THE GOOD SOCIETY 2008 Alan Draper Ansil Ramsay ISBN 10: 0-321-14321-7 ISBN 13: 978-0-321-43217-9 Visit www.ablongman.com/replocator to contact your local Allyn & Bacon/Longman representative. sample chapter The pages of this Sample Chapter may have slight variations in final published form. Longman Publishers 1185 Avenue of the Americas New York, NY 10036 www.ablongman.com
THE GOOD SOCIETY An Introduction to Comparative Politics ALAN DRAPER St. Lawrence University ANSIL RAMSAY St. Lawrence University New York San Francisco Boston London Toronto Sydney Tokyo Singapore Madrid Mexico City Munich Paris Cape Town Hong Kong Montreal
Introduction Writing a textbook poses unique challenges that academics do not encounter when they write articles for academic journals or publish scholarly monographs. Unlike those other endeavors, academics must consider multiple audiences when they produce a textbook; it has to be sophisticated enough for professors who assign it but not so difficult that it intimidates students who have to read it. Authors have to avoid aiming too high and too low, adding too much and including in too little. In other words, writing a textbook is a lot like golf. The margin of error is narrow between a swing that keeps the ball in play for students down the middle of the fairway and one that sends the ball into the rough where students will never find it. The perfect game in golf over 18 holes is as elusive as the perfect textbook. We are confident that the chapters that follow include some pars and some double bogeys. In addition, textbook authors have to think strategically about their audience, which is not required so much in academic writing. The author is burdened with having to find ways to sell the material to students without condescending to them. This requires a different kind of originality than one finds in academic writing. Finally, textbook writing requires humility. We received a rude reminder of this one day when we asked a student what comparative politics textbook she was using and she replied, The blue one. Writing a textbook that appeals to diverse interests and abilities is difficult. Writing a comparative politics textbook that does so is particularly challenging because comparative politics is the least defined of all the subfields in political science. Comparative politics covers many topics that are only loosely connected to each other, from the tribal kingdom of Swaziland in Africa to the modern democracy of Switzerland in Europe. It has become a residual category into which the politics of all countries, except the United States, is placed. As a result, comparative politics scope is vast, its boundaries unmarked, and its content unclear. xiii
xiv INTRODUCTION Regrettably, the amorphous nature of comparative politics is reflected in the introductory textbooks about the field. Some texts discuss the Middle East; others ignore it. Some texts cover France; others do not. While students are sure to encounter chapters about the judiciary, the presidency, and Congress in American politics textbooks, comparative politics texts are more idiosyncratic. Yet, for all their distinctiveness regarding what they cover, comparative politics textbooks still display a disturbing sameness. Most introductory texts use a case study approach. Following a short thematic chapter, the bulk of comparative politics textbooks are devoted to country-by-country studies that are richly descriptive but oddly uninformative. While such case studies provide evocative detail, students are not sure how the profile of one country relates to another or what their collective meaning and significance might be. Another group of textbooks takes a different approach. As opposed to proceeding country by country, these textbooks are thematic. They familiarize students with important issues and core concepts in comparative politics. But it is hard for students to see how these different issues and concepts actually work within the context of any given country. While these textbooks provide analytical breadth, students are not sure how the featured concepts actually apply to explain the politics of any particular country. In short and to put the matter bluntly whether we are dealing with case study or thematic texts, there is surprisingly little comparison and little politics in comparative politics textbooks. We do not propose to thread the needle between the rich detail of the case study textbook and the analytic scope of its thematic counterpart. We believe both are worthy and make valuable contributions, and we incorporate both into our own book. But we do so in a way that the presentation of case studies and the explanation of concepts enhance each other. For example, we provide case studies that typify a type of regime we describe in earlier chapters. The countries we select for case studies are archetypes and are meant to deepen the conceptual material that precedes them. We profile countries that go beyond the usual suspects the biggest, most powerful, most familiar countries which appears to be the selection logic of most textbooks. Instead, we select countries that symbolize a distinctive pattern of politics, such as Sweden to represent social democracy, Chile to exemplify the democratic developmental model, and Nigeria to embody predatory regimes. The countries we highlight may be small in terms of recognition but loom large conceptually in terms of what they represent. We include case studies and describe concepts, but our textbook departs from both the case study and thematic approach. We adopt a completely different line of attack (and commit our own set of mistakes in the process!). We begin where students do when they enter an Introduction to
Introduction xv Comparative Politics classroom. They are not only curious about the politics of other countries but are interested in learning if other countries institutions and policies produce better results come closer to reflecting the good society than their own. They are interested in other countries, not for their own sake, as may be true of their professor, but for what comparative politics can teach them about their own country and how it measures up. They want to know which country is the best place to live. Their curiosity regarding this issue animates our text. Consequently, our book is explicitly normative. It starts with values. It begins with the question: What does the good society look like? and then proceeds to examine which country comes closest to realizing it. The wonderful, exciting quality of comparative politics is that it is in a privileged position to pose and answer such large, meaningful questions. Comparison permits students to make judgments about the merits of different societies and political systems. In our book we show them how this can be done. We model comparative analysis in the textbook, by posing hypotheses, operationalizing variables, and testing them. In this respect the textbook is explicitly comparative and introduces readers to the methods and practices of the field. It invites readers to do their own comparative analysis of the large, normative issues we tackle, such as whether people thrive more under democratic or authoritarian political institutions, or under market or stateled economic systems. Another aspect of our text is that it is explicitly institutional in its approach. That is, we argue that different institutional arrangements, different rules governing political, economic, and social life, produce different results in terms of the ability of citizens to realize their potentials. Institutions matter. Different institutional structures produce different sets of expectations, actions, and outcomes. Groups contend for power over institutions, such as the state, the most powerful institution of all, because they set rules that influence people s behavior. But institutions are not only the target of political struggle. They also shape political struggle and the groups engaged in it. The relationship between institutions and politics is reciprocal, with each influencing the other. Finally, this textbook departs from others in that it frequently draws upon the United States as a base of comparison. We find it odd that American politics is not included within the purview of comparative politics. As Giovanni Sartori remarked, a scholar who studies only American presidents is an Americanist, whereas a scholar who studies only French presidents is a comparativist. Do not ask me how this makes sense it does not. 1 But the absence of the United States is especially egregious in a comparative politics textbook intended primarily for American students. Students come to class not only with a set of values that they apply to the material, but with an
xvi INTRODUCTION interest in how their own country measures up to others. Including the United States as a basis of comparison will give American students perspective about their own society, which is one of the great virtues of comparative politics. Students from other countries who use this text can also profit by inserting what they know about their own society as we do for the United States in trying to evaluate it. Some introductory comparative politics textbooks already use American politics to illuminate the politics of other countries. Some texts make explicit comparisons among different countries; others normatively evaluate different political arrangements; and still others take an institutional approach to their material. But we know of no introductory comparative politics textbook that does all four simultaneously. THE OUTLINE OF THE BOOK The Good Society consists of ten substantive chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter is devoted to political theory. It asks the age-old question: What does the good society look like? The answer to this question becomes the measure, the standard by which we will compare and evaluate how well different countries perform. We will utilize the capability approach, developed by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, to present the outlines of the good society. According to the capability approach, the good society is one in which certain minimal conditions are met that permit people to flourish or thrive. Sen and Nussbaum argue that the minimal conditions required for living well include physiological well-being, safety from violence, the ability to make informed choices about one s life, and the presence of political rights. The capability approach does not require states to guarantee that each citizen will be well nourished, healthy, safe, able to make informed decisions, and have the freedom to engage in meaningful political activity. Rather, this approach argues that a good society is one in which citizens can choose to live well and that these conditions are essential for that choice. The second half of the chapter responds to criticisms of the capability approach that condemn it as a form of cultural imperialism, using culturally biased ideas derived from the West to judge and evaluate other countries. Finally, the chapter introduces the reader to the institutional approach to politics: the idea that institutions exert power and structure our relations with one another. We argue that the degree to which countries meet the standard of the good society is heavily conditioned by their institutional arrangements. Creating the good society is a matter of getting the institutions right. Chapter 2 examines political institutions, especially the state. States are sovereign, meaning they are the ultimate authority within a territory, creating and enforcing rules within it. As a result, groups struggle to gain control
Introduction xvii over the state and try to influence its procedures and decisions. The chapter then describes how states take a variety of forms. Some are decentralized, with subnational levels of government able to raise their own money and make their own policies, while others concentrate power at the center, at the national level. States also differ in how they distribute power among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Each branch of government is then examined. Finally, the chapter reviews authoritarian and democratic forms of organizing the state. It concludes by asking whether authoritarianism or democracy contributes more to enhancing people s capability: sustaining their physical well-being, promoting their ability to make informed decisions, and ensuring their safety. While Chapter 2 looked at how states are organized, Chapter 3 looks at different economic systems, especially the relationship between states and markets. This chapter begins by arguing that markets are not antagonistic to states but presume them. Markets require states to set the rules so that production and exchange can take place. We then discuss the market s virtues and vices and the different means through which states intervene in the operation of market economies. Finally, we examine whether economies that are more market-oriented do a better job promoting the capability of citizens than those economies where the state intervenes more substantially. Chapter 4 begins our analysis of developed societies: the rich democracies of North America and Western Europe, as well as those of Japan, New Zealand, and Australia. The chapter starts by investigating the nature of political conflict in these societies; that is, the types of political cleavages found within them, such as class or religious conflict. These cleavages often give rise to group identities that are expressed in the form of political parties to represent their interests. Next, the chapter describes five party families political parties that share common outlooks in rich democracies. Each party family articulates a distinct perspective, attracts a distinct set of supporters, and conveys a distinct set of interests as they compete for control of the state and political power. Chapter 5 continues the examination of rich democracies. It examines three types of regimes, distinct clusters of politics, policy, and institutions, found within them. The concept of regime permits us to identify families of nations within rich democracies that share common attributes. Looking at distinct regimes provides both detail and dimension. Regimes occupy a middle ground between the overarching, general category of rich democracies and the individual, specific countries that comprise it. The first type of regime is the social democratic model, which is found in Scandinavian countries. The second is the conservative model, which is typified by Canada, Ireland, and the U.S. The third regime is the Christian democratic model, which exists within continental Europe, specifically Austria, Belgium,
xviii INTRODUCTION the Netherlands, and Germany. Finally, the chapter compares these regimes according to the capability approach to determine which of them most nearly approximates the good society. Chapter 6 looks more closely at archetypical models of social democratic, conservative, and Christian democratic regimes. We have selected countries that are not only the largest but also are considered the most significant and representative of their regime type: Sweden for social democracy; the United States for conservative regimes; and Germany for Christian democratic regimes. Chapter 7 begins our study of developing countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. It argues that less developed countries differ from the developed countries we highlighted in the previous chapters in three ways: Citizens in developing countries suffer from relatively low levels of capability; their economies are less stable and wealthy; and their states are less democratic and effective. It then reviews three explanations for the gap separating developed from developing countries: geography, culture, and imperialism. While chapter 7 examines differences between more and less developed countries, Chapter 8 looks intensively at differences among developing countries. Some developing countries have performed better than others in terms of enhancing the capability of their citizens. We identify four types of regimes among developing countries: developmental dictatorships, predatory regimes, fragmented democracies, and developmental democracies. Finally, as we did in Chapter 5, we compare the performance of each of these regimes to see which of them most enhances the capability of their citizens. Chapter 9 presents case studies that deepen the description of each of the regimes in the previous chapter. South Korea, from 1960 to the 1980s, is offered as a model of authoritarian developmental regimes. Nigeria is featured as an example of predatory regimes. Brazil typifies fragmented democracies, while Chile is showcased as a model of developmental democratic regimes. Chapter 10 looks at the politics of Russia and China, which have recently made the transition from planned economies to market systems. Politically, the former is no longer a one-party state ruled by the Communist Party, while the party still controls the state and much else in China. The chapter reviews the changes that have occurred in these countries and asks whether the capability of their citizens has improved as a result of their transformation. The conclusion returns to the question with which we began: Which set of institutional arrangements provides citizens with the most capability, with the best chance of developing their potentials? It offers some concluding remarks regarding the comparative performance of the different types of regimes we surveyed and of the attributes that permitted some to perform so much better than others. Finally, it argues that any strategy to improve the
Introduction xix lives of people who have low capability requires a rigorous analysis of how they got there and of the institutions that might improve their circumstances. INSTRUCTOR SUPPLEMENTS Instructor s Manual/Test Bank (0-205-57646-X) This resource includes chapter overviews, learning objectives, lecture outlines, key terms, and numerous multiple-choice, short answer, and essay questions for each chapter. Computerized Test Bank ( ) This powerful, easy-to-use assessment program includes all of the items found in the printed test bank and allows instructors to easily create quizzes, tests, and exams. Questions and tests can be edited directly by the instructor, providing ultimate assessment flexibility. MyPoliSciKit MyPoliSciKit is a premium electronic supplement that offers book-specific learning objectives, chapter summaries, flashcards, and practice tests as well as video clips, comparative case studies, mapping exercises, and country profiles to aid comprehension and critical thinking. To also help students make connections between concepts and country knowledge, MyPoliSciKit includes an hourly New York Times newsfeed, access to popular and academic journals through Research Navigator, and a library of annotated weblinks. With the Instructor Gradebook, instructors can easily track student work on the site and their progress on each activity.