No End to Lumad Displacement from Their Ancestral Territories: The Case of the Sarangani Manobo in Davao Occidental

Transcription

1 No End to Lumad Displacement from Their Ancestral Territories: The Case of the Sarangani Manobo in Davao Occidental Karl Gaspar Ateneo de Davao University Since the autumn of the Spanish colonial regime in the Philippines in the 1830s, Mindanao was seen as a frontier for extracting wealth from its bountiful resources. This colonial perspective intensified from the American occupation in the early 1900s to the administrations of the Republic of the Philippines in the last seven decades. A number of policies including the passage of Land Laws that abrogated existing customary laws of both the Moro and the Lumad (Mindanao s Indigenous communities) to opening up the vast lands to land-hungry migrants from the north as well as to American business corporations were then established to initiate a type of colonization that would impact Mindanao s indigenous population and its landscape and history. Developments in the logging industry and agricultural plantations provided jobs for migrants leading to the displacement and minoritization of Moro and Lumad from their ancestral territory to forested uplands. Mindanao, particularly the region of Davao, has been one of the most contested area pitting the Lumad peoples on one hand, and business interests and migrant-settlers drive to own land, on the other. This case study focuses on the town of Jose Abad Santos, Davao Occidental, where three ethno-linguistic groups reside with migrantsettlers, who constitute just over ten percent of the population. Having experienced their gradual displacement and being surrounded with the expansion of plantations, Lumads in Jose Abad Santos fear that they will eventually lose full control over their homeland. At present, the sense of unity among the Lumad is quite weak. The civil society organizations and the National Commission of Indigenous People (NCIP) also have limited resources and networks. A concerned advocate for Lumad rights might ask, can the Lumad communities in Jose Abad Santos successfully retain or reclaim their full ownership and control over their homeland?

2 No End to Lumad Displacement from Their Ancestral Territories: The Case of the Sarangani Manobo in Davao Occidental Karl Gaspar Ateneo de Davao University Introduction Mindanao s indigenous inhabitants have received few promises. They have seen their birthrights usurped and their traditions assaulted in the name of development. The island has a reputation for violence. History has involved an array of interests including foreign powers, the state, secessionists, revolutionaries, cults, politicians, land-grabbers, bandits and renegades, all attempting to enforce their political and economic objectives through the barrel of a gun. Mindanao has been a frontier, a society in formation with all the attendant chaos that such a process rentals. (Turner and Turner 1992: 1) In the pre-conquest era, Mindanao was populated by its original inhabitants and these various ethnolinguistic groups had established themselves in the various areas of this locality since time immemorial. The Asian trade that flourished from the 9th to the 13th centuries, connected Mindanao to various parts of Asia. It was this trade that brought Islam to this part of the world. While the Tausog, Maguindanaos, Maranaws, Iranun, Kalagan, Samal (Sama D laut) and a few other communities embraced Islam, other ethnolinguistic tribes held on to their indigenous belief system. These include the Subanen, Higaonon, Talaandig and others. In the Cotabato-Davao regions they included the Manobo (Arumanen, Dulangan, Obo, Sarangani), T boli, B laan Teduray, Bagobo, Guingan, Dibabawon, Mangguangan, Tagakaolo, Mansaka, Mandaya and others. In Davao Reconstructing History from Text and Memory, Tiu made an attempt to come up with a comprehensive listing of Davao s various ethnolingustic groups based on current ethnography but he indicated that such classification needs further study. In this list he included fifteen tribes: the Atas, Bagobos, Blaans, Dibabawons, Giangans, Kalagans, Kulaman Manobos, Mandayas, Mangguwangans, Mansakas, Matigsalogs, Obos, Samals, Sangils, Tagakaolos and the less numerous and not-so- known tribes Attaws, Etos, Klatas, Loacs, Managosans, Manurigaws, Pagsupans and Tigdapayas. Considering that their territories are not too far away from each other, some of these tribes are closely related and much intermarriages has occurred among them. (Tiu 2005: 48). (Eventually non-islamized indigenous peoples in Mindanao would be referred to as Lumad). The Spanish Colonization of Mindanao It was in 1526 when one of Spain s earliest expeditions to the Philippines reached Mindanao (referred to at that time as Cesarea Karoli) in 1526, commanded by Juan Joffre de Laoisa. This expedition, however, faced all kinds of difficulties including the occurrence of a mutiny and the capture of a few men by the indigenous people when they went ashore to procure food. (Corsino 1998: 26-27). There would be other attempts at conquest (e.g. in 1531, Francisco Castro and his expedition reached Caraga; in 1543, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos reached Baganga then proceeded to Sarangani). Various missionary groups also arrived for evangelization purposes. In 1546 the Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier was in an expedition that dropped anchor in eastern Mindanao; two Portugese diocesan priests found their way to what is now Butuan from 1602 to 1612; eventually the Jesuits spread themselves across Mindanao in the late 1590s. In 1622, the Augustinian Recollects began their missionary work in Mindanao. In the next 253 years, they minister to the faithful in Butuan, Surigao, Tandag and Bislig. These areas were eventually incorporated into the district of Caraga, which included the whole of Davao Oriental. In 1624 the Recollects reached out to the areas of what is now Lanao and Bukidnon (Dela Rosa 1990: 57).

3 Spanish colonization process of Mindanao was mainly in the hands of the friars. Through the years of the christianization process, the religious friars were mainly concerned with prosyletization. The missionaries who worked in the Philippines followed a similar method of evangelization as was used in Latin America, but adapted it to the unique situation of the archipelago and its people. The importance they gave to the leading classes of the indigenous society and to the latter s children was reminiscent of their concern for the Latin American caciques. This would be made more manifest as they settled more permanently in the reduccions that were established. (Ibid: 63). The idea of colonizing Mindanao for the extraction of its resources only came at the last stage of Spanish colonization. Despite the comings and goings of various colonial expeditions and the attempts of the early friars to evangelize the indigenous peoples in Mindanao, it would take almost three hundred years after the arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi in 1565 that Davao would acquire a privileged status within the Spanish regime. Davao s distinct geopolitical entity came only during the last 50 years of the 333-year period of Spanish sovereignty in the Philippines. (Corsino 1998: 1). The full conquest of Mindanao was held back by the colonial authorities ensconced in Manila owing to a number of factors including the high cost of maintaining land forces and naval outposts and the fact that the national capital was being threatened constantly by pirates and other European powers. (Ibid: 3). But the time came when the Spanish monarchy and its governance system could no longer continue providing adequate financial support to its colonies; it became more urgent for the local officials in the colonies to look for ways and means of expanding the revenues, primarily in terms of tribute. So they looked further from the areas that had already been colonized. Davao Gulf was of particular interests to them as it was already known to be a location where trade thrived. It soon became evident that the Davao Gulf area had rich natural resources that could bring about economic benefits. The Davao Gulf area was long known among Portuguese and Spanish explorers. It was worthy of closer examination because the territory was practically a by-road for navigators. Ships were able to take advantage of the wind and sea currents that prevailed during set periods of the year to go to the area. The seas were relatively calm and generally free from destructive typhoons. The inhabitants of the Gulf area and its contiguous east coast participated in trading activities that made Davao a natural bridge in the growth of contacts and commerce not merely in the southern island chain but also in the North. (Ibid: 4-5). Eventually, a Spanish settlement was established in what is now Davao City by an expedition led by Don Jose Oyanguren y Cruz. Oyanguren s conquest of Davao was followed by the issuance of the 29 January 1849 decree that provided a delineation of a territory that was placed under the Spanish control. During the early years of colonization, Davao was already noted for the richness of its soil and the abundance of its natural resources. The Spaniards had brought peoples from Cebu, Bohol and Leyte who constituted the first settlers in this territory. But their numbers were small since only a few migrants were attracted to come to Davao because of various reasons including: the lack of strong motivation to settle here, lack of transport facilities from their original abode to Davao and the fear of the Moro people. (Corsino 1998: ). However, Davao s development under Spanish rule went very slow. When the Katipunan Revolution broke out in Luzon, the Spanish forces were still pacifying the Lumads in Davao. The colonizers aggressively organized reducciones as the friars reinforced the pacification drive by their attempts at proselytization. The tribal people resented being forced to work and to pay tributes, so even as they would accede to living in the settlements at certain times, at other times, especially when the priests and soldiers left, they disappeared into the forests. With the establishment of the Spanish colonial power in Mindanao, what was introduced in the rest of the colony took effect in the new landscape of colonization. Concepts of land ownership, the idea of private property, the volume of agricultural production, the way the different groups (datu, maharlika, alipin) interacted, and the idea of marketing and processing of the land s produce all these would change drastically when an empire with a different mode of production would

4 impose itself on these scattered baranganic communities. Being a mercantilist power with its vast feudal land estates, but which had to deal with the intrusions of the Popes into its political system, Spain operated within its own perspective of how land is to be owned and controlled. (Gaspar 2000: 15). Located in such an isolated location, Davao was not a place that settlers, including Spaniards, wanted to make their home. Because of its isolation, Davao became a penal colony without walls or barbed wires, becoming the dumping ground of deserters and various kinds of offenders from the other parts of the Philippines. (Tiu 2005: 33). Oyanguren s story, did not have a happy ending. His colonization efforts did not prosper as the reducciones and the trade did not prosper owing to various reasons from the continuing Moro resistance to the flight of the local population further into the forests to avoid paying tribute. Mindanao under the American Regime With the eruption of the Philippine Revolutionary movement led by the Katipunan, the Spanish regime collapsed. However, another colonial power took over after a short reign of the Philippine Republic which was established in With the shift of colonial power from Spain to the U.S.A., the latter began to set up the necessary governing apparatuses including the Philippine Commission which was to administer all regular provinces in Christianized regions, the Moro Province - embracing Mindanao-Sulu with predominantly Moro and Lumad populations - which was governed by the US Army with an autonomous authority and the Special Government Provinces to administer non-christian tribes-people and their territories. (Casiňo 1992: 1). The colonial perspective intensified right from the beginning of the American occupation in the early 1900s. Washington D.C. s government bureaucrats were convinced that Mindanao s potentials were immense. A growing number of American businessmen were attracted to the opportunities of exploiting these resources. A number of policies were then established and put in place to initiate a type of colonization that would severely impact Mindanao s indigenous population as well as change its landscape and alter its history. These included the passage of Land Laws that abrogated the existing customary laws of both the Moro and the Lumad peoples to open up the vast lands to land-hungry migrants from the north as well as to American business corporations. The fertility of these vast tracks of land, the type of climate and the assumption that land was easily available were factors that convinced American businessmen to dream of setting up agri-business plantations, pasture land and the like. Within two generations, there would be a radical demographic shift in the population of Mindanao. Convinced that Mindanao was truly the Land of Promise, migrant settlers mainly from the central Visayas but also coming from various regions of Luzon came in search for land as well as livelihood opportunities. The beginnings of the logging industry and the setting up of agricultural plantations provided the jobs for migrants. As land that could be cultivated became available, they occupied these and began planting crops like rice, corn and coconut. In some cases, land acquired from the Lumad was exchanged with salt, cigarettes and other consumer goods that migrants brought with them. Between 1903 to 1913, the component districts of the Moro province included Davao, Cotabato, Lanao, Sulu and Zamboanga. The organized municipalities in Davao included Davao, Mati, Cateel, Baganga and Caraga. From 1914 to 1920, the Moro Province became the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and it was constituted by the earlier five districts which were now considered provinces along with Agusan and Bukidnon. Two municipal districts were added to the original five constituting Davao, namely, Manay and Sta. Cruz. (Ibid: 24). The Christians migration to Mindanao started in 1861 when Cotabato was occupied by Spain. (Hayaze 2007: 149). By 1913, more migrants arrived due to the government s policy of opening under-populated and huge unopened areas ; consequently the Christians settled in the public land along the Pulangi River Basin and Koronadal Valley to the south. (Ibid 150). Most of these areas used to be hunting-and-gathering grounds of the Moro communities and later abandoned. The settlers secured land rights through legal registration facilitated by the National Land Settlement. Combining the settlers who cultivated the land and plantation workers, the number of migrants continued to rise; thus, between 1918 and June 1939, there were 46,683 migrants, including the families who had settled in Mindanao with the assistance of the Bureau of Labor. The displacement of Moro and Lumad peoples

5 from their ancestral territory became more pronounced across Mindanao. As this process continued, more of these communities became minoritized. At the beginning of the 1900s, Davao did not stand out as a progressive district in the Moro Province. It was quite isolated and the farthest from Manila; its native population was small and scattered throughout a big area. Thus Davao constituted the colonial frontier and was approached as such by those who sought to determine its place in southern Mindanao s development with a thrust not just how to construct a state, but how to achieve a critical mass of people for the state to govern. (Abinales 2000: 69). The Americans took Davao district over from the Spaniards at the end of 1899, and with superior weaponry, succeeded in establishing their complete hegemony over the territory. What the Spaniards failed to do in 50 years, the Americans did in just about a decade. As the Americans consolidated their rule, the region was transformed into huge plantations. An effective colonial administrative machinery was set up, followed by educational and religious penetrations that completed the conquest of Davao. (Tiu 2011: 41). With the implementation of the American sovereignty in Davao, various military detachments were sent to Davao and they travelled from Davao to the East coast towns from Mati, to Baganga and Cateel as well as to Sarangani. In one of these companies was assigned Second Lieutenant Edward C. Bolton who later would become Davao s district politico-military governor; he would figure prominently in Davao s history because of a forthcoming incident, namely his assassination in 1906 by the Tagakaolo chieftain, Mangulayon. Like many Lumads, Mangulayon resented the encroachment of the colonizers. This encroachment naturally favored the Americans as the Lumad and Moro communities could not match the advanced technology of their new adversaries, and they were weakened by both military and religious assaults by the Spaniards. (Tiu 2011: 41). There was strong resentment among them as they found themselves dislocated and displaced with the expansion of the plantations and land being taken over by migrants. By late 1905, social unrest was sweeping the region. Even as they could not put up a collaborative rebellion, the indigenous communities and Davao Moros resorted to various forms of resistance. (Gaspar 2011: 56-80). Other Lumad communities retreated to the hinterlands located in the forested uplands. At tht time the indigenous peoples did not have a high level of solidarity links among themselves against the colonizers, nor were they in a position to sustain their resistance as the Americans pushed their colonial agenda in southern Mindanao. In 1899 as the American occupation troops arrived in Davao, they were struck with how rich and fertile the soil was and its great potentials in terms of natural resources. Already referred to as the garden of the gods owing to the fertility of the soil and the ideal condition for farm cultivation, Davao attracted the interest of Americans to set up plantations.(tiu 2005: 28). Around 200 former soldiers and teachers (Thomasites) came to establish plantations, making Davao the most Americanized town in the country. The Americans, impressed with the economic potentialities they saw in the fertile lands of Davao, lost no time in settling here and opening vast areas for coconut and abaca plantations. Gen. Leonard Wood, first governor of the Moro Province ( ), may be credited for opening Davao to modern settlement and migration. Through his encouragement, fifty discharged American soldiers began some thirty-odd plantations along coast of Davao. These plantations needed workers, and word on the opportunities lured more Americans who have retired from military service and workers from various parts of the country. The prevailing peaceful conditions, the vision of acquiring a piece of land, and the availability of regular and even free means of transport from 1920s to 1930s fuelled emigration to this area. (Corsino 1998: ). As American plantations expanded, more workers were needed. Since local indigenous peoples could not be enticed to work for them, the Americans dealt with the acute labor shortage by recruiting labor from other parts of the country including the Japanese workers who were finishing their construction work along the Kennon Road in Mt. Province. The first batch of 23 Japanese workers arrived in Davao in 1903; two years later, there were 154 more. (Tiu 2011: 33).

6 The American colonization of Davao would drastically change the landscape of its lifeworld. With their arrival, roads were constructed and telegraph lines set up. Transportation and communication improved thereby enticing more migrants to come and seek their fortune. (May 1992: ). One major change would be in the composition of the population as the numbers of inhabitants increased exponentially owing to emigration. The Entry of Japanese Plantations Eventually, the Japanese would progress from being plantation workers to actual plantation owners. By 1918, Japanese plantations numbered 71 compared to only 34 American estates. In land area, Japanese controlled 55, 906 hectares, whereas Americans only had 20,129 hectares. Filipinos owned 15,624 hectares. By 1918, there were 5,612 Japanese in Davao. As the Japanese business interests soared, those of the Americans deteriorated. The latter s early enthusiasm and their plantations productivity were not sustained as they encountered all kinds of labor, producting and marketing problems. Many were forced to sell their plantations to the Japanese. By 1928, only 24 American plantations remained whereas there were still 62 under the Japanese. The other plantations were under the Filipinos (106), Chinese (13) and one Spanish. Japanese interests expanded to timber and coconut, even as they set up banks, stores as well as schools and hospitals. At the port, one saw many Japanese ships as Davao became part of the Japanese trade map. They also intermarried with the local population. (Ibid: 35-36). The economic shifts in Davao at this time would have implications in the body politic of the region which ultimately impacted the state formation of the entire Republic. One theory posited is thus: (T)he failure of the American dream in Davao set the stage for the Japanese takeover of that province s abaca plantation. Davao s integration into the Filipinized colonial state was faster and less problematic than that of Cotabato because there was no Moro problem, only relations between Filipinos and the new settlers, whose plantations were proving a windfall for farmers and the state alike. The Japanese protected their investments by playing the patronage game with emerging Filipino politicians, who in turn protected the hemp plantations while remaining extremely loyal to Quezon. This relationship made the question of autonomy from Manila superfluous. With southern Mindanao now an intrinsic part of the colonial body politic, the Philippines came under the effective control of one state and a unitary process of state formation became the conventional framework for discussing Philippine political developments. (Abinales 2000: 180). Being labelled the Land of Promise, more migrants were drawn to dream of a better life in Davao. Those who had settled in Davao earlier encouraged relatives and friends from back home in the Visayas and Luzon to consider migrating south. As more plantations were established with the entry of Japanese corporations whose investments were primarily in the abaca industry and which later expanded to coconut, logging, fishing and large scale merchandizing more workers were needed. News regarding the success of Japanese businesses spread beyond Davao which attracted potential migrants hoping to find jobs. Compared to how migrant workers were treated by the Americans, the Japanese treated Filipinos more decently and provided better social welfare; this was another factor that drew more migrants to work in Japanese plantations. As married able-bodied men flocked to Davao, they brought their extended families along. In a span of some three decades, the population of Davao province grew from 65,463 in 1903 to 107,385 in 1918 and 292,600 in 1939 as the idea of Davao as a land of promise caught the nation s imagination. (Corsino 1998: 126). By 1936, migrant Filipinos constituted the biggest group in Davao totalling 79,092 compared to the Lumad population that stood at 68,356. There were 12,244 Japanese. Apart from the Japanese, more Chinese - who came as early as 1852 flocked to Davao and went into general merchandizing business. By 1895 there were 34 of them. As for the Japanese, their population increased to 17,888 in 1939; by the time war broke out, their number had increased to around 19,900. During the American occupation, the National Assembly which was under the Commonwealth Government undertook the task of creating new cities from a number of big municipalities which also happen to be provincial

7 capitals. Davao has the distinction of being the first Charter City created under this administration when its Charter received presidential approval on 16 October 1936, by virtue of Commonwealth Act No. 51. By then, Davao was already considered an asset to the Commonwealth government as its contribution to the colonial coffers was quite significant. What the early American settlers hope would happen, that Davao would become a thriving economic zone, unfolded before the war owing to the profits generated by the Japanese-controlled abaca industry. (Abinales 2000: 86-57). Export Crop Plantations Expansion Eventually, the plantations expanded to other exports crops - especially sugar, hemp and tobacco in big volumes. As copra became popular in the world market, coconut production also increased. Soon after the Americans likewise introduced two other export crops, namely pineapple and rubber. This not only highlighted the strategic importance of land in Mindanao, but also signaled the entry of both highly-mechanized farming and big foreign firms which would later become the transnational corporations (TNC) involved in agri-business plantations. (Gaspar 2005:22). One of these was the Del Monte Corporation which set up the Philippine Packing Corporation (Philpak) in 1926 as a subsidiary that would engage in the large-scale production and canning of pineapple, mainly for export purposes. From 1,024 hectares, Philpak was able to sublease almost 20,000 hectares from the US Navy in Bukidnon. When this hectarage reverted to the Philippine Commonwealth, Philpak succeeded in persuading President Manuel Quezon to make it a lease under the National Development Co. Later, Dole Philippines, a subsidiary of Castle and Cooke USA took over 5,569 has covering the B laans ancestral domain - in South Cotabato through the National Development Corporation. Goodrich, Firestone and Goodyear also established rubber plantations in Basilan, Coatabato and Zamboanga between 1919 and (May 1992: 129). Ranches were established in Bukidnon; these and the plantations s were promoted in order to discourage the influx of lowlander farmer-settlement into tribal areas and thus be monopolized by the business corporations. (Ibid). The encroaching of agri-business plantations into the Lumad ancestral domain led to the rise of the conflict of two world views in dealing with the land. Kinship and capitalist modes of production are not complimentary relations. For the Lumad, the ethos of private, individual accumulation of material wealth and the commodity-form of exchange completely undermine the cultural fabric that had insured their survival as a people for hundreds of years. Their kinship mode of production, based on an ideology of reciprocal exchange worked for the sharing and redistribution of good s and resources, thus enabling the survival not merely of individuals, but more significantly, of the community. (Gaspar 2005: 53). The movement of the migrants to the south and the expansion of agri-business investments in Mindanao only slowed down a bit during the World War II years. After World War II, the uplands were reached by logging operations and more Lumad were displaced from their homeland. Eventually Mindanao today is presently the country s region where there is intense contestation vis-a-vis access to land in view of increasing commercial interests and where both Moro and Lumad peoples continue to wage their struggle for self-determination. This drive integrates a strong assertion to regain control of their ancestral territories. Since the late 1940s until the 1950s, the arrival of migrants and agri-business expansion resumed with a vengeance. Towards the 1960s, Mindanao especially the Davao-Cotabato region would see the rapid expansion of plantations. With a peasantry of only recent origin and often uncertain tenurial status, as well as with a suitably typhoonfree climate, Mindanao was an attractive site for the expansion of commercial export crops. This occurred in the 1960s, following the stagnation of import substitution industrialization and accelerated in the 1970s with the declaration of martial law (which) represented the ascendancy of the export-oriented project of the finance and internal bourgeoisie, which led to greater transnational agribusiness linkages. Between 1960 and 1980, the amount of land planted to food crops for domestic consumption in the Philippines grew by 37 per cent, but land planted to commercial crops for export expanded by 146%. The bulk of this expansion occurred in Mindanao, where in the 1970s alone, the cropping area increased from 2.8 to 4.7 million hectares, representing about 55 % of national expansion. (Collier 1992: 205).

8 The main product which expanded bountifully was coconut. In 1974, Mindanao accounted for half of the total coconut production, compared to 26% in By 1980, it was established that more than 40% of Mindanao s population was dependent on the industry. Of the total production, 86% was for export. Fruit exports (banana and pineapple) and coffee also increased. (Ibid: 206). Lured by Mindanao s vast reserves of natural resources, business concerns (both local and foreign) have invested capital and technology and established ventures that have generated enormous profits for their owners and executives. An added attraction for agri-business corporations is that Mindanao lies outside the Pacific typhoon belt. These corporate intrusions, which began slowly during the early part of the century, escalated in the 1960s and 1980s, spurred on by favorably government policies. High growth rates have resulted, reflected in consistent increases in the gross regional domestic product. (Tadem 1992: 7). The region of Davao which now covers Davao City, Davao Norte, Davao Sur, Compostela Valley and the newly created province of Davao Occidental has been one of the most hotly contested area pitting the Lumad peoples on one hand and business interests as well as migrant-settlers drive to own land, on the other. Maintaining basically the same policies as the American colonial government, the administrations of the Republic of the Philippines of the last seven decades persisted in drawing foreign investments to Davao and adjacent provinces. With little regard to the Lumads rights to their ancestral homeland (until the passage of IPRA in 1977) and a lack of political will to implement genuine agrarian reform, Davao s plantation economy not only survived the war but expanded rapidly especially in the 1960s-1980s. This was especially with the rise of the fruit industry, involving bananas and expanding later on to pineapples and other export crops. There is no doubt that there is enormous wealth and income that have been generated through the exploitation of the south s resources; however, the great majority of the citizens are excluded from the benefits derived. If one looks into the poverty indicators in Mindanao, these would be far higher than the national average and that other social indicators point to a more distress condition for Mindanao residents that for the nation as a whole. (Tadem 1992: 7). Since the mid-1980s, foreign and foreign-affiliated firms (FFCs) - including corporations based in Mindanao and/ or whose major activities are in Mindanao - have been involved in 21 categories of product and industry lines. (Ibid: 11). The FFCs domination results from being able to lease thousands of hectares of land, provide technical assistance, engage in marketing leading to the control of the international market. These include those in the wood productions industry, manufacturing, fishing and fish products, banana production, mining, coconut products, coffee, cacao and others. Southern Mindanao (Region XI) has always been the major host of FFC operations. The major ones these days have diversified operations, including Dole/Stanfilco (bananas, pineapples, fish products and rice), San Miguel Corporation (coffee, cacao, and hybrid corn seeds; Filipro/Nestle (coffee and soya beans); Menzi Agricultural Corporation (rubber, coffee, palm oil and fruits) and Philippine Packing Corporation (banana and pineapple). (Ibid). From Davao del Norte and Davao City, banana plantations expanded to Davao del Sur in the 1990s especially in the town of Hagonoy and Malalag. Banana production in the province ranked 7th in 1991 and rose up in 2000 as the 4th in terms of area cultivation. In 2002, the total area planted to banana with different varieties was 12, hectares with a total production of 220, MT and average yield of MT/hectare. Banana produce of the province reaches as far as Japan and Korea for Cavendish variety. Banana for export shares 18% of the total production. In 1995, the total harvested area in Region XI was 43,600 hectares, producing 1.64 million tons of bananas... The high productivity could be attributed to the fact that majority of production comes from plantations established on prime agricultural land with huge investments using advanced farming technology including variety selection, fertilizer application, pest control, irrigation, etc. Due to severe market competition in the world market, some plantations are now transferring to high altitude areas to produce preferred fruits with shape and taste. For three years, production area of local banana had an erratic trend from 12,845 hectares in 1999 to 13,112 hectares in 2000 and 12,505 hectares in 2002, and 9,607.05

9 hectares in This situation occurs because many farmers, after having planted banana in their farms for two to three years, abandoned them due to declining yields and pests and diseases. However, the recent establishment of banana processing plant in the province encouraged the farmers to improve their production to as high as 61, MT or with an increment of 10.9% from previous years production. The Lapanday Group of Companies which include the Guihing Agricultural Development corporation (GADECO), Lorenzo and Sons Ventures, Inc., Malalag Ventures Plantation, Inc. and Kawayan Land Development, Inc. operates these banana plantations covering about a thousand hectares. (Hondrade 20). Apart from Bukidnon, Davao del Sur is also one of the main producers of sugarcane, especially in the towns of Matan-ao, Sulop, Sta. Cruz and Kiblawan. (Ibid: 21). Area planted to sugarcane in 2002 was 11, hectares with annual production of 554,664MT, with an average yield of MT/hectare. In Hagonoy, the expansion of the Davao Sugar Central Company increased the production area of sugarcane in the municipality. Through the Filinvest Farm Corporation, a number of farmers leased their area for cultivation of sugarcane. The area expansion for sugarcane was meant to meet the milling capacity of the sugar mill for its continuous operation the whole year round:. (Ibid). Oil Palm Menzi Agricultural Corporation was the first to establish oil palm plantation going back to the 1950s in Basilan. Several companies owned by Malaysian, Singaporean and Filipino investors followed suit in the next decades. The state-owned National Development Corporation (NDC), even entered twice into partnership with a corporation owned by the Malaysian Government. At present there are four companies which are the main players in the oil palm industry including the Filipinas Palm Oil Plantations, Inc. (FPPI), Agusan Plantation, Inc. (API), Kenram Industrial Development, Inc. (KIDI) and A. Brown Energy Resources Development (ABERDI). To develop the industry, a few policies arose. The Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Plan ( ) promoted a program for High Value Crops (HVC), including oil palm. The Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan ( ) aimed to develop two million hectares of land for agribusiness, including industrial tree plantation of oil palm and rubber. The Department of Agriculture also defined oil palm as a priority crop; every town in Caraga was encouraged to plan oil palm. The Philippine Coconut Industry (PCA) assumed the task of developing not just coconut but also palm oil. It facilitated the creation of the Philippines Palm oil Development Council, Inc. (PPDCI) in 2003 which was to plan the long-term development of the palm oil industry in terms of policy, land and services to stakeholders, lobby, research, among others. Other government agencies such as the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) and the local government units (LGUs) were also involved in promoting oil palm production. The Philippines Development Plan ( ) includes oil palm as a priority crop. (Bigot 2013: 6-7). However, the expansion of oil palm production has impacted on the Lumads ancestral domain claims. The main reason for this has been that the Lumad s rights on their ancestral lands are not always recognized, fully respected and often misinterpreted, despite the passage of IPRA. (Ibid: 11). IPRA involves a provision on the Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), which ensures that before any project, a consensus of all the members belonging to the involved community, should be obtained. However, this provision has not always been respected. Some of the existing oil palm plantations are located or overlapping on ancestral domains in several provinces such as Bukidnon, Sultan Kudarat and Palawan; (in these) areas, FPIC or others Indigenous peoples rights have been violated. (Ibid). An example, an NGO operating in Opol, Misamis Oriental the Pesticide Action Network Asia and the Pacific (PAN AP) reported a case of land right violation by the company A. Brown to establish oil palm on ancestral lands, without the consent of the Higaonon community. (Ibid). Sultan Kudarat is known as the biggest producer of oil palm in the region SOCCKSARGEN (Region XII), comprising around 18,000 hectares. Adjacent provinces of South Cotabato, Maguindanao and North Cotabato also have extensive palm oil plantations. The Kenram Industry and Development Inc. (KIDI) is the main processing oil

10 palm plant supplied by these provinces, expanding their oil palm suppliers up to 950 hectares per year. The second oil palm processing mill supplied by oil palm farmers is AGUMIL, located in Maguindanao province. This industry began with family corporations in the late 1960s, then followed by big landowners and corporations. In the late 1990s, the expansion became massive, due to the dissemination of oil palm information and technology through several seminars, but still restricted to big land owners. In 2002, the first oil palm technology seminar was opened to small land owners, including Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries (ARB), who were previously workers. The expansion became massive among smallholders, because they recognized oil palm as a profitable crop. Furthermore, market was now accessible through oil palm processing As the province of Sultan Kudarat had become more involved in oil palm sector several municipalities were now targeted including Columbio, Palimbang, Pres. Quirino, Lebak, Bagumbayan and Esperanza, where 50,000 hectares were aimed for the expansion of plantations. In Columbio alone, 6,000 hectares of ancestral domain of the B laans are being targeted. A few of the tribal leaders have been in consultation with the Land Bank, even as big businessmen are also looking into how they could take advantage of the land. This is also true among the T bolis in South Cotabato, as their ancestral territories are also being eyed for oil palm plantations. CARP areas in this region have also been targeted for oil palm expansion. From Logging to Mining Logging as an industry is no longer what it was half-a-century ago in terms of providing great wealth to the nation s coffers. However, with the State s Industrial Forest Management agreement (IFMA) scheme, there are still ways through which the local wood industry could survive through the commercial tree plantation scheme which traces its roots to the Asian Development Bank s thrust to take advantage of degraded forests. Thus, through the Land Bank, the ADB has financed hundreds of IFMAs covering thousands of hectares, mostly in Region 9 and 11. (Gaspar 2000: 37). This is how logging has persisted, although at a much lower scale than decades ago. After WWII, massive logging took place across Mindanao. In fifty years time, most of the forests have disappeared. But the extraction of natural resources have not stopped; it shifted from cutting trees in the forests to digging minerals underneath the deforested ground. This arose owing to the State s policy to energize the mining industry through R.A. NO or the Mining Act of 1995 which empower government to enter into a Financial and Technical Assistance Agreement (FTAA). Mindanao s rich and bountiful minerals include gold, copper, nickel, chromite, silver, zinc, lead and coal (Tadem 1997, Coumans 2012, Tio 2012). Mindanao s share in this industry s exports is immense; until today American, Japanese, British, Canadian, Austrian and Australian TNCs continue to explore mining operations. Unfortunately, the major productive industries in Mindanao are of the extractive type which exploit and deplete natural resources (Tadem 1997: 24). The passage of R.A. No the Indigenous People s Rights Act or IPRA of October 29, 1997 would not deter the impact of R.A in the ancestral homeland of the Lumad. In the 1980s, a new type of mining arose, namely the unauthorized small-scale mining conducted by all kinds of people moving to mining sites and doing panning activities along rivers and streams. This has expanded across Mindanao from the east to the west. There is no question that in Third World countries such as the Philippines, mining has expanded rapidly; more companies want to take part and are aiming at bigger mining sites. There has been a strong concern on the social, environmental and economic impacts of mining in the local level as well as its negative economic impacts at the national level ; given the known fact that while mining has serious ecological consequences, the increasing wealth accumulation of mining executives and mining companies do not benefit affected communities and governments are not sharing proportionately in the wealth that is being taken from the earth beneath their feet. (Coumans 2012: 6). A recent study made through the Research Centers of the three Jesuit-run universities in Mindanao (Tiu 2012, Ateneo Institute of Anthropology and Ateneo Tropics 2013) showed the extent of mining expansion in Mindanao and their repercusions. The research sites included Tampakan, South Cotabato, Columbio, Sultan Kudarat and Kiblawan, Davao del Sur covering 23,590 hectares involving 11.6 million tons of copper (involved involving the Sagitarrius Mines, Inc. or SMI); Bayog Zamboanga del Sur with 4,799 hectares (TVIRD); Claver, Surigao del Norte

11 with 5,000 hectars (Taganito Mining Corporation or TMC); Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte with 8,213.5 has. (TVIRD). The following table shows how the mining firms found a way into entering the mining sites, the impact of their operations and what communities are affected: Mining Firms How Secured License to Operate: Secured Financial/ Technical Assistance Agreement (FTAA) w/ 2 CADCs of B laans and rights over individual ownership with landowners who have informal land tiles and individual stewardship certificates issued by DENR Impact on Commu-Nities & Other Issues: The environmental and the economic social costs Politics of power interests State policies do not allow for voices from the affected groups Computing compensation and benefit sharing when people are displaced People s consent over impact areas including those of the barangays downstream Non-transparency of information for criticalinformed decisions Peace and order consequences Multi-level boundary problems in barangay and municipality Tug-of war between 2 municipalities vis revenue from mining Conflict of power relations between national and local governments IPs traditional governance is divided into pro- and anti-mining CSOs vs government non-transparency of information and deceptive consultation progress, e.g. FPIC, respecting IP governance, legitimization and recognition of IP groups Lack of technical capacity for monitoring and disaster preparedness Affected Peoples Sagitarrius Mines, Inc There are five host communities: 3 in Tampakan, one each in Colombio and Kiblawan, mainly Lumad TVI Resource Development (Canadian firm) Mineral Production sharing Agreement (MPSA) in 1997 throuth the Zamboanga Minerals Corporation Subanen communities

12 Mining Firms How Secured License to Operate: MPSA (the Mamanuas had Memo of Agreement with TMC which stipulated that Mamanuas can get 500,000 financial assistance yearly from 2006 to 2031 for livelihood assistance) Impact on Commu-Nities & Other Issues: Employment insecurity Depletion of marine resources Decline of fish activities Disunity between elders and young Mamanuas who are for mining whereas the latter, are not Imbalance of compensation among the LGUs Questionnable FPIC; Compete legal claim with Subanon and mining company w/ CADC vs MPSA Conflicting frameworks between IPs and government (for IP s - land is life and sacred) Discourse on what is responsible mining Conflict of tradition between the two groups among the Mamanuas: Apo Manglang Lupa Posaka s group is antimining while Siocon Subanon Association Inc. plus NCIP-approved Council of Elders are pro mining CSOs on side of anti vs LGU who are pro Affected Peoples Taganito Mining Corp Mining area is Ancstral Domain of Mamanuas, but welcomed mining because land is uproductive and given employment benefits TVID MPSA originally issued to Ramon Bosque and Benguet Corporation in 1994, MPSA Deed of Assignment DOA transferred to TVI and approved by DENR in 1998 Subanen applied for CADC in 1994, in 1997 CADC awarded, home of 1,144 people From this sample of mining firms, one can see how the mining like the previous logging and plantations have expanded in various parts of Mindanao and impacted the ancestral territories of the Lumad where there are overlapping claims at mining applications and ancestral domain; (except) in the ARMM area (which) is the only homogenous are where there is no mining application. (Tiu: 24). It is a sad fact that increasingly the vulnerable, remote indigenous communities closest to the mines predominantly those of the Lumad are the ones most affected. One can also see that as mining arose, there are Lumad communities who embraced mining in their homeland and those who opposed it. CSOs across Mindanao especially those who have taken strong advocacies against mining have opposed both explorations and expansions on the basis of mining s impact on the environment and the lives of the Lumad. Mines are increasingly encroaching on ecologically-sensitive and largely undeveloped lands and territory including protected forest areas. Mines are also increasingly moving into areas where it is difficult, if not impossible, to manage the environmental risk associated with mining s major Achiles heel production and containment of massive amounts of environmentally toxic mine wastes Mining companies are moving into ever more remote areas as more accessible and economic ore bodies have been increasingly depleted. Mines are moving into the steep mountainous head water areas Mines

13 are also increasingly encroaching on the lands of indigenous peoples and remote communities that rely on the health of the local water supply and on access to land for survival. Increasing numbers of people are being moved way from their land by mining companies worldwide. (Coumans 2012: 7). Opposition is also based on the fact that where mining operations are increasingly bigger in scope, human rights abuses ensue as security forces, military and paramilitary forces are used to quell increasing opposition. However, despite the opposition both on the part of grassroots communities and the CSOs, mining continues to encroach on ecologically-sensitive and largely undeveloped lands and territory including protected forest areas and into into areas where it is difficult, if not impossible, to manage the environmental risk associated with mining s major Achiles heel (namely the) production and containment of massive amounts of environmentally toxic mine wastes. (Ibid). The Case of Jose Abad Santos, Davao Occidental The town of Jose Abad Santos (JAS), Davao Occidental is presently an area most vulnerable to encroachment of agribusiness plantations and mining to the detriment of the Lumad communities. Founded as a municipality in 1948, its population was 69,631 in 2010 (NSO figures). Of these, 80% are Sarangani Manobo. There are also B laans and Sangils; there have been inter-marriages among the three ethno-linguistic groups. The migrant-settlers population constitute just over 10%. The people live in 26 barangays spread across over 600 square kms. or the equivalent of 73,443 hectares with Caburan as its center. JAS used to be part of Malita and was originally named Trinidad. It was later named Jose Abad Santos to honor the former Supreme Court Chief Justice who died a martyr during WW II. It is estimated that 80% of the population are Sarangani Manobo with only around 5% Cebuano-speaking migrantsettlers. The rest are B laans and Sangirs or those who are members of households with intermarriages of the different ethnolingustic groups. The following table shows the population of the 26 barangays of JAS. Barangay Population 1. Balangonan 2, Buguis 1, Bukid 2, Butuan 1, Butulan 2, Caburan Big 4, Caburan Small (Pob.) 6, Camalian 1,824 9.Carahayan 1, Cayaponga 1, Culaman 3,676