When Laldenga his cadre pursued the line of armed struggle in Mizoram they were

Transcription

1 Nowhere To Run

2 INTRODUCTION When Laldenga his cadre pursued the line of armed struggle in Mizoram they were hunted down by the Indian Armed Forces and took refuge across the border in Chinland. They were welcomed. Even today there are settlements of Mizos in Myanmar. The Myanmarese in Mizoram are, therefore, justifiably angry with the Mizos for pushing the Myanmarese across the border into the hands of the military. On 17 th July 2003 pursuant to an alleged rape of a Mizo girl by a Myanmarese boy, the Young Mizo Association and a host of other organizations together with the police began the forced deportation of foreigners. The YMA went from house to house threatening the Myanmarese. They left at a moment's notice, selling their belongings for next to nothing. It was a traumatic departure. Landlords were told that they would be beaten if they permitted any Myanmarese tenant to live in their premises. Out of the 10,000 Myanmarese living in Mizoram, most of them for more than a decade, many crossed the border and went back. The remaining are in hiding. The conditions of the political refugees are so harsh that they go for days without food and employment. Many are working without wages so that they can have a safe place to stay. Being supporters of the Aung San Suu Kyi led Pro Democracy Movement then cannot go back ever. Many have fled forced army conscription. A large number fled the compulsory labour camps. Should they return, they would be arrested by the military, tortured and many would be put to death. How does the YMA exercise such authority to intimidate the refugees in this manner? The answer lies in the support it receives from the police and all political parties. In Lawngtlai, for example, where the YMA does not have much of a base, we found that Nowhere To Run,

3 District Commissioners acting on their instructions from Aizawl pushes the refugees across the border. On the other hand it must be said to the credit of the Lai District Council that in this time of crisis they stood firm and protected the victims. This report happened quite by chance. Preeti Verma and I were supposed to visit Mizoram for a holiday, came upon the crisis and then conducted a fact-finding. This report is the result of that inquiry. We are grateful to Mr. Suan Parte of the Zo Global Human Rights Networks for being our guide and friend. The irony of the situation lies in this. The eviction of the Myanmarese started because of the alleged rape of a Mizo girl by a Myanmarese boy. We interviewed the family of the boy at Champhai. The family is Mizo! The brother-in-law of the accused was the President of the Champhai YMA! The condition of the refugees in the camps at Sihhmui and Vombuk is pitiful. They have hardly any food or medicines. The threat of attack by the YMA is a daily hazard. The situation could turn even more explosive any minute. We are coming out with this report in order to tell the people in India of the plight of the Chin people in Mizoram. Also, to raise resources and medicines for the refugees in the camps. Finally, in the hope that someone will be able to prevail on the Government in Mizoram and particularly the police to take stern steps to restore peace for the Chin people. COLIN GONSALVES AND PREETI VERMA Nowhere To Run,

4 New Delhi 3 rd March EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Between 20 th December and 31 st January 2003, Colin Gonsalves and Preeti Verma of the Human Rights Law Network, guided by Suan Parte of the Zo Human Rights Global Networks, on a visit to Mizoram, investigated the nature and extent of the evictions of the Chin refugees from the state. As tourists keen to explore Mizoram we had planned to trek through several villages and towns of the state. However on being informed of the precarious situation of the Chin refugees we instinctively embarked on a fact-finding mission. We visited Aizawl, Saiha, Lawngtlai and Champhai and the two camps at Sihhmui and Vombuk. Following the rape of a Mizo girl by a man alleged to be of Myanmarese origin on 17 th July 2003, the Young Mizo Association (YMA), together with other Mizo organisations and often with the assistance of the administration and the police, launched a Quit Mizoram agitation against Myanmarese refugees. The groups called upon the approximately 10,000 Myanmarese in Mizoram to quit. The hotel where the rape took place was destroyed by angry mobs and there were street demonstrations. Thus began the anti-myanmarese movement. On 20th July 2003, the YMA and Mizo Hmaichhai Insuihkhawm Pawl (Mizo Women s Association) (MHIP) announced the expulsion of all Myanmarese people from Aizawl and other parts of Mizoram. The next day, other NGOs and newspapers began supporting the eviction call. Door to door visits were made, deadlines set, and landlords told to evict their tenants. The Myanmarese began to vacate their homes with whatever they could carry. Shops run by the Chin people were ordered to close down, and it was announced that driving licenses and work permits would be cancelled and discontinued. Nowhere To Run,

5 All India Radio broadcast that the Myanmarese would have to quit Mizoram by 15 th August We were shown sample quit notices signed by the YMA, the Village Council (VC) and the MHIP, calling upon individuals and families to vacate. Children were taken out of school. Those who could went back to Myanmar, and others who feared arrest by the military on their return to Myanmar went into hiding. Other refugees who resisted deportation have set up two camps at Sihhmui and Vombuk. Sihhmui Camp The Sihhmui camp was comprised of refugee families who had fled evictions from Aizawl, Sairang, Khamrang, Sihhmui and Dapchhuah (Tut). After hearing the Sihhmui camp members it is clear to us that all these people fled Myanmar because of a well-founded fear of persecution, due to their participation in the activities of the pro-democracy movement. Were they to return to Myanmar, they would face arrest and imprisonment, and perhaps even killed by the military. The only reason why they do not apply to the UNHCR is their poverty and inability to travel to Delhi to complete the formalities. Their material existence is bare survival. They are malnourished and survive on inadequate rations of rice and dal provided by the Relief Committee. The Government provides nothing. NGOs do not function in the area. Medical assistance does not exist, though it is acutely needed. There are 16 children above the age of five who can no longer avail of any educational facility. Emergency intervention is necessary. We feared that after Christmas the Joint Action Committee might carry out a fresh round of evictions with the support of the government. These fears were validated when the Sihhmui camp residents approached the team, once on 28 th December and then again on 31 st December, as they had been threatened and given an ultimatum to evict the camp by 31 st January An urgent intervention by the UNHCR and NHRC helped to give them immediate protection. Nowhere To Run,

6 Pushed Back to Myanmar Zemabawk Camp, Aizawl The Central Chin Women s Organization (CCWO), together with the Zo Reunification Organization (ZORO), reacted swiftly to the plight of the evictees by setting up a temporary camp in the Zemabawk area of Aizawl. The Chairman of ZORO offered the premises of the Highland Engineering building that housed his workshop. Within a week the YMA reacted and closed down the camp. The Deputy Commissioner (DC), Aizawl, with the Superintendent of Police, attempted to send approximately 110 people back to Myanmar via Champhai, on two Mizoram State Transport buses. En route, at Seling, the refugees resisted this move. The authorities then decided to make them cross over to Myanmar from Vombuk across the Tuipui river. Our interviews with these refugees show how they resisted and returned to the Indian side of the border. Lawngtlai On the way, the two buses stopped at Lawngtlai, where the refugees spent approximately one month. They were received by the Chin people at Lawngtlai, put up in a church and given food. The Lawngtlai area comes within the Lai Autonomous District Council. The Chins have an affinity with the Lai tribe, so there was a natural bond between the refugees and people of Lawngtlai. Moreover the YMA had no significant presence there. We were informed that the DC, Aizawl, and the YMA, Aizawl, spoke to the DC, Lawngtlai, requesting him not to let the refugees stay there. Thus, they were evicted again and sent to Vombuk village via Saiha. Our interviews with the refugees as well as the Chins from Lawngtlai describe this eviction in detail. On 14 th August 2003, the DC, Saiha, was asked to report on the status of these refugees. He recorded that the refugees sent an advance party who saw the Myanmar army at a Nowhere To Run,

7 close distance and, being afraid of severe punishment and torture which might lead to their death, they unanimously resolved to come back to India. Vombuk Refugee Camp Because of their resolve to stay in India come what may, the refugees were housed at the Tourist Lodge at Vombuk village for one month. Here it must be recorded that the Young Lai Association (YLA) and the Vombuk Village Council extended support to the refugees. The Government of Mizoram (Tourism Department) told the DC, Saiha, to remove these people from the lodge. The lodge has five large rooms, adequate to house the refugees and to keep them warm during the winter. With the addition of basic facilities, like toilets and water supply, the lodge would be an ideal refuge. We also found that the lodge is by and large unused. The Vombuk Village Council and the YLA came to their rescue once again, allocating land nearby and providing water. Mr. S.P of the Zo Human Rights Global Networks assisted in setting up a makeshift camp. The DC, Saiha, provided plastic sheets (tarpaulin). An elementary structure was created with bamboo and plastic. When we visited the camp on 24 th -26 th December 2003, 75 persons were living there. The number fluctuates from time to time as the refugees attempt to find daily wage jobs to keep the camp going. Previously some medical assistance came from Health Care for the Poor, Aizawl, in the form of medicines, and the DC, Saiha, arranged for a visit by a doctor. Food is in short supply and current estimates show that rations will run out in 15 days time. The daily diet was rice and dal twice a day. Medicines were almost finished. Nowhere To Run,

8 The DC, Saiha, in his report of 14 August 2003, recorded that Out of 63 Myanmarese, 35 persons have been suffering from varied illness. The main symptom of fever seem to be coughing, indigestion, dehydration and mental trauma. We can conclude that they are in a state of mental trauma. Their hopeless situation engendered fear psychosis among them. General Situation in Myanmar 1 Myanmar gained its independence from Great Britain on 4 January Between 1947 and 1962 Myanmar practiced democracy, however in 1962 the military headed by General Ne Win, seized power. From 1962 to 1974 this military junta was named the Revolutionary Council (RC) and from 1974 to 1988 it was known as the Burma Social Program Party (BSPP). In 1974 a new constitution was adopted which further entrenched BSPP s position as the only legal political party in the country. During this period of military rule there was much public unrest. The most serious protest occurred in 1974 resulting from a struggle between the students and the government over the burial of the remains of U Thant, the third Secretary General of the United Nations. Pursuant to 12 days of violent conflicts between the police and the students, the military declared Martial Law in Mach The conflict arose because of a dispute between students and local people in which the riot police intervened, causing the death of a student from Yangoon Institute of Technology. In August 1988 another violent demonstration took place headed by students, teachers and academics. One of the goals of the 1988 uprising was freedom from Burmese dictatorial rule, which included cultural, economic and educational freedom. The police and the army killed thousands of demonstrators. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), headed by General Saw Maung, staged a coup in 1988 and established a new dictatorship under Martial Law. The SLORC assured the public that one of their goals was to organise multi party elections. Many ,Human Rights Year book,burma,human Rights Documentation Unit,Thailand 2000,p.8-12 Nowhere To Run,

9 parties began to register with the National League for Democracy (NLD) lead by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, emerging as the leading opposition party. Even though the SLORC placed her under house arrest in July 1989 and disqualified her from participating in the elections nonetheless, the NLD achieved a victory in the elections in 1990 winning 392 of the 485 seats contested. SLORC refused to recognise the elections and stated that the actual purpose of the election was to form a constituent assembly. Since then SLORC has been arresting and intimidating NLD members, as well as the members of other opposition parties. This power is based on its Declaration 1/90, which states that it is not an organisation that observes any constitution but one that governs the nation under Martial Law. Since then thousands of people who were involved in the 1988 uprising have fled the country and many of them have sought refuge in India. The SLORC has not allowed the NLD led parliament to assemble. In 1991 the government in exile was formed. This government is headed under the name National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma which has the support of all major ethnic groups struggling to assert themselves within Burma. The political turmoil in the country has been increasing since then. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is under house arrest. In 1997 SLORC was renamed the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). SLORC now SPDC changed the name of Burma to Myanmar in the mid 1990 s. Due to severe and persistent human rights violations in Myanmar, in particular the Chin state of Burma, many people have sought refugee in India. According to the Human Rights Watch World Report 2003 Myanmar s continuing human rights problems include the widespread use of forced labour, forced relocation, censorship, use of child soldiers, violations of religious freedom and atrocities committed against ethic minorities whose regions make up most of the country s territory. The US State Department's 2002 country report on human rights in Myanmar estimated that forced relocations had produced hundreds of thousands of refugees with as many as one million internally displaced persons within the country. Perhaps the most horrific of the military s abuses are committed against civilians living in the country s ethnic minority areas in particular Chin state. Troops have burned villages in minority ethnic areas; conscripted villagers to Nowhere To Run,

10 perform forced labour and executed suspected opponents of the regime. Rape of women in the ethnic minority areas is rampant. Torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of men, women and children, both in ethnic minority areas and in central Myanmar, have taken place for years. The military regime has curbed the pro democracy movement for years and the leader of the National League for Democracy and Nobel peace laureate Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi has recently been re-arrested for her pro democracy activities. Chin State Chin state is a mountainous state with Haka as the state capital. Falam and Tiddim are other main cities. There are many sub tribes among the Chins. The people called Zomi i.e Paite, Sihzin etc live in Tidim and Tonzang districts, in the north of Chin state.the Laimi such as Laizo, Tlaisun, Zaniat, Sim, Jahau, Hallngo etc. live in Falam.Thantlang and Haka districts tribal groups also called Laimi, such as the Zotung, Zophei, Lakher and Cinzah live. In Falam, Haka and Thantiang all people call themselves Laimi. The Chins belong to the Tibeto-Burman group of the Mongoloid race. Around AD, they started settling from the Kale-Kabaw valley into the Chin Hills, now called Chin state. They also settled in the adjacent region i.e Mizoram and Manipur states of India and in Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. Invasion of Chin territory by the British in 1890 resulted in a division when Myanmar separated from the Indian Administration in The part of Chin territory that fell within Indian was named Lushai Hills and the territory in Myanmar was named Chin Hills. In 1947 Lushai Hills was annexed to India at the time of independence and in 1948 Chin Hills was annexed to Burma. In 1971 when East Pakistan, now Bangladesh was separated, Lushai Hills was again divided into two parts, renamed Lushai Hills and Bawm area in Chittagong Hill Tracts. Lushai Hills became the Mizoram State and Chin Hills the Chin State. On 12 February 1947 the Chin leaders signed the Panglong agreement, which gave the Chin people their independence from Myanmar. However the government has failed to live up to this agreement and till present the Chin people allege that the government of Myanmar has practiced wide Nowhere To Run,

11 spread oppression and suppression of the Chin people, resulting in Chin state being the poorest state in Myanmar. Eighty percent of Myanmar s population is Buddhist, and the total Chin population constitutes only 3 percent of the entire population. Under the Constitution, the Chins are recognised as a national group. Presently, there is a strong military presence in Chin state, which is attributed to the presence of the Chin National Front (CNF) and its army wing the Chin National Army (CNA). CNF/CNA enjoy substantial support from the Chin population. More than 85% of Chins are Christians and approximately 60% of these are Baptists, who live predominantly in the north. It is widely reported that the military regime has forcefully tried to convert Chins to Buddhism since The military has been reportedly assisted in this by the Buddhist monks in the hill regions. Further, the campaign has involved a large increase of military units stationed in the chin state, state sponsored immigration of Buddhist Burman monks into the Chin region and the construction of Buddhist monasteries and shrines within communities where there are very few Buddhists. Though the Chins have been opposing military oppression for decades, the most significant political demonstration by the Chins in recent history was the 1988 countrywide pro-democracy uprising. Since this demonstration, many Chins have been fighting for democracy and self-determination for the Chin people. Due to the alleged harsh treatment and systematic human rights abuses by the military against those involved in political activities and the pro democracy movements, many Chins have faced arrest, imprisonment, torture and rape as a result of their political activity. Many of the Chins who have fled Chin state to surrounding countries like India, Thailand, Malaysia and Bangladesh, also continue to be politically active. Prominent Nowhere To Run,

12 Chin political parties and organizations are Chin National Front (CNF), Chin National Council (CNC) and Chin National League for Democracy (CNLD). Myanmar has been governed by various military regimes since From 1988 to 1997 the SLORC ruled Myanmar and in 1997 changed its name to SPDC. Since 1998 this military regime has been ruling under Martial Law. It has been reported in the Burma Human Rights Year Book that since 1988 the size of the military forces in Myanmar has doubled from 180,000 to 400,000 and it is suggested that this increase has been facilitated by the recruitment of boys aged Before 1988 there was only one military battalion in Chin state which has now been increased to reported battalions and numerous military companies. Though there is no legislated military conscription there is a practice of forced conscription. Prior to 1988 many people joined the military voluntarily, after 1988 however, new soldiers were recruited by force. Military regulations prohibit the recruitment of boys under 16 however the military has been recruiting boys under 14 who perform duties such as front line combat, cooking, body guards, portering etc. The military also arrests young boys and men and forces them into the army. Army also issues orders to villagers to provide a quota of new recruits and that if they do not provide this quota, the villagers face imprisonment, fines or forceful conscription into the army. Soldiers are also rewarded if they bring in new recruits. The expansion of the military presence in the Chin state has led to the villagers being constantly taken by the military for portering and forced labour. The colonial rulers promulgated laws, which permitted the use of forced labour in Burma. Following independence in 1948, successive Burmese governments have continued the practice for forced labour, citing legal authority as the Village Act of 1908 and the Town Act of The two laws require that labourers be: a) otherwise not employed b) physically fit, and c) paid a reasonably fixed wage. Nowhere To Run,

13 These conditions are reportedly never met. The military also forces the civilians to carry military supplies and ammunition from one location to another. This is a non-voluntary and unpaid position. Even basic necessity like food is not provided during this forced porterage. This is more prevalent in the Chin State. The area has a hilly terrain and there are hardly any roads in the area.the military has to transport their supplies and ammunition on foot and forces the villagers to do so. Forced labour in the Chin State is widespread. The military forces the civilians to work on infrastructure projects like road construction, hydroelectric projects, railways, airfields and building police quarters. Other projects include the construction of military camps and providing services like maintenance, trench digging, building of pagodas repair or maintenance of religious facilities, cooking, washing, gathering wood, fetching water and even providing sexual services to the soldiers. Since SLORC, now SPDC, took power in 1988 they have ruled under Martial Law. Since this time SPDC has enforced numerous laws curtailing the civil and political freedoms of its people. These laws have the effect of curtailing freedom of expression, dissemination of information and freedom of assembly and association. Though the legal system is based on the common law system, however the system is now completely ruled by the military. SPDC controls the courts, judges and the police force. The judges of the Supreme Court are appointed by SPDC. They in turn control the lower courts and cannot make any decisions without SPDC s approval. There are no jails or prisons in Chin state. Instead, there are hard labour camps and lock ups. One is sent to a hard labour camp or a jail after a high court decision; however, a court decision does not mean there has actually been a trial. Most people in Chin state who are detained are in custody and kept in lock up waiting for a verdict, which takes years. Chin state currently has between 3 to 12 hard labour camps. The projects worked on in hard labour camps are often the same, as those in forced labour. The two can be distinguished as forced labour is conducted mostly by villagers selected by the military Nowhere To Run,

14 through their VCP and for certain duration of time. Hard labour camps consist of convicted prisoners. POLITICAL OPPRESSION Political oppression is common under the State Peace and Development Council. During our course of interviews with the refugees in Mizoram, we came across many individuals who fled their country because they have been an active participants in pro-democracy movement of 1988 in Burma. DAPCHHUAH V In 1988, while in high school, V was a student leader of the pro-democracy movement. He was part of a demonstration Sandah Piah in August 1988, in which they burnt the identity cards of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and Ne Win s photographs in the public ground at Matupi. The military went to his house looking for him but he was in hiding and later fled. He traveled from Matupi to Tanku to Bewa to Sabawangte to Thlawng Mang to Zawngling in Mizoram to Kawlcaw on foot, after which he took a bus to Lawngtlai and another one from there to Aizawl. SAIRANG B B was active in the pro-democracy movement and was in charge of publicity and information. He fled from Matupi in He is on the wanted list and says he will be killed if he returns. He says his condition now is like that of a beggar. The UN should recognise him as a refugee. He says that the children in the camp are not allowed in local schools. They do not have access to any medical treatment as if they go to the Sairang Nowhere To Run,

15 hospital they will be asked for identification. A doctor from an organization called Healthcare For the Poor visited them once and gave them medicines. FORCED LABOUR AND EXPLOITATION S and T (sisters) S s husband died of asthma in She has two children, a boy and a girl. In 1997 S and her sister T were forced by the army to work in the tea gardens at Mualzawl, Falam district. They were paid very little money for their labour. Persons from the army would call them to their camp separately and both the sisters were gang-raped repeatedly. They dared not complain to anyone. The two sisters then decided to leave the army camp as they were getting no money and S had to support her family. The village elders and the Village Council President then informed them that they were on the army s list and the army would arrest them, so they should try and escape. They ran away immediately and took refuge in a hut in a forest. Soon after, they met some people coming to Mizoram in a jeep. They took their chance and escaped. After the eviction, S lives in hiding in somebody s farm. The younger sister, T, works as a house maid but gets no salary. She spent a lot of time escaping from house to house to avoid detection by the YMA and other groups. She says she does not want to stay in Mizoram any more as it is unsafe. Even today the groups announce their intentions to deport all Myanmarese people. She still lives in hiding. S has not seen her two children since 2000 when she and her sister crossed to Mizoram. The children live with their grandparents in Mualzawl, Falam district. Nowhere To Run,

16 INCIDENT AT AIZAWL It is reported that on 17 th July 2003, a minor Mizo girl was raped at Hotel Vancy, Chanmari block, Aizawl. The perpetrator was identified as Vanlalchhanga, an alleged Myanmarese. The girl is the granddaughter of Pu H. Thangsanga (Congress party leader and former Education Minister of Mizoram). Her paternal uncle is the Mizoram Pradesh Congress Youth President. There is a controversy over whether Vanlalchhanga is Myanmarese at all. It is said that he was born at Vanzau in Mizoram and then lived in Myanmar for many years. Thus he is mistaken for a Chin. He is the son of the owner of Hotel Vancy. On 18 th July 2003, Vanlalchhanga was arrested. The police said that he confessed in the presence of both the police and the magistrate. Dr. Ro Ding, Foreign Secretary of the Burmese government in exile and a committee member of both Aun Sang Suu Kyi s National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) and the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), met with Ms. Siami, sister of the accused, who told him that her brother could not be the culprit because three witnesses had confirmed that he was at home in Zemabawk at the time of the incident. She told him that he is mentally retarded, and that if at all he had confessed it was because the police told him that he would be safe in jail and that if he did not confess, all his family members would be handed over to the YMA. Moreover, the victim had said that the rapist had long hair, scars on his face, and chest hair. This description did not match her brothers. She further informed Dr. Ro Ding that a man fitting this description had come to the Zodin Hotel, which she managed, and she had suggested that he go to Vancy Hotel as there was no vacancy at Zodin. The man had said that his name was Morris and he was from Biate village, Champhai district. Siami said that she had learnt that Morris is wanted by the police in two other cases. Nowhere To Run,

17 On the same day after news of the incident spread, the hotel was destroyed by angry mobs and there were street demonstrations led by the YMA, MHIP, and MUP. From this the anti- Myanmarese movement started. On 20 th July 2003, Hotel Zodin and Hotel Luxury, managed by the family of the accused, were destroyed. Later that day, the YMA and MHIP announced the expulsion of all Myanmarese people from Aizawl and other parts of Mizoram. From 21 st July 2003 onwards, other NGOs and newspapers began supporting the eviction call. Door to door visits were made, deadlines set, and landlords told to evict their tenants. Distress sales of furniture and other household properties took place. Threatened thus, the Myanmarese began to vacate their homes with whatever they could carry. Shops run by the Chin people were ordered to be closed. It was announced that driving licenses and work permits would be cancelled and discontinued. We were informed that All India Radio had announced that the Myanmarese would have to quit Mizoram by 15 August We were shown sample quit notices signed by the YMA, the Village Council (VC) and the MHIP calling upon the person s name to vacate. Children were taken out of school. Those who could went back to Myanmar; others who feared arrest by the military on their return to Myanmar went into hiding. The CCWO interviewed on video the departing families as they were leaving Aizawl. AREA WIDE SURVEY AIZAWL On 22 nd December 2003, we interviewed Ms. K the President of the Central Chin Women s Organisation (CCWO) at Aizawl. She described her own family s eviction, the incident that sparked off the anti-myanmarese protests and the efforts to set up the temporary camp at Zemabawk. The CCWO, formed in 1996, has branches in Aizawl, Delhi, Champhai, Sairang, Lunglei, Lawngtlai and Saiha. When the recent eviction of Myanmarese refugees in Mizoram was at its height, the CCWO provided crucial and timely support to the evicted. Nowhere To Run,

18 K was forced to leave her house in Chanmari block, and had to hide from the Young Mizo Association (YMA). Members of the YMA approached her at about 3.30 p.m. and asked her to vacate her house by 6.30 p.m., threatening dire consequences if she failed. She was running a handloom business and had 12 handlooms. She was forced to sell all except one, at very low rates. She employed over 12 workers, all of whom were evicted and are now in hiding. Her two small children now fear mobs and are too frightened to stay at home. They study in a hostel. She said that there were approximately 20,000 Chins in Aizawl prior to the eviction, and there are 10,000 at present. Those who did not have a political background in Myanmar have returned, and the rest continue to hide in different parts of Mizoram. K came from Myanmar in She was active in the women s wing of the prodemocracy movement, was put on the arrest list of the military government, and fled on foot from Thipcamg to Vaphai and thereafter to Champhai in Aizawl. Refugees in Aizawl reporting about the attack in Sihhmui Camp on the 26 th Dec. 03 M His wife was killed in 1988 by the military. He fled Myanmar and came to Aizawl. Evicted from Aizawl by the YMA, he now hides in a jungle doing agricultural work. Nowhere To Run,

19 K He was called to join the army. He refused. Knowing that his cousin was arrested for refusing to join the army, he fled and came to Aizawl. He was evicted by the YMA. T I got my B.Sc in 1995 from Rangoon University. After that I was working with the Burma Broadcasting Company in the Chin language department. I have also written plays and recorded many songs. In 1996, he came to Aizawl to record some songs. Some of these were anti-military. When he went back to Rangoon the army and police were looking for him. He was staying with his brother, who is in the Myanmarese police. He was arrested and jailed for 17 days, then got bail and went to live with his family. In Falam he was apprehended again and forced to work as a porter for 3 days. After reaching the army camp at Tibual, while the army members were resting, he fled from Tibual to Bulfek to Champahi to Khozual. His sister is married to a Mizo man in Khozual, where he lives now. He works as a labourer and also helps with the small hotel his sister runs. His brother is still in the Myanmarese police and was demoted because of his activities. SIHHMUI CAMP Members of the camp informed us that All India Radio (AIR) Aizawl announced that before August 15, 2003 all the Myanmarese in Mizoram would have to leave their homes and go back to Myanmar. The Joint Action Committee issues Eviction Notices. The JAC is comprised of the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (Mizo Students Association), Mizo Hmaichhai Insuihkhawm Pawl (Mizo Women s Association), Young Mizo s Association (YMA). Village Councils and the Mizoram Upa Pawl (Mizo Elder s Association). AIR also aired advertisements and statements sponsored by these groups. Nowhere To Run,

20 Members of these groups also started visiting the homes of the Myanmarese, asking them to leave. No camp members reported actual use of force by these persons, but the threat of force was imminent. Landlords were ordered to evict their Myanmarese tenants. Starting in August, and up till 14 September, most of them fled their homes leaving behind most of their belongings. (Refugees in Sihhmui Camp) Nowhere To Run,

21 The Sihhmui camp comprised Chin families from: Aizawl, Sairang, Khamrang, Sihhmui and Dapchhuah (Tut). The camp comprised of 4 small huts, which housed all 88 people. A rent of Rs. 1000/- per month was covered by the members of the Relief Committee (mentioned below). The Sihhmui camp was first attacked on the 26 th December by the members of the YMA. With the help of some local intervention and the emergency intervention at the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), New Delhi the situation was diffused. However, the camp was again attacked on the 15 th of February 2004 and the YMA managed to evict the camp. Pursuant to the attack all the inmates fled the same. 45 of them managed to reach Delhi with the help of some local organisation. The rest of the people are still hiding in Sihhmui and there is hardly any information about them. KHAMRANG Z Z fled Matupi in Chin state in Her husband, K (now the Sihhmui camp leader) was forced to flee because of his activities in support of the pro-democracy movement and the National League for Democracy (NLD). She left to join him in Khamrang (in Mizoram) where she worked as an agricultural labourer. She describes her flight thus: Fifteen days after the AIR announcement she received the Quit Notice from the MZP and fled to a farmhouse where she stayed for eight days. But they followed her there too and forced her to abandon everything and leave. The only Chins left in Kahmrang are 3 Chin families who came to Mizoram prior to independence and have married Mizo women. Z said that Supreme Court orders may not work in Mizoram because of the mob rule. The women in the camp need three handloom machines, which cost Rs. 7,000/- each, and Nowhere To Run,

22 three sewing machines, which cost Rs. 5,500/- each. Some members of the camp are skilled in the use of these machines. She felt that the sale of products would not be a problem, and it would help the women earn some money. She pointed out D a 21-year-old woman. D told us that she had already had 2 caesarean births and was now pregnant with her third child. The doctor had told her that this birth, too, would have to be caesarean. She needs Rs. 10,000/- for this operation at Aizawl. Z then pointed out L, a 9-year-old girl who broke both her arms while fleeing Khamrang village. She was treated at Aizawl Civil Hospital and her family paid Rs.3000/- for the operation. The bone has not set properly and she is still in considerable pain. K (Sihhmui camp leader) Mr. K reported that the Relief Committee (Aizawl), formed by Chin people living abroad, provides them with some funds for rations. He is afraid that things appear calm only now because of the post-election celebrations combined with Christmas celebrations. However, they have heard that after Christmas they will be evicted again. If this camp is recognised by the UNHCR as a refuge camp we will be safe, otherwise our lives are in danger. He fled Myanmar because of his activities in the pro-democracy movement. He believes that the real reason for the eviction of Myanmarese is not the alleged rape incident but in fact an understanding between the Indian government and the military in Myanmar. He fears that if he goes back to Myanmar he will be arrested and his punishment will not be less than life imprisonment. SIHHMUI N N s husband was a leader of the pro-democracy movement. The police were hunting for him and his name was on the military s wanted list. They fled in 1988 and came to Nowhere To Run,

23 Sihhmui, but were forced to leave and move into the nearby camp after the village council issues the Quit Notices. B N s husband, B, says that his landlord evicted him from Sihhmui. All the seven families that fled from Sihhmui had come from Myanmar, as their family members were wanted by the army. B requested that the UNHCR recognise them as refugees. AIZWAL B B lost his father when he was still a student. He then began work on a farm in Kannan, but the army picked him up to work as a porter. The sole breadwinner in his family, he asked for permission to visit his family after 4 days. It was denied and he was asked to enroll in the military in Khamti in Tamu. B knew that refusing would endanger his life, so he waited for an opportunity and escaped from the military. He traveled from Kannan to Tamu to Moreh on foot. He then took a bus to Imphal, then to Churachandpur, then to Ngopa and finally to Aizawl. Members of the YMA visited his house, and he said that the landlord would also be in trouble so he fled. I always think of my family and now I can t help them. If we are recognised as refugees, I could move freely. I would like to continue my studies. At the time of the interview B was suffering from malaria, and mentioned that another 19 to 20 people in the camp also had malaria. P A 24-year-old resident of Sihhmui, was laid up in bed from a severe bout of malaria. He had not much food to eat and told us that he had no access to treatment. CONCLUSION Nowhere To Run,

24 Based on our conversations with the camp members, it is clear to us that all these people fled Myanmar because they feared, with reason, persecution due to their participation in the activities of the pro-democracy movement. Were they to return to Myanmar they would face arrest and imprisonment, and may be killed by the military. Their only reason for not applying to the UNHCR is poverty and inability to travel to Delhi to complete the formalities. Their material existence is bare survival. They are malnourished and survive on inadequate rations of rice and dal provided by the Relief Committee. The Government provides nothing. NGOs do not function in the area. Medical assistance does not exist, though it is acutely needed. There are 16 children above the age of five who can no longer avail of any educational facility. Emergency intervention is necessary. The Joint Action Committee carried out a fresh round of evictions with the support of the government. The camp residents were given a deadline of 31 st December 2003 to vacate their camp. SAIHA T He was a youth leader from his village in the pro-democracy movement. He played a role in a demonstration burning the membership cards of the BSSP and also burning Ne Win s photographs. He had also participated in 2-3 strikes. Soldiers used to come to his village and ask the village council president to send people to the army as labour. He received information that he was on the military s wanted list. He anticipated arrest, and therefore fled. He states emphatically that if democracy returns he will go back. T In 1988 while in school he was the block level youth president. His name was on the wanted list. He fled Myanmar in 1998, leaving behind his mother (65 years) and elder Nowhere To Run,

25 sister. He now works as a labourer in Saiha, and has been asked by the YMA to go back to Myanmar. Asked why he had not applied to the UNHCR for refugee status, which he said he wanted, he replied that he was too poor to travel to Delhi. Z Both she and her husband fled from Falam region and were active in the information and publicity wing of the pro-democracy movement in their village. They burned the ID cards of the BSPP. Her husband left Myanmar some time in She followed him two years later. They have 5 children, out of whom two sons, aged 13 and 11, are in Myanmar. She would like to go back as her children and grandparents are there, but is afraid that she will be arrested. She and her husband run a garage in Saiha, and are reasonably well off. They are very active in supporting the refugees at Vombuk camp, and contribute financially and otherwise. Because of their activities in Saiha, they have been noticed by the YMA and other local authorities. A month ago, a person suspected to be Myanmarese army intelligence came to their house and told them to stop helping the Vombuk Camp refugees. They fear victimization, and are probably also on the wanted list of the Myanmarese military. They estimate that there are approximately 300 Myanmarese in Saiha, a third of whom are political refugees who cannot go back. P The brother of Z s husband (mentioned above), he worked as a mechanic and a driver in Myanmar. In the army forced him to drive for the military without any payment. He fled in 1983 and stayed in Mizoram until 1986, when he returned to Myanmar. In 1988 he was active in the Chin National League for Democracy, and says that he participated in demonstrations and was wanted by the military. 2-3 days after a major demonstration, on receiving information that he was to be arrested, he fled Myanmar in August His wife followed in He seeks refugee status. With his brother s family, he also actively assists Vombuk Camp refugees, and as a result has been identified by the authorities. Nowhere To Run,

26 The families of Z and P actively assisted the team in its enquiry and even otherwise have been identified by the authorities. Since the aid received by the refugees is very limited, they have taken rations on credit (amounting to about Rs. 17,000/-) in Saiha in their names. Were it not for Mr. P and these people, the Vombuk refugees would have been utterly helpless. H (husband) D (wife) D and her son, S were apprehended and put in a local village jail. After two months in jail, she was sent to a labour camp in Thlang Tlang, and her son was sent to Haka. She ultimately had to sell all her belongings to arrange for bail, which amounted to 5,00,000 kyats. This was paid to the lawyers and the army. After this incident, her son was killed. D describes the murder of her son thus: I and my son were apprehended by the army. I saw them hitting him and then blindfold and take him away. The other villagers witnessed his killing by the military. He was put on a cross and shot. He was 16 years old. He was a simple student with no background of political activity. I got the body of my son after five days from the forest. We secretly took it away and buried him. He had lost his teeth and his eyes. His stomach had knife wounds. All this because her husband, H. was abducted by an underground group and made to work for them as a gun repairer, as he was skilled in that work. He worked for the underground group for two years. After his son s death he requested them to let him go, saying, I have already lost my son because I am helping you. Now I am too old, please let me go. They let him go and, with his wife, he fled to India on foot. His wife now runs a small tea stall in Saiha. They have not yet been evicted but their future is uncertain. They have heard of the UNHCR but don t know who or where they are. Nowhere To Run,

27 K In 1989 her husband was forcibly taken away to work as a porter. She has not seen him since then. Porters know about the movement of the military and are often killed if the army feels that there are disclosing their movements. She left Myanmar in 1990 after her husband was abducted, and came to live in India. S He was forced to work as a porter in the army. Porters are not paid any wages or given any food. He carried food rations for himself for four days, and after that he starved and had little strength. He was kicked and beaten and forced to work. He worked for seven days and nights, with barely any rest. At midnight, while everyone was sleeping, he ran away and came to India. He was not involved in any political work prior to being taken as a porter. In retaliation for his desertion, the army arrested his 20-year-old son, R., while he was returning from watching a video show. He was tortured, stabbed, and shot dead that very night. R was a student with no political background. S s 30-year-old brother was killed by an underground group as he was suspected of involvement with the army. He was knifed and shot in the forehead while he was sleeping. S. K believes that, since he fled forced labour, he is on the wanted list and cannot go back. P At the age of 13, he was forced to work as a porter for the military, carrying rations and ammunitions day and night. He worked in this manner for four days, found an opportunity during a rest period, and ran away from Rezua village, Lailen. He is on the wanted list and cannot return. J J was a student at Matupi. In 1988 he fled Myanmar and reached the Champhai refugee camp. As he is a wanted man in Myanmar, he cannot go back. At the same time his situation in Mizoram is tenuous, as he has been identified as a foreigner. He seeks Nowhere To Run,

28 UNHCR refugee status as he feels that the possession of a certificate will at least prevent authorities from pushing him across the border. S (mother) T (son) S left Myanmar in 1995 and came to India. In 2001 her husband left her and went back to Myanmar, joined the army, and married again. She is active in helping the refugees in the Vombuk camp, and is a member of the Lai Christian Church in Saiha. She says that her parents have sent word that she cannot return safely as the army suspects her of supporting the CNF. Her parents have not been threatened. However, since her husband joined the Myanmar army, the CNF suspects her. CONCLUSION Though the people of Saiha have not been evicted, they too feel threatened. Saiha falls within the Lai Autonomous District Council area and there is no significant YMA influence there yet. The Lai tribes and the Chin people share a close affinity, so the refugees receive support from the YLA and the Village Council (VC) at Saiha. However, as the experience at Lawngtlai shows, the YMA has the support of the state authorities and the police, and is capable of operating through the Deputy Commissioners and the police even in areas where its presence is minimal. Those who have come to India for purely economic reasons appear to have no difficulty in going back to Myanmar. However, it seems that most of the people we interviewed may be categorized as refugees, i.e., they have a well-founded fear of persecution and have fled Myanmar, either because of their association with the pro-democracy movement, or because they were suffering in the army labour camps. These are people who simply cannot return. They will probably be arrested if they go back. Nowhere To Run,

29 When asked why they had not applied to the UNHCR for refugee status, they gave three reasons: 1) They did not know what the UNHCR was, 2) They were too poor to travel to Delhi, 3) They were well settled in Mizoram and had not been forced to go back to Myanmar until the recent events unfolded. It is clear that all of them seek a refugee certificate so that, when they are pressurized by the authorities and the police to go back to Myanmar, they can show them the certificate in the hope that they will not be forced to return. They are not concerned with the subsistence allowance, and do not claim it. Having said that, it appears that a few of them are in financial difficulty. VOMBUK REFUGEE CAMP T (husband) C (wife) The religious leaders in Letpanchawng elected him leader of the pro-democracy movement there. He also joined the National League for Democracy, and organized the collection and burning of BSPP ID cards, and the distribution of NLD cards. After the army coup succeeded on 18 August, he heard that the leaders were being arrested in the town. As he was in a village, he managed to escape in September He was unable even to inform his wife, and only later managed to establish contact with her. He fled to Tidim by bus, then to Laitui and Leutlang to Tio on foot, went from there to Champhai by bus and finally arrived in Aizawl. Meanwhile, the army began to harass his wife. They took away half the produce of their farm. She was forced into labour for the army, working on road construction and army camp building. For this she were neither paid money nor given food. When the current evictions in Mizoram began, the Chin Women s Organisation and ZORO set up the Zemabawk temporary camp. The Mizoram police and the Deputy Nowhere To Run,

30 Collector tried to send them back to Myanmar but they resisted and refused to go ahead from Seling. The army then sent them to Lawngtlai, where the Lai people tried to settle them, and gave them food. The YMA in Aizawl tried to pressurize the DC, Lawngtlai, to evict them and send them towards Saiha from where they would be sent to cross the border from Vombuk. From Saiha, the Mizoram Armed Police (MAP) and MRP took them to the border near Vombuk. An advance party crossed the Tipui river, saw a heavy armed presence on the other side, and pleaded with the boatman to bring them back to the India border. The children at the Vombuk camp have no access to education. Due to their proximity to the Myanmar border, the residents feel threatened, as the army can easily push them across the border. They seek refugee status from the UNHCR. S (husband) V (wife) In Myanmar he was a government employee, working in a co-operative society. He told us Refugee Family in Vombuk Camp that he was active in the pro-democracy movement. He was in charge of information in his area. He also brought out a local newsletter for the NLD and was the executive in charge of publicity. He then helped the CNA in Champhai, Lunglei and Falam district. He used to collect money and guide people on how to join the CNA. The army learned of his support for the CNA, and wanted to arrest him. He fled to India in His wife was not politically active in Myanmar, but joined the Chin Women s Organisation in Mizoram and may now be on the wanted list. They settled in the Ramhlun area of Aizawl. The village council and the YMA told them to leave, making announcements on loudspeakers and setting a deadline. At the time, the wife was in hospital with TB. S took the children and went to the Zemabawk camp. They sold their Nowhere To Run,

31 household furniture very cheaply and left with one suitcase of clothes. Before he left, he told his wife that they were leaving. Now she has partly recovered from the TB. She told us that Healthcare for the Poor had given her some medicines for emergencies. About 12 people had been ill at the camp but they recovered. At present one person is seriously ill with malaria. The food is inadequate, and the diet consists of rice and dal. Vegetables are seldom given. They identified the DC, Aizawl, as Ropianga, the SP (Mizo police) as Lallianmawia Var Cungnunga. They said that they did not seek refugee status earlier as they managed to survive in Mizoram but now they are compelled to apply for refugee status. L (husband) C (wife) L is an evangelist preacher. He left Myanmar to come to India in He used to preach from village to village in Myanmar, and in some places members of underground groups were also present when he preached. The army therefore branded him a supporter of these groups. Since preachers are respected, someone from the junta intelligence informed him that he should escape as he was on the wanted list. C told us that on 25 th July 2003, the JAC in Mizoram announced that after 5.00 a.m. they would have to empty their house. L informed us that the churches in Mizoram are mainly Presbyterian and Baptist and that, while the Chin people would like to join the Mizo church, they are unable to do so because of cultural, linguistic and social differences. Therefore, the Chins formed their own church. The church in Mizoram also opposes the Myanmarese. L said, If I return the army will arrest me and send me to a forced labour camp. I have no ID card because at the border they take away the ID card. I am a preacher and like to preach but I have no freedom now. I would like to go back to Myanmar but I am on the wanted list. He explained that he had not applied for refugee status earlier because Nowhere To Run,

32 there was no serious eviction threat. He requested that they be recognized as refugees so that local groups could not threaten them. He also mentioned that some people were involved in drug trafficking with the Mizo people, but the people genuinely responsible for these crimes were never arrested. Mr. Parte told us that excise officials also appeared to be involved in trafficking. While the lists showed people as having been arrested, the jails had only 3-4 of these persons, indicating that the others were hand in glove with the officials and had been let off. H I came from Myanmar in In 1986 I retired and started getting a pension from the Myanmar army. Then in 1998 the army called me to impart paramilitary training to local area defence groups. The pension I received was very little and I was called to train on a voluntary basis. At the same time CNF and students groups were preparing to fight. I organized the ex-army pensioners to support the pro-democracy movement. At a meeting I had organized the army came and fired shots to intimidate people. One bullet passed very close to my ear and I lost hearing in my right ear. I left behind my wife and three children. She decided to stay back because of the children, so we decided to separate, since we did not know when we would meet again. I get information of my children from my brother in Falam. Though I miss Myanmar I cannot go back. I was working at a poultry farm in Aizawl. We were evicted because of the rape case. When asked if he could return to Aizawl and start working he replied, If I go back to Aizawl I will not get my job back as Mizo people have replaced me. Nowhere To Run,

33 A refugee family in Vombuk Camp T He was a driver in Myanmar. The military forced drivers to use their own vehicles. After reaching the camp frontline (Munywa and Mandalay), he was forced to stay on as a porter. Since I was a driver I was not forced to carry much load but I drove army vehicles for two weeks. There was no pay for the work. If something was wrong with a vehicle we were blamed that we were damaging the vehicle on purpose. I tried to escape one night but was caught and sent to a forced labour camp for 17 days to work on quarrying and road construction. Those who had tried to escape 3-4 times were tied and made to work. In a 12-hour work day we were given very little food. I obeyed them but others who did not were beaten. We also heard that people had been shot. He then went to Munywa camp, where there were about 1000 people. In the 17 days he was there about 10 people escaped. One night he was on security duty (by rotation), and he ran away. He was chased but managed to escape. On 30 August I joined the Zemabawk camp at Aizawl. I don t know who exactly went back to Myanmar. But those who were not on the wanted list and who had money managed to cross back to Myanmar. I had Rs. 500/- but I used it at the Vombuk camp. Nowhere To Run,

34 Now I have nothing. I worry about the future. I feel bad. I know they have done this because I am a foreigner but I feel they did more than necessary. Mr. P of the Zo Human Rights Global Networks said that the YMA threatened people at the Zemabawk camp. The Mizo police and DC, Aizawl, protected people from the mob, but under pressure from the YMA, JAC and others they arranged for vehicles to send people back to Myanmar. L Was a student in Aungzua, Kale district. We had many visitors at home and some CNF persons also visited us. The army suspected us. One day when I came home from school the army apprehended me. They interrogated me and then before I could clarify that I knew nothing they put me in the lock-up for 3 days. During the interrogation I was hit 2-3 times and then jailed for 2 months. They told me nothing before I was taken to court. I had no lawyer and no court papers. I was not released from jail. I asked them for permission to meet my family. Two people from the jail authorities accompanied me on my visit home. While they were eating I ran away. From Aungzua I went to Tahan and from there to Aizawl in My parents are farmers; they were not harmed. I was suspected because I was a student. My father knows about the pro-democracy movement but not other family members. I get news from my family and they tell me that the army enquires about my whereabouts. I don t write any letters home because if they are intercepted they will harass my family. In Aizawl she worked as a housemaid and earned about Rs. 800/- a month. The YMA and JAC told people not to employ Myanmarese, so her employers, though happy with her work, asked her to leave because they feared the YMA and JAC. Nowhere To Run,

35 It was raining very hard the night we had to cross the Tuipui river into Myanmar. It was about 7.00 p.m. when we started returning to Vombuk, we were many women and children, we walked all night. S S left Myanmar and came here to study. Her brother was in contact with some members of the underground groups, so he was suspected. He has refugee status. Now she too is under suspicion. She left Aizawl after the evictions and has been working with the Vombuk camp refugees. She told us that there were enough rations in the Vombuk camp for another 15 days, and that they also need medicines. They need 8 quintals of rice for 15 days. Each quintal costs around Rs. 1,200/-. The camp residents have malaria, skin problems and stomach ailments. She also mentioned the Rs. 17,000/- debt in Saiha for rations taken on credit. She mentioned that if they have refugee status they could show it to the JAC. At present there are approximately 71 people in the camp. Most of these are wanted people. They have heard from the border areas that many have gone back to Myanmar. Mr. P says that of the 10,000 persons in Mizoram now, about cannot go back. L (husband) T (wife) He left Myanmar in 1988 from Chite village, Kale township/district. He was a student leader in the pro-democracy movement. During a demonstration, Mr. Thaung Aye, a member of the Township Council Executive Committee, was killed. He had asked the demonstrators to stop, and someone hit him with a catapult. Mr. Thaung Aye jumped down from the balcony and the demonstrators killed him. L heard his name was on the military records in connection with this incident, so he fled. Even though it has been 15 years, his friends and family still inform him not to return to Myanmar. He says has no money to apply for refugee status. Nowhere To Run,

36 His wife had come to Mizoram to work, and found a job as a housemaid. She did not know about her husband s past in Myanmar when she got married. Now they have two children. T In Nabual, Haka, he was part of a group involved in the construction of a church. The army tried to stop them but the group continued. They protested on the grounds that, when the army built so many pagodas, it seemed unfair that they could not build Christian churches. He was jailed for 17 days. After that he was asked to join the public defence training corps. Because he refused, he was to be arrested. The village council president secretly informed him of his impending arrest. He fled in 2000 leaving behind his wife, three children, his mother, three sisters and two brothers. In 2002 he secretly went back to Haka to meet his family. There were disturbances with the army in his village and he had to flee again. He says that he will die at Vombuk camp but will not cross over to Myanmar. Would he return to Myanmar if democracy returns? Si, Katun! [yes, surely!] V He was a member of the student group that started the pro-democracy movement at Rangoon University. He was in the second year of the BA program. He was in charge of information and publicity. After this he went back to his hometown, Falam, but the police were searching for student activists, so he fled back to Rangoon. There, sympathetic police officers told him to leave the country. He reached Aizawl on 14 th December 1989, where he worked in an electronic workshop, also owned by a Myanmarese. Both were evicted by the YMA. Meanwhile, his parents passed away. Because of his activities his brothers and sisters were threatened by the army, and they fled to the Kachin side. He regrets that the Chins lack unity. He doesn t care for the subsistence allowance, but feels that refugee status will permit him to live freely. Nowhere To Run,

37 M When the refugees were made to stay at the Tourist lodge in Saiha on their way to Vombuk, M was called to another room in the lodge by police officer, accompanied by his driver. When she resisted he threatened to kill her. The police officer raped her on 4 th August She says she can identify him. The other refugees knew about the incident but as her friend said, we knew, but we had no power to stop him. Refugees in Vombuk Camp LUNGLEI S He visited Lunglei from 14 th to 22 nd December He says that over 3,000 Myanmarese people have left for Myanmar in the wake of the eviction. 33 people with a political background are hiding in the surrounding areas with relatives or as agricultural labourers. He interviewed seven families, and shared with us the following information. T He was wrongly accused of being a supporter of an underground group and one of the accused in the case of the sabotage by bombing of a power station. He was tortured by the Myanmarese military with electric shocks. He was admitted to hospital, and from there managed to escape and reach Lunglei. In Mizoram, the YMA destroyed his property and beat his landlord. Nowhere To Run,

38 N Her husband was killed by the military in She fled Myanmar thereafter and came to Lunglei. From there she was evicted by the YMA. V Her husband was arrested in Myanmar, as he was alleged to be a supporter of the CNF. She fled Myanmar and came to Lunglei in She was evicted by the YMA. L He is on the wanted list of the Myanmar military because he gave food and accommodation to the CNF. He fled to Lunglei, and was evicted by the YMA. T He was alleged to be a supporter of the CNF, involved in the distribution of political material. He fled to Lunglei, and he was evicted by the YMA. T He is on the wanted list of the Myanmar military because he organized people to resist labour camp service. He fled to Lunglei, and was subsequently evicted by YMA. L He was an activist of the pro-democracy movement. During an operation the army kept a sick soldier in his house. The CNF found out, took the soldier away and killed him. He was forced to flee and come to Mizoram. He was evicted by the YMA. A He was an Executive Committee member of the NLD in Matupi. Aung San Suu Kyi visited Matupi in June He was perceived as being involved in her visit, and in July he was forced to flee and come to Mizoram. He was evicted by the YMA. Nowhere To Run,

39 LAWNGTLAI In Lawngtlai we met a group of Myanmarese refugees, including the president and several members of the Lawngtlai branch of the Chin Women s Organisation. Around 117 people from Aizawl were brought to Lawngtlai some time in July-August. They were kept at the Christian church for one month. The Myanmarese people living in Lawngtlai arranged for food and provisions for them. They told us that they were in a helpless situation. Z.L said, We could not keep them here. The Central YMA of Aizawl forced them out as they were foreigners. The Deputy Commissioner had passed orders. They were sent in two Mizoram State Transport (MST) buses accompanied by armed police. If they returned to Myanmar, due to the political situation they would be arrested, so they decided it was better to die here than to cross the border. We were informed that the Lai Autonomous District Council tried to protect the Myanmarese, but the DC, Aizawl, phoned the DC, Lawngtlai, to send them away with an armed police escort. The Young Lai Association and the Village Council helped with money, food and other basic necessities. The Church elders spoke to the DC but he did not agree, and said that they had no right to settle here. We spoke to Zathang Nithing, the Church president. He told us that when the refugees were on their way from Seling they called the Kalvary church, requesting permission to stay there. The church then arranged for food and accommodation. There is no significant YMA presence in Lawngtlai, so the pressure was exerted from the DC in Aizawl. The organizations that helped were the Young Lai Asscociation (YLA), the Village Council and the Chin Women s Organization. One of the refugees in the group told us, We cannot say which political party did this but we are discriminated. No group has come to do an enquiry. Nowhere To Run,

40 The people who spoke to us were worried. They said that the Vombuk camp refugees had no place to go from Vombuk the border between India and Myanmar. T If I go back the Army will arrest me. I used to be in the Food and Civil Supplies Department. But since I supported the pro democracy movement an arrest order was issued for me. There are about 100 families in Lawngtlai. Of these, around 50 can go back, and 50 cannot as they might be arrested or killed if they return. L He used to be in the Myanmarese police (one stripe) in Sakai disctrict, Zioo township. He opposed the Myanmarese army. We were treated as slaves; we did not get proper food so I ran away. I was in the police for about 14 years. I joined when I was 19. The army forced people to construct roads and railway tracks. They took away their livestock and treated people like slaves. Sometimes if people could not work as porters, or if they refused, they were shot. Women were forced to work as labourers, plough fields, cook for the army, etc. Rape was routine. D In Thlang Tlang, her friends joined the CNF. The army arrested children from school, the currency was devalued, and the army harassed people. Living in Myanmar became difficult. I don t understand what exactly the CNF does but I know they work for the country. I last saw my mother in I would like to see her, but I dare not go back. Nowhere To Run,

41 H She is the secretary of the Chin Women s Organisation, Lawngtlai Branch, and also the executive member of the CWO, Central Office. She says that because of her work for the CWO she may be wanted in Myanmar. A She left Mizoram in She was the headmistress of a Primary school in Thlang Kwai, Falam district. The CNF and the All Burma students groups were active in the area. They would, by force, stay on the school premises and force the headmistress to provide them with food. Her husband was the driver in a co-operative society. The students groups would use his vehicle. Fearing army reprisal she, her husband, and their two daughters fled across the border from Tlang Kwai to Tibual to Rickhodwar to Champhai. She left behind her parents, whom she has not seen since then, and all her belongings. She is a founder member of the CWO in Lawngtlai. Would she like to go back to Myanmar if democracy returns? Full yes! L She was involved in anti-government activities in Falam area as a student, and was sent to do organizational work in villages like Zamual and Cong Heng. In these places, she was involved in political propaganda against the military dictatorship. She fled to India, and her family followed her. She is not in the electoral roles. She finds life tough in Mizoram because she is seen as a foreigner, and believes that there is a threat of eviction even in Lawngtlai. She seeks UNHCR refugee status. S He gave food and accommodation to the CNF in Thlang Tlang. The military tortured those who had visited him, so they disclosed his name. He had to flee and come to Lawngtlai. D and T Nowhere To Run,

42 They allegedly worked with an underground group for a while, and then fled to Lunglei. The YMA beat them up and evicted them. Fled to Lawngtlai. A farmer gave them work and a hut to live in. V He allegedly worked for an underground group distributing pamphlets. He was caught by the army crossing the Tio river, but escaped one night and came to Lawngtlai. He was evicted by the YMA. S He had a house near a police outpost at Ngaiphaipi, which was attacked by an underground group, and six policemen were killed. The army suspected him of being an informant of that group. He fled to Lunglei, but was evicted from there. He then fled to Lawngtlai, and the YMA evicted him again. CHAMPHAI V Mr. V has a government job as a schoolteacher in Champhai. According to his estimates about 6,000 Myanmarese lived in Champhai before the evictions, and now about 3,000 are left. Of the total number of Myanmarese in Champhai now, about 1,000 are political refugees wanting refugee status. In Champhai too the YMA issued notices and then went from house to house asking Myanmarese to leave Mizoram. The YMA placed Myanmarese people in the following categories for eviction. A government servants, persons who had their own houses and farms, and were on the electoral rolls. B persons who were not on electoral rolls, but had their own property. C persons who owned no property and lived in rented houses, labourers, smugglers and small traders. Nowhere To Run,

43 The Myanmarese border is very close by but those on the wanted list have not gone back. People sold things very cheap and left. J Out of 80 people in my church about 40 went back. The others didn t go back because they did not have ID cards. Those who don t have ID cards cannot go back because they will be arrested and treated very badly. The YMA didn t ask me to leave because I am the principal of their orphan school. It is very important work for them. There are about 72 orphan Mizo children at the school. The Myanmar army and soldiers are very foolish. They make us close our church and schools. They beat and kick our pastors and teachers. The soldiers also sexually abuse the young teachers. They take away people s animals, etc. The army forced my school to close down. I had no job. The soldiers would rape and abuse the young teachers. Since I was older I would try to speak up and stop them. They would shout at me too. A general asked me to marry him and go with the army. I refused. I went from Myanmar to Tidim by jeep and then came to Champhai on foot. To live in Myanmar is worse than living in Mizo jails. N His father was in the Myanmarese police. He came to Mizoram because he could not continue to study in Myanmar. A high school teacher earns about 6,000 kyats in Myanmar. He joined the CNLD exiles, and then resigned because he was in government service. In his church (Revival Baptist) there are 100 Myanmarese of whom 30 went back. Many others, (about 60 out of the 100) could not go back because they are involved in pro-democracy activity. When the foreigner issue started, members of the Welfare Committee came to his house and said that they should use the Mizo language in Church and not the Chin language, otherwise the Church would be destroyed. Many of the Chin people are very poor. In the Nowhere To Run,

44 Mizo church it appears that smartness is very important. So Chin people who are badly dressed feel ashamed to go to Church. T.T. Zothangsanga (Advocate, brother-in-law of the accused) J.H. Laikhama (owner of Hotel Vancy, father of the accused) According to Mr. Zothangsanga, around 9,000 people have crossed over from Mizoram to Myanmar. The newspapers used to publish these figures from police records. Many people came back after a month. We do not believe that the person they have caught is the real culprit. He is mentally retarded (very timid). The girl said that the rapist had a broad face and long hair; the boy does not fit this description. We paid the government appointed lawyer Rs. 16,000/- for bail and another lawyer Rs. 20,000/- The minor s father is the brother of Ramthlengliana, the Additional Superintendent of Police. Vanlalchhanga is the person accused. He is 32 years old. He told his brother-in-law that he was innocent. The IO told him to confess and admit his guilt. At the time of the incident he was at Zemabawk. When his brother-in-law saw him after a month his wounds had healed he had been beaten in custody. The confession was made in the presence of the IO Biak Mawi (S.I. Police). The Magistrate is V.L. Ngaihsaka (First Class Magistrate) and assistant to DC. The father was born and brought up in Mizoram. He is 72 years old. Following the 1996 civil trouble in Mizoram, he went to Myanmar. The son was born there. In 1982 the family returned to Mizoram, when the boy was about 10 years old. The family says they are purely Mizo. Nowhere To Run,

45 At the time of the incident, the brother-in-law was the president of the Champhai area YMA. SIHHMUI CAMP INCIDENT On 26 th December 2003, while the refugees were in the midst of their prayer service at about 8.30 p.m., a Mizo man from Sihhmui, entered the huts of the refugees at the Sihhmui camp. The man was intoxicated and searching for food. He then kicked a small radio. Mrs. P, who was looking after her baby, told the man that if could ask her she would give him whatever he was looking for. He replied that he was a Mizo and would do as he liked. Then Mrs. B also intervened and he responded by hitting her. When Mr. B tried to reason with him, he responded by hitting him also. He was then subdued by the Myanmarese. He went home and came with a gelatin stick and a knife. He slashed two huts with his knife. Then the Joint Action Committee (JAC) leader of Sihhmui, arrived on the scene. The assailant knifed another woman, on her thigh and tried to set off the gelatin stick but failed. After about 20 minutes the man returned with three of his friends and assaulted the Myanmarese. They pulled out Mr. B and hit him. He was then admitted in Aizawl Civil Hospital. The police then arrived and arrested Mr. R one of the Mizo men in the group. Two others fled and one was waiting nearby but the police did not arrest him. The person who had started the entire incident had fled and he was not arrested. The attacker s brother went to the Sairang YMA, collected about 30 YMA members, came to the camp in 3 vehicles and assaulted a number of people in the Sihhmui refugee camp. The YMA President, and the Sihhmui Village Council President, then arrived and asked the YMA members to go away and matters were brought under control. After that, four members of the police, including the Second O.C. of Sairang, came and told the refugees that they would have to move away as the place was not safe and the YMA might harm them. The police recommended that they refrain from filing an FIR because the YMA, Sairang, would harm them. Nowhere To Run,

46 On 27 th December 2003, the main culprit returned to the camp to warn the people that what had happened was only the beginning. On 29 December 2003, the landlord (who rented out the four huts to the refugees) asked them to vacate the premises, as the YMA would otherwise destroy his property. 31 st December 2003 was the deadline given to the Sihhmui camp refugees to vacate their huts. Some women and children are hiding in nearby homes and some refugees are in hiding in Khamrang village. This is the second eviction the refugees are facing. They have nowhere to go. They cannot return to Myanmar, as they were supporters of Aung Sang Suu Kyi s prodemocracy movement and will be immediately arrested if they return. On 31 st December 2003, K and W (from Delhi, holding refugee status) came to meet us at Aizawl. Since our meeting with them on 28 th December, the situation had worsened and eviction was imminent. YMA members have threatened them with dire consequences if they do not vacate the camp before the New Year. It is almost impossible for them to continue to live there. They have met with members of the YMA, Sihhmui, and the police. The YMA had told them that they could easily send back refugees. Mr.Biak Sang injured in the Sihhmui Camp attack Nowhere To Run,