic (Basch et al., 1994), this pursuit of a better life, improving opportunities and socioeconomic circumstances, suggests that Caribbean immigrants should possess higher levels of life satisfaction and happiness. On the other hand, it is equally feasible for immigrants to have lower reported life satisfaction and happiness if their migration goals and aspirations are unmet. Recent research has also suggested that people who are 45 years or older who immigrate to the United States and who age within the U.S. context versus their homeland, report lower levels of well-being (Jackson & Antonucci, 2006). Yet, it is unclear whether these lower well-being levels are correlated with poorer family outcomes, such as less help being received from, and not feeling close to, other family members. In the present study, we examined reports of family relations and psychological well-being to determine the extent to which these outcomes differ among different age cohorts of both native born and immigrant Black Caribbeans in the United States. Because of the lack of prior large survey studies on the Black Caribbean population in the United States, we focus on descriptive outcomes regarding the effects of ancestry and timing of immigration by generation position (age cohort) on inter-generational family relationship quantity and quality, help exchanges, and individual psychological well-being, controlling for age (within large age cohorts), education, family income and gender. Sample Methods The National Survey of American Life (NSAL) is a comprehensive and detailed study of mental disorders and the mental health of Americans of African descent (Jackson et al., 2004). The study was part of an NIMH Collaborative Epidemiology Survey (CPES) initiative that included three national representative surveys: the NSAL, the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R), and the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS) (Heeringa, Wagner, Torres, Duan, Adams, & Berglund, 2004). The African American sample, the core sample of the NSAL, is a nationally representative multi-stage probability sample of households located in the 48 coterminous states with at least one Black adult 18 years or over who did not identify ancestral ties in the Caribbean. Fifty of the adults in the African American sample were born in Africa. The Caribbean Black sample was selected from two area probability sample frames: a total of 265 came from the households in the core sample, while 1,356 came from an area probability sample of housing units from geographic areas with a relatively high density of persons of Caribbean descent. The Caribbean Black sample was selected primarily from the African American segments and metropolitan segments (500) with more than 10% Blacks of Caribbean descent, making this the first

6 734 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia national sample of people of different race and ethnic groups who live in the same contexts and geographical areas as Blacks are distributed. The NSAL analysis weights for the African American and Caribbean Black samples were designed to provide population representation for these populations in the 48 coterminous states. Most of the Caribbean sample (70.1%) had roots in the English-speaking areas of the Caribbean, 18.6% from Haiti, and 11.3% from the Spanish-speaking Caribbean region. Most (95%) of the interviews were conducted face-to-face using a computerassisted instrument and averaged 2 hours and 20 minutes; a small subset (5%) was interviewed by telephone; no mode of administration differences have been found. Data collection was completed between February 2001 and June The final overall response rate was 72%. The rates varied by race and ethnicity: a total of 71% for the African American sample, 78% for Caribbean Blacks, and 70% for non-hispanic whites. Though not used in this article, the non-hispanic white sample was a stratified, disproportionate sample of non-hispanic white adults residing in households located in the Census 2000 tracts and blocks that had 10% or greater African American population. Measures Life-satisfaction. We employed the measure of life-satisfaction typically used in Institute for Social Research (ISR) surveys (e.g. Jasso, Massey, Rozsenzweig, & Smith, 2004) assessed on a four-point scale, from very good to very poor. Items were reverse coded so that higher values indicated more of the construct. Happiness. The happiness measure is a one-item ISR measure on a four-point response scale (strongly agree to strongly disagree) used to assess the affective dimension of subjective well-being. Items were reverse coded so that higher values indicated more of the construct. Emotional support. Emotional support from current family members was the mean of three items on a four-point scale, from 1 (very often) to 4(never). Items were: Other than your spouse/partner, how much do your family members: (a)...make you feel loved and cared for? (b)...listen to you talk about your private problems and concerns? and (c)...express interest and concern in your well-being? Items were reverse coded so that higher values indicated more of the construct. Negative family interaction. Negative family interaction was the mean of three items on a four-point scale, from 1 (very often) to 4(never). Items were: Other than your spouse/partner, how much do your family members: (a)...make too many demands on you? (b)...criticize you and the things you do? and (c)

7 Black Caribbean Family Relations try to take advantage of you? Each item was reverse coded so that higher values indicated more of the construct. Frequency of contact with family members. The frequency of contact measure is a one-item measure. Originally it was measured on a seven-point scale, but for the purposes of this study, some categories were collapsed to create a five-point scale: 1 (hardly ever to never),2(yearly),3(monthly),4(weekly), and 5 (daily). Frequency of receiving help from family members. The frequency of receiving help from family members is a one-item measure. Two unanticipated response levels that respondents provided originally were omitted because they were not perceived as theoretically similar to the others. The volunteered response options that were dropped were have no family and never needed help. The final response categories used for the present study were: 1 (never), 2 (not too often), 3 (fairly often), and 4 (very often). Frequency of giving help to family members. The frequency of giving help to family members measure is a one-item measure. One unanticipated response level that respondents provided originally was omitted because it was not perceived as theoretically similar to the other responses. The volunteered response option that was dropped was never needed help. The final response categories used for the present study were: 1 (never), 2 (not too often), 3(fairly often), and 4 (very often). Closeness to family members. The closeness to family member s measure is a one-item measure. The response categories were: 1 (not close at all),2(not too close),3(fairly close), and 4 (very close). Social Demographics. A number of the demographic and economic variables served as controls in the analyses. Education was assessed in years. Family income was assessed directly and imputed when necessary (less than 12.7% of the total sample was imputed). Sex of respondent was assessed through direct observation, or in the small proportion of telephone interviews, through a direct question. Age was calculated based upon year and date of birth reported by each respondent. In order to assess differences in large age cohorts, roughly representing young, middle-age and older generations, the sample was categorized by ages 18 to 34, 35 to 54, and 55 and older. Because these are broad categories representing large numbers of yearly birth cohorts, individual age of respondents was also controlled within age categories in the analyses. Analysis Strategy Mean differences were calculated by ancestry, timing of immigration, and age cohort for family contact, giving and receiving of help, positive emotional support,

8 736 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia negative family interactions, and life-satisfaction and happiness. The means and percentages reported represent weighted proportions based on the sample s raceadjusted weight measure; the standard errors reflect the recalculation of variance using the study s complex design. All the means shown have been adjusted for individual age, gender, education, and family income. Least Squares Regressions were used to estimate the adjusted means and significance levels of the ancestry, timing of immigration, and age cohort differences in emotional support, negative family interactions, life-satisfaction and happiness. Throughout the analyses, the.05-level of a two-tailed test of significance represented the cut-off for assessing statistical significance. All analyses were conducted using STATA 9 SE, which takes the complex survey sample design into account. Sample Characteristics Results and Discussion The demographic data in Table 1 indicate that Black Caribbeans in the year old group and those who are between 35 and 54 years old have higher education levels, more income, and are more likely to be employed than immigrants who are 55 years and older. These outcomes are consistent with increased opportunities for younger Caribbean Blacks and the fact that many in the older age groups may have already left paid employment. Those in the middle age group and the oldest age range are more likely to be married and homeowners than those in the youngest age group, consistent with their developmental life stage (Model, 1991; 1995). Again, we would expect those who are middle-aged and older to be more likely to have married and assumed provider roles. Afro-Caribbeans in the youngest age category are also more likely (50.2%) to have been born in the United States (Castles & Miller, 1998; Ruggles, 1994). Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Black Caribbean National Survey of American Life Sample Overall Demographic Years Characteristics Years Years and Older Education 13 years 13.2 years 12 years Family income $48,536 $48,028 $41,851 Female 45.5% 54.1% 47.1% Employed 79.4% 82.2% 52.4% Homeowner 34.5% 45.7% 65.6% Married 21.5% 47.9% 51.6% U.S. born 50.2% 22.6% 26.8%

9 Black Caribbean Family Relations 737 Table 2. Family Structure Issues: Frequency of Family Contact, Receiving Help from Family Members and Giving Help to Family Members Among Black Caribbean Sample by Ancestry, Immigration Status, and Age Group Frequency of Receiving Help from Giving Help to Family Contact Family Members Family Members Range: 1 5 Range: 1 4 Range: 1 4 N Mean (SE) N Mean (SE) N Mean (SE) Born in United States Third generation (all ages) (.12) (.12) (.13) (.22) (.19) (.18) (.09) (.18) (.10) (.19) (.23) (.29) Second generation (all ages) (.11) (.08) (.07) (.14) (.08) (.08) (.12) (.11) (.11) (.24) (.15) (.12) Total born in United States (.08) (.06) (.07) (all ages) Timing of immigrant experience >20 years (all ages) (.12) (.08) (.06) (.19) (.18) (.16) (.14) (.14) (.07) (.18) (.15) (.08) years (all ages) (.09) (.12) (.05) (.11) (.09) (.11) (.19) (.18) (.05) (.15) (.19) (.15) 0 10 years (all ages) (.08) (.10) (.08) (.11) (.09) (.09) (.07) (.13) (.11) (.14) (.16) (.23) Total immigrants (all ages) (.07) (.09) (.05) Family Contact and Support As shown in Table 2, the reported frequency of family contact is very similar across both ancestry and immigration statuses. Overall, first-generation immigrants report slightly lower contact than do those of second and third generation status. While these findings confirm previous research that suggests that Black elderly have high levels of support (Becker et al., 2003), the similarity between reported mean levels of contact also suggests that people of all ages within the Black Caribbean population report having very frequent contact with other family members. Another interesting aspect of the frequency of contact data is that those who were born within the United States generally, as propinquity might demand, report more frequent contact than those born outside of the United States. Similar to frequency of contact, reports of both receiving and giving help replicate across both ancestry and immigrant statuses. Interestingly enough, across all

10 738 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia ages, ancestry and immigrant groups family members report giving more help (column 3) than they receive (column 2), even among the young and old, two groups who may need more help. This finding is consistent with prior literature on remittance behaviors and financial exchanges among Afro-Caribbean immigrants (Basch, 2001; Palmer, 1995; Wood & McCoy, 1985). Alternatively, this finding also supports a model of motivation for all individuals to maintain a sense of independence, even in the face of significant need (Antonucci & Jackson, 1990). Thus, even though those born in the United States report greater family contact, since we might expect that there would be more available kin, there are no differences by nativity on help received or given, suggesting that remittances and other forms of material assistance may transcend national borders (Basch, 2001). As we speculated earlier, however, there was a tendency for older immigrants to report receiving more help from family than those older cohorts born in the United States (Jackson & Antonucci, 2006). Consistent with the speculation of greater need and perhaps struggles to adapt, the results reveal that older immigrant cohorts, especially those in the United States less than 10 years, report giving less help than those who have been in the United States longer or those who are native born. Perceptions of Family Relationship Quality Table 3 presents the adjusted means by ancestry, immigrant statuses and age cohort for perceived closeness, perceived emotional support, and negative interaction. Again what is remarkable about this table is the lack of large differences among the various statuses of interest. As might be expected, immigrants overall report higher levels of family closeness, but this does not differ by length of stay in the United States (Johnson & Barer, 1995). The means for perceived emotional support from family are notably similar across all the independent variables of interest, demonstrating that distance and separation are no barriers to feeling close emotional bonds in inter-generational families. Finally, the observed levels of negative interaction are low; first generation immigrants report lower levels of negative interaction, regardless of age and length of stay in the United States, than those born in the United States. The lack of a clear trend for immigrants with longer stays in the United States to resemble those generations born in the country argues against models which view assimilation to broader U.S. culture, and African American cultural forms more specifically, as culprits in disintegrating traditional family solidarity (Nauck & Niephaus, 2006). Well-Being of Family Members Finally, Table 4 examines reported life satisfaction and happiness by ancestry, immigration status and age cohort. Immigrant Caribbean Blacks overall tend to

11 Black Caribbean Family Relations 739 Table 3. Emotional and Social Aspects of Family: Closeness, Emotional Support, and Negative Interaction Among Black Caribbean Sample by Ancestry, Immigration Status, and Age Group Closeness to Family Emotional Negative Range: 1 4 Support Interaction N Mean (SE) N Mean (SE) N Mean (SE) Born in United States Third generation (all ages) (.17) (.08) (.11) (.25) (.13) (.13) (.09) (.10) (.08) (.14) (.10) (.10) Second generation (all ages) (.08) (.09) (.09) (.12) (.10) (.09) (.10) (.14) (.13) (.09) (.09) (.14) Total Born in United States (.11) (.07) (.08) (all ages) Timing of immigration experience >20 years (all ages) (.05) (.05) (.06) (.08) (.07) (.10) (.06) (.07) (.06) (.05) (.07) (.08) years (all ages) (.05) (.05) (.07) (.13) (.09) (.09) (.07) (.07) (.08) (.14) (.13) (.16) 0 10 years (all ages) (.05) (.06) (.06) (.06) (.07) (.04) (.06) (.09) (.10) (.07) (.05) (.12) Total immigrants (.04) (.04) (.05) Note. Variables are reverse coded so that higher values indicate higher levels of the variable. All means adjusted for age, education, family income, and gender. report higher levels of well-being across both age cohort and time in the country. This is consistent with earlier research (e.g. Basch et al., 1994) that suggests that improved economic circumstances for immigrants over those found in their countries of origins should lead to higher reports of well-being. Among Caribbean Black immigrants, however, longer stays in the United States are associated with a trend for higher reports of life satisfaction and happiness among older cohorts, especially compared to those in the country ten years or less. Among those born in the United States, older age is associated with higher levels of life-satisfaction and happiness than younger age cohorts. As suggested in an earlier article (Jackson & Antonucci, 2006) immigrating at older ages (in this case 45 years of age or older) and aging out-of-place seem to be associated with lowered levels of wellbeing, especially for those in the United States for 10 years or less; even though as reported earlier it does not strongly affect family contact, receiving help, and family solidarity and interactions.

12 740 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia Table 4. Life Satisfaction and Happiness Among Black Caribbean Sample by Ancestry, Immigration Status, and Age Group Self Reported Self Reported Life Satisfaction Happiness Range: 1 4 Range: 1 4 N Mean (SE) N Mean (SE) Born in United States Third generation (all ages) (.11) (.08) (.10) (.07) (.12) (.10) (.14) (.09) Second generation (all ages) (.08) (.06) (.07) (.06) (.11) (.10) (.09) (.12) Total born in United States (.06) (.04) (all ages) Timing of immigration experience >20 years (all ages) (.03) (.04) (.10) (.06) (.05) (.06) (.07) (.10) years (all ages) (.05) (.05) (.07) (.06) (.06) (.07) (.13) (.13) 0 10 years (all ages) (.08) (.10) (.05) (.08) (.12) (.14) (.18) (.13) Total immigrants (.04) (.04) Note. Variables are reverse coded so that higher values indicate higher levels of the variable. All means adjusted for age, education, family income, and gender. Conclusions In sum, this preliminary investigation of family contact, solidarity and subjective well-being among both immigrant and nonimmigrant Caribbean Blacks reveals a complex picture of family relations. Overall, emotional closeness and even family exchanges seem to be little affected by distance and age cohort (Basch, 2001). On the other hand, negative interactions among family members seems to be muted by distance and significantly lower levels of negative interaction are reported among all immigrants and, especially, more recent arrivals (Ho, 1999; Levitt et al., 1992). Finally, subjective well-being appears to be influenced by age cohort and timing of immigration, with older immigrants who have more recent experiences with migration and settlement reporting lower levels of well-being (Jackson & Antonucci, 2006). This finding does not seem to be consistent across the family solidarity

13 Black Caribbean Family Relations 741 and contact dimensions of family life, but may reflect longer periods of life and socialization in sending countries, and less adaptability to life in the United States than their younger age counterparts. The lack of within-group differences in psychological well-being, especially among different immigrant generations suggests that additional research is needed to explore whether the model of the influence of migration on well-being is contingent on traditionally explored predictors of well-being, such as gender, physical health, family structure, and acculturation strategies, such as ethnic group identification (Jasso et al., 2004). Future research on these data can explore, in greater detail, the ways in which ethnic, cultural-historical, and linguistic backgrounds (e.g. African or Indian ancestry; English, French, or Spanish speaking), gender, and social and economic statues, largely controlled for in these analyses, may condition or influence the relationships observed and reported in this article. Overall, these analyses point to the powerful role of family solidarity in transcending structure and geographic distance in maintaining positive family relations across international borders and generations, represented by age cohorts. As the resource and service requirements of the aging U.S. population increase, family solidarity across generations may provide a critical pathway to effectively and efficiently address the needs, materially, socially and psychologically, of individuals, families, and society, especially for ethnic immigrant groups. References Amato, P. R., & Keith, B. (1991). Parental divorce and the well-being of children: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 110, Antonucci, T. C., & Jackson, J. S. (1990). The role of reciprocity in social support. In I. G. Sarason, B. R. Sarason, & G. R. Pierce (Eds.), Social support: An interactional view (pp ). New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Basch, L. (2001). Transnational social relations and the politics of national identity: An Eastern Caribbean case study. In N. Foner (Ed.), Islands in the city: West Indian migration to New York (pp ). Berkeley: University of California Press. Basch, L., Glick Schiller, N., & Blanc, C. S. (1994). Nations unbound: Transnational projects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nation-states. New York: Gordon and Breach. Becker, G., Beyene, Y., Newsom, E., & Mayen, N. (2003). Creating continuity through mutual assistance: Intergenerational reciprocity in four ethnic groups. Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences, 58B, S151 S159. Castles, S., & Miller, M. J. (1998). The age of migration: International population movements in the modern world. London: Macmillan Press. DeNeve, K. M., & Cooper, H. (1998). The happy personality: A meta-analysis of 137 personality traits and subjective well-being. Psychological Bulletin, 124, Edwards, L. M., & Lopez, S. J. (2006). Perceived family support, acculturation, and life satisfaction in Mexican American youth: A mixed-methods exploration. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 53, Glick, J. (1999). Economic support from and to extended kin: A comparison of Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants. International Migration Review, 33, Hays, W. C., & Mindel, C. H. (1973). Extended kinship relations in Black and White families. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 35,

14 742 Jackson, Forsythe-Brown, and Govia Heeringa, S. G., Wagner, J., Torres, M., Duan, N., Adams, T., & Berglund, P. (2004). Sample designs and sampling methods for the collaborative psychiatric epidemiology studies (CPES). International Journal of Methods in Psychiatric Research, 13, Ho, C. (1999). Caribbean transnationalism as a gendered process. Latin American Perspectives, 26, Hofferth, S. L. (1984). Kin networks, race, and family structure. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 46, Jackson, J. S., & Antonucci, T. C. (2006). Physical and mental health consequences of aging-in place and aging-out-of-place among black Caribbean immigrants. Research in Human Development, 2, Jackson, J. S., Torres, M., Caldwell, C. H., Neighbors, H. W., Nesse, R. M., Taylor, R. J., Trierweiler, S. J., & Williams, D. W. (2004). The National Survey of American Life: A study of racial, ethnic and cultural influences on mental disorders and mental health. International Journal of Methods in Psychiatric Research, 13(4), Jasso, G., Massey, D. S., Rozsenzweig, M. R. & Smith, J. P. (2004). Immigrant health: Selectivity and acculturation. In N. B. Anderson, R. A. Bulatao, & B. Cohen (Eds.), Critical perspectives on racial and ethnic disparities in health in later life (pp ). Washington, DC: National Research Council. Johnson, C. L., & Barer, B. M. (1995). Childlessness and kinship organization: Comparisons of very old whites and blacks. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, 10, Kirkcaldy, B., Furnham, A., & Siefen, G. (2004). The relationship between health efficacy, educational attainment, and well-being among 30 nations. European Psychologist, 9, Levitt, M. J., Guacci, N., & Weber, R. A. (1992). Intergenerational support, relationship quality, and well-being: A bi-cultural analysis. Journal of Family Issues, 13, Mahler, S. (2001). Transnational relationships: The struggle to communicate across borders. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 7, Model, S. (1995). West Indian prosperity: Fact or Fiction? Social Problems, 42(4), Model, S. (1991). Caribbean immigrants: A black success story? International Migration Review, 25, Murry, V. M., Brown, P. A., Brody, G. H., Cutrona, C. E., & Simons, R. L. (2001). Racial discrimination as a moderator of the links among stress, maternal psychological functioning, and family relationships. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 63, Nauck, B., & Niephaus, Y. (2006). Intergenerational conflicts and health hazards in migrant families. Journals of Comparative Family Studies, 37, Noivo, E. (1993). Ethnic families and the social injuries of class, migration, gender, generation and minority group status. Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes Ethniques au Canada, 25, Palmer, R. (1995). Pilgrims to the sun: West Indian migration to America. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Ruggles, S. (1994). The origins of African-American family structure. American Sociological Review, 59, Taylor, R. J. (1986). Receipt of support from family among Black Americans: Demographic and familial differences. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 48, Taylor, R. J. (1990). Need for support and family involvement among Black Americans. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 52, Taylor, R. J., Chatters, L. M., & Jackson, J. S. (1993). A profile of familial relations among threegeneration black families. Family Relations, 42, Taylor, R. J., Chatters, L. M., & Mays, V. M. (1988). Parents, children, siblings, in-laws, and non-kin as sources of emergency assistance to black Americans. Family Relations, 37, Wood, W., Rhodes, N., & Whelan, M. (1989). Sex differences in positive well-being: A consideration of emotional style and marital status. Psychological Bulletin, 106, Wood, C., & McCoy, T. (1985). Migration, remittances and development: A study of Caribbean cane cutter in Florida. International Migration Review, 19,

15 Black Caribbean Family Relations 743 JAMES S. JACKSON, the Daniel Katz Distinguished University Professor of Psychology, is the Director and Research Professor at the Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. He has conducted research and published in several areas, including international, comparative studies on immigration, race and ethnic relations, physical and mental health, adult development and aging, and race and ethnic political behavior. IVY FORSYTHE-BROWN is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in the Program for Research on Black Americans at the Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. Her areas of interest are in the study of immigration, family and kinship relations, and the association among gender, the division of household labor, and stress. ISHTAR O. GOVIA is a doctoral student in the Personality & Social Contexts Psychology program at the University of Michigan. Her main research interests focus on marriages, cohabitations and other family relationships, within the social contexts of gender, ethnicity, and migration.