Chapter-5 Non-Economic workers

Chapter-5 Non-Economic workers Different constraints are decisive for different situations, but the most fundamental constraint is limited time. Economic and medical progress have greatly increased length of life, but not the physical flow of time itself, which always restricts everyone to twenty-four hours per day. So while goods and services have expended enormously in rich countries, the total time available to consume has not (Becker, Nobel Lecture, December 9, 1992). 5.1. Introduction Non-economic work is an influencing factor that determines the involvement of female in the labour market. Without analysing the character and reasons of non-economic participation of female, the study of labour market remains incomplete. In the context of a high Gender Development Index associated with high social development, the lower economic participation of female remains a puzzle before social scientists. The studies conducted hitherto have failed to identify the influence of non-economic work participation over economic participation. Because of which the problems in economic participation of female remains unresolved. This chapter tries to unearth the nature and characteristics of female non-economic work participants (housewives) in Kerala. The earlier studies in the area have not analysed in detail the non-economic work mainly undertaken by the females. The domestic work burden of females engaged in economic work has not gained due attention in official documents. Though NSSO survey details do not cover the domestic work burden of female, it examines the characteristics of females engaged in non-economic work as their principal status. It is already found from the earlier analysis that there is a clear cut gender division of labour both in India and in Kerala that is, economic work by male and non-economic work by female. Gender division of labour in the present Kerala context is highlighted on the basis of sociological reasons. Hence the strategies to increase the economic visibility and reduce the non-economic work concentrate more on change in the existing value system. Patriarchal norms and related social roles of women are the highlighted issues for the economic role of male and non-

123 economic role of female. No argument can negate the role of these realities, but focus should be given to the issue, how such a reality originates. The real problem which causes the low level participation of women in economic work lies in the biological role played by female, related to reproduction and its natural responsibilities, which cannot be substituted by male. Hence the problems related to female economic invisibility can be understood only through the analysis of the basic issue of female labour force related with biological and domestic responsibilities 5.2. Gender based division of labour: the Global trend The division of labour between genders can be understood by the use of Time Use Survey (TUS), a new development in collecting the non-monetized data. It has been an effective tool in unfolding the statistical invisibility of unpaid work across countries. By using TUS, The United Nations extended the production boundary of the System of National Accounts (SNA). The 1993 SNA limits the economic production of households by their own consumption to the production of goods alone, and excludes the own account production of personal and domestic services (except for the services produced by employing paid domestic staff and the own account production of housing services by owner occupants). This allows the SNA to avoid valuing activities such as eating, drinking and sleeping which are difficult for a person to obtain from another person. But activities such as fetching water from river or well, collecting fuel wood, washing cloths, cleaning house, preparation and serving of meals, care, training and instruction of children, care of sick and old people, also get excluded from the definition of economic activity. Non-SNA activities thus include these earlier excluded activities by using TUS. The monetized sectors work (market work), the traditional economic activity is included in SNA and most of the care work (domestic production) or non-monetized work is included in Non-SNA (Lahiri, Chakraborty and Bhattacharryya 2002; Chakraborty 2007). In the industrialized countries, table 5.1 shows that people spend more time on Non-SNA work than SNA work. More clearly, people spend on an

124 average 49 percent of their time on SNA, and 51 percent of their time for household production. Only 34 percent of the total work time is spend in SNA activities by female while the male spend 66 percent of their time for the same. Among the industrialized economies, in Netherlands females spend more than 80 percent of their time for Non-SNA activities followed by Australia (72 percent). There exists a clear division of labour between genders even in industrialized countries. Naturally, the developing or non advance economies follow the same pattern. Table: 5.1 Time Allocation by women and men: Selected industrial Countries (Percent) Total work time Female Male Countries Year SNA SNA SNA SNA SNA NON- NON- NON- SNA Industrial countries 1992 49 51 34 66 66 34 Australia 1992 44 56 28 72 61 39 Canada 1987 52 48 39 61 65 35 Norway 1990-91 50 50 38 62 64 36 Denmark 1987 68 32 58 42 79 21 Netherlands 1987 35 65 19 81 52 48 USA 1985 50 50 37 63 63 37 UK 1985 51 49 37 63 68 32 Source: Compiled from Human Development report, 1995 and 2000 cited in Chakraborty, 2007

125 Gender difference in the allocation of work time between SNA & Non- SNA activities is seen in developing economies also (table.5.2). On an average, in developing countries, female spend 66 percent of their time on Non-SNA, while for male it is only 24 percent. Table: 5.2 Time allocation by women and men: Selected Developing countries (percent). Total work Female Male time Year Countries Non- Non- Non- SNA SNA SNA SNA SNA SNA Developing Nations 1990 54 46 34 66 76 24 National Rep. of Korea 1990 45 55 34 66 56 44 Rural 59 41 39 61 76 24 Bangladesh 1990 52 48 35 65 70 30 Guatemala 1977 59 41 37 63 84 16 Kenya 1988 56 44 42 58 76 24 Nepal 1978 56 44 46 54 67 33 Highlands 1978 59 41 52 48 66 34 Mountains 1978 56 44 48 52 65 35 Rural Hills 1978 52 48 37 63 70 30 Philippines 1975-77 73 27 29 71 84 16 Urban 54 46 31 69 79 21 Columbia 1983 49 51 24 76 77 23 Indonesia 1992 60 40 35 65 86 14 Kenya 1986 46 54 41 59 79 21 Nepal 1978 58 42 25 75 67 33 Venezuela 1983 59 41 30 70 87 13 India 1998-99 - - 35 65 92 8 Source: Compiled from Human Development Report, 1995 and 2000 and Time Use Survey, India, 2000 cited in Chakraborty S Lekha, 2007.

126 The Indian data is not strictly comparable with that of other countries because of difference in categorization of activities and time band. Furthermore, the data is based only on six states of India. Within the limitations of the data, it is seen that male spends about 92 percent of time in SNA activities as compared to 35 percent of time by females in India. All these results clearly indicate that clear gender division exists globally, irrespective of the socio-economic characteristics. Globally it is seen that major time of female is used for doing Non-SNA activities and it is evident that the economic accessibility is very low for female community compared to male. Female use most of their time for provisioning of unpaid work (house hold production) when men devote the same for paid work. A recent study (Antonopoulos; 2008, p.16) on selected Latin American countries shows that over half of the women aged between 20 and 24, stated their responsibilities at home as the main reason for not seeking a job in the labour market. This group is larger than those unable to find jobs due to lack of education. The study also reports, having someone in the household engaged exclusively in housework (i.e., another relative or domestic worker) does not have much impact on the amount of time that men spend on unpaid domestic work. But it has a major impact on women s time who report a positive effect on time spent on other activities including work in the labour market. The study validates the fact that women s domestic unpaid work forms a barrier in seeking or keeping a paid job. 5.3. TUS in India In India, Time Use Survey was conducted in 18,591 households spread over 6 states namely Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Orissa, Tamilnadu and Meghalaya. Various activities involved in the survey were handled and coordinated by CSO. The main objectives of the survey were to collect data for properly quantifying the economic contribution of the women in the national economy and to study the gender discrimination in the household activities. The survey was done during July 1998 to June 1999. This survey with its size and

127 coverage is the first of its kind, not only in India but among all the developing nations. Major finding of the survey (Source: Narasimhan R. L. and R. N. Pandey 2000) are 1. Out of 168 hours per week, on an average, male spent 42 hours in SNA (Market work) activities while females spend only 19 hours. In the case of extended SNA (household production) male spend only 3.6 hours where it is 34.6 hours for females. SNA and extended SNA activities together, the average time spent by rural males is only 46.05 hours where it is 56.48 hours for females. For urban this figures are 44.5 hours and 45.6 hours respectively. 2. In non-sna activities which pertains learning, leisure and personal care, male spend 8 hours more as compared to females. For personal care and self maintenance not much significant difference was observed in between male and female. Currently married male spend about six hours more in this activity than currently married females. The illiterate female spends 103 hours for this activity. But it is only 94 hours by women with graduation and above qualification. 3. Women reported that they spent about 2.1 hours per day on cooking food and about 1.1 hour on cleaning the household and utensils. Participation of men in these activities was nominal. Taking care of children was also mainly the women's responsibility as they spent about 3.16 hours per week on these activities while it is only 0.32 hours by male. Men in all the 6 states spent much more time than women in reading newspaper, listening to music, smoking and drinking intoxicants and physical exercise. 4. There were no substantial differences in the pattern of time use between states. The above empirical results validate the analytical frame devised in Chapter 3 and show the usefulness of such an analysis.

128 5.4. TUS for Kerala Even though no TUS is reported for Kerala, the pattern may not have much difference. Still, for verification a small sample of 30 households from Kozhikode Corporation is studied. The households are selected randomly from among 1400 houses of 34 th division of the corporation which itself is selected randomly. A structured questionnaire is used for data collection. (See Appendix 5.1 and 5.2 for the Activity classification used for TUS and the questionnaire.) Table 5.3 and 5.4 gives the details of average Time used by male and female belongs to the age group 15-59, on various activities such as market work, leisure and household production. In household production, female spend 38.3 percent of their total time while male spend only 8.4 percent. More important, those females engaged in market work, spent 31 percent of their total time for household production while male spends only 9.8 percent for the same. Those male and female who were engaged in market work spend more or less the same time for the same but have substantial difference is visible in time spend on household production. From the data for married and unmarried groups, it is evident that on getting married, females are getting engaged more in care work and household work and the time spend for these together constitute 46.4 percent. The same for men is only 10.2 percent. The leisure time (Community service, Learning, socialization and personal care) for men and female are almost same in case of unmarried status. But there is a drastic reduction from 83.9 percent to 40.7 percent in leisure time for female on getting married. In case of men also there is some reduction in leisure time from 86.6 to 61.8 percent. In both the cases time spend for learning is reduced after marriage. It is mainly shifted to SNA work for men where as to household production for female. Time for personal care is maintained same in case of men irrespective of the marital status. But in case of female a major portion of the time spend for personal care is also getting shifted to household production.

129 Table.5.3 Time used by male and female for different activities per week (Percent). Engaged in Not in Activity status Total market market Married Unmarried work work Household work (extended SNA) Activity code IV. Care(extended SNA) (code V) Community service (leisure)(code VI) learning time (leisure) (code:vii) Socialization (leisure) (codeviii) Personal care (leisure) (code IX.) Market work (SNA) (code 1-III) Fem M Fem M Fem M Fem M. Fem M. 31.0 6.8 26.3 7.9 34.7 0.4 36.8 8.2 10.2 0.9 7.3 1.6 4.7 1.9 9.6 0 9.6 2.0 0 0 1.2 1.8 1.3 2.0 1.2 0 1.2 2.3 1.7 0 4.9 5.3 1.8 0.6 7.3 35.7 0.1 0.8 22.5 23.8 10.0 12.9 8.1 12.8 11.4 13.8 8.4 12.1 14.9 16.3 33.9 46.5 32.6 45.9 35.8 50.1 31.0 46.6 44.8 46.5 11.4 25.1 25.2 28.9 0 0 12.9 28.0 5.9 12.5 Total 100 100 100.0 100 100 100 100 100.0 100 100 Source: Primary data Table.5.4 Average Time Used by male and female for different activities per week Engaged in Not in Activities Total Married Unmarried market work market work Fem M Fem M Fem M Fem M. Fem M. Household work(extended SNA) Activity code IV. Care(extended SNA) (code V) Community service (leisure)(code VI) learning time (leisure):code: VII Socialization (leisure):code VIII Personal care(leisure) code IX. Market work(sna) code 1-III 52.08 11.43 44.25 13.0 8 58.35 0.75 61.92 13.9 2 17.13 1.5 12.32 2.63 7.88 3.05 16.05 0 16.12 3.42 0 0 2.07 3.1 2.13 3.48 2 0 2.04 3.88 2.88 0 8.37 8.87 3.19 1.12 12.3 60 0.12 1.21 37.65 40 16.81 21.7 13.67 57.09 78.17 54.84 19.23 42.07 42.06 Total 168.0 168.0 168.0 21.4 4 77.1 5 48.6 7 168. 0 Source: Primary data 19.15 23.2 14.02 60.1 84.0 5 52.23 0 0 21.52 168.0 168. 0 168.0 20.2 5 78.1 7 47.1 8 168. 0 25.05 27.3 75.25 78.1 7 10 21 168.0 168. 0

130 Four females, Baby, Dhanya, Haimabi and Reena, of this sample are mothers of babies below three years. The time use detail of this particular group is worth reporting separately. On an average they are spending 24 percent of their time for child care (care work) alone. 50 percent of their time is spending on household work. Altogether 74 percent of the time is devoted on non-sna excluding leisure. It is natural that they will not be available for market work. Also time available for personal care is less. TUS results of Kerala are also suits and confirm the analytical frame work already discussed in Chapter 3. It is evident that the labour market issues of Kerala can not be treated without analysing gender difference in time use pattern. The TUS data presented here is used only for highlighting the importance of time constraint models in labour market studies in the context of Kerala. But the sample is not sufficient enough for a detailed analysis of various other factors influencing the labour market decisions. In continuation to the previous chapter the secondary data from NSSO can use for further analysis. Now, a detailed examination on the characteristic of females engaged in so called non economic work can be attempted. 5.5. Non-Economic work by female in Kerala All female members irrespective whether they are engaged in economic work or non economic work are doing domestic duties in the household and that often is not reported because their principal status activity may be something else. Hence, the official employment-unemployment details are not able to capture the extent of domestic work burden of female. Non-economic work is not included in the official definition of work. Only time use survey will be able to identify its importance as seen above. The main determinant of labour force participation and thereby work participation is the extent of non-economic work in the economy. The analysis starts with a general profile of non economic workers on the basis of educational status.

131 Actual work includes both domestic and market work. Within this, 68.3 percent of female workers in Kerala are engaged in non-economic work and only 31.7 percent 1 in economic work which shows the importance of non-economic work in total work. 5.5.1. Educational status Among the persons doing domestic duties, 21.3 percent have educational qualification of secondary and above 2. This shows that less educated among female do not have job expectations and become domesticated. This may be due to lack of job opportunities available, or due to the over burden of household work or some other reasons. This may be connected with the neo-classical household production theory, which says that the marginal productivity of market work and domestic work decides whether to participate or not in market work. With lesser educational qualifications their job options gets reduced and the search boundary narrows down. Therefore the female members choose to stay back at domestic work rather than market work. 5.5.2. Analysis of non-economic work As it is found that majority of female in Kerala are engaged only in domestic duties which is the main reason for the lower labour force participation of females. It is important to analyse the specific issues or factors that determine the extent of domestic work. NSSO 61 st round data provides certain specific information related to the persons who are engaged in domestic work as principal status. The analysis will help us to support the arguments that domestic work related time pressure and lack of remunerative jobs are the major reason for the labour market issues of Kerala especially among female. The extent of labour force participation among female is directly linked with domestic duty. Hence any attempt to raise the labour force is possible only by 1. Computed from 61 st rounds NSSO unit level data. 2. Computed from 61 st rounds NSSO unit level data.

132 reducing the domestic work time. So the primary knowledge of time needed to spend on household duty is necessary to take proper labour market strategies. The total time for an individual is divided among three purposes, market time, domestic work time and leisure time. Majority of the housewives (76.2 percent) reported that major share of their time is utilized for domestic work. That may be a reason for the limited supply of female in market work which is noticed in chapter 4. Without reducing the time for domestic work, if they are compelled to enter in market work it will result in reduction of leisure time. Domestic work time can be reduced using modernized cooking techniques in domestic work. It shows the importance of innovative techniques to reduce domestic time and to make them have extra time to spend in market work. In Kerala with this intention some initiatives were introduced like distribution of hot boxes with subsidized price, construction of 'modern fire wood stove without smoke and the distribution of cooker through ANERT etc. Educational status and time pressure will give a more interesting peculiarity about the extent and importance of time on decision making. Table: 5.5 Domestic work time and educationa1 status of housewives in Kerala, 2004-05 (Percent) Education category Full time domestic work Part time domestic work Primary below 75.1 24.9 Middle school 76 24 Secondary 77.5 22.5 Higher secondary 79.2 20.8 Diploma certificate holders 86.5 13.5 Graduates 73.9 26.1 Post graduates 77.7 22.3 Source:NSSO,61 st unit level data,2004-05.

133 From table 5.5 it is evident that among those who are educated or less educated, the time pressure seems to be the same. This is an interesting result because majority of female members are tied up with domestic chores and the entire society is neglecting this aspect and talking about a minority who have succeeded in entering the job market. The labour laws and minimum wage act and its implementation and violations are discussed in the academic and political scene, but the problems related to majority of non-economic workers have not found a place in political or academic discussions. These people are the 'invisible hands' working hard for the betterment of the family and thereby the society, without any direct personal economic benefit. The analysis of the reasons for full time domestic work will be able to give further insights. Table: 5.6 Classification of reasons for full time domestic work, religion wise, 2004-05 (Percent) Reasons Total Hindu Muslim Christian Absence of any other member 54.9 59.4 40.8 64 Can't afford hired help 10.6 11 9 11.8 Social/religious reason 11.3 5.8 24.1 6.9 Others 23.3 23.9 26.1 17.3 Source: NSSO, 61st unit level data, 2004-05. From the table.5.6 it is seen that, 54.9 percent reported that they resort to full time domestic work as they do not have other member in the family to share household burden and 10.6 percent were unable to afford any hired help. Both together, 65.5 percent of full time non-economic workers reported that it is because of lack of substitute for non-economic work burden that they are tied up with domestic work. This again supports the argument of time constraint and the need of supplying cheaper domestic substitutes. The analysis negates the conventional belief that most of the female are engaged in domestic duty due to social value system. Only a meager, 11.3 percent reported that they are engaged in full time domestic work due to social and religious reason.

134 Among the Hindu communities, 70.4 percent reported that the scarcity of care substitute is the reason for their full time domestic duty. It is noted that only 5.8 percent reported that social and religious reasons are the cause of their domestication. The reasons given by those belonging to Muslim community are some thing different. About a half of them reported the non-availability of domestic substitutes as the reason for their full time domestic work. But it is to be noted that 24.1 percent reported religious and social reasons to be a major factor for noneconomic participation, requires special attention. However, the extent of influence of religion is not very high. The major reason for the non economic participation of females belonging to the Muslim community also remains to be the absence of other members to do domestic work (40.8 percent) which again support the finding that non availability of care workers as the major reason for non economic participation of female. Among Christians 75.8 percent reported non-availability of domestic substitute responsible for their domestication. Within them only 6.9 percent reported that religious and social reasons for the same. Higher educated groups and less educated groups do not seem to have difference with regards to the reasons for domestication. From table 5.7, it is clear that those who are having higher educational level suffer due to lack of domestic support. Majority of post graduate non-economic workers reported that they are compelled to do domestic work as there are no other persons to substitute.

135 Table: 5.7 Classification of the reasons for full time domestic work within educational categories (Percent) Total Muslim Level of education All educational category Absence of other member Can't afford Religious reason Other No other member Can't afford Religious reason 53.1 11.7 11.6 23.6 43 9.5 22.3 25.2 Other Primary below Middle school 54.2 10.2 11.9 23.8 39 10.6 26.3 24.1 58.5 9.5 9.9 22.1 32.7 0.6 27.8 39 Secondary 57.4 7.2 8.5 27 43.1 7.7 15.8 33.4 Higher secondary Diploma certificate holders 60.5 12.5 9.7 17.3 61.8 4.4 4.5 29.3 68.9 6.8 8.3 16.1 44.3 13.4 32 10.3 Graduates 74.7 0 6.1 19.2 25.4 0 74.6 0 Source:NSSO,61 st unit level data,2004-05. Among the Muslim community 74.6 percent of postgraduates reported that they are tied up with domestic work due to religious and social reasons requires special attention which implies that education has not given opportunity to withdraw the members from beliefs. Less educated are free from these kinds of problems. This has a policy implication as it shows that it is not the lack of education that is compelling Muslim female to remain at home but the religious norms prevailing. Here, the awareness campaign within the less educated may not seem to be effective. Very low educated and very high educated groups are reported to have religion as a main hindrance in entering market job. Here also one should remember that the employment conditions may change these attitudes. The cheaper availability of domestic substitutes seems to be a necessary step for increasing labour market participation by reducing domestic work.

136 Any how non-transferable domestic work burden compel the female to become domestic workers irrespective to religion and education. These findings show that the policymakers should take the matter of non availability of domestic substitutes as an important element of labour market strategies. Table 5.8 Reason for non participation in market work, 2004-05 (Percent) Category Non-availability of job By preference Others Total 14.7 64.8 20.5 Hindu 20 62.1 17.9 Muslims 7.3 67.1 25.7 Christian 14.9 67.1 18.1 Source: NSSO, 61st unit level data, 2004-05. The reason given by the women for non-participation (those have extra time after domestic work) in economic activity is really noteworthy. This provides enough ground for the argument put forth earlier that the decision of noneconomic work by female and economic work by male is an economic decision made. 64.8 percent of female reported that they are not participating in economic work because of preference. Only 14.7 percent reported that non-availability of work is the reason for non-participation. If they accept market work they have to sacrifice their leisure time since, the domestic work cannot be reduced. The dissatisfaction occurs due to the reduction in leisure time may be higher than the benefit from market work. In other words the opportunity cost 3 of leisure time will be higher than the expected benefit from market work. Thus it can be interpreted that in the existing labour market conditions - given the wage and remunerations- house hold decides that it is more beneficial to devote female work time confined to domestic work alone. 3. Opportunity cost is the cost of any activity measured in terms of the best alternative forgone. The concept of an opportunity cost was first developed in 1914 by Friedrich von Wieser in his book Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft.

137 Among Hindus, 20 percent reported that non-availability of job is the reason for not joining economic work. But majority, 62.1 percent reported that they had taken this decision on the basis of preference. If we try to increase the job opportunities, only 20 percent among Hindus, reported to have extra time, may be willing to accept that job and the rest may not be interested. The preference will change only with the change in employment and remuneration conditions. Among Muslims, non-availability of job is of very little importance. 67.1 percent has taken the decision to carry out domestic work alone, by preference. Among Christian community 14.9 percent is ready to do job if it is available, but 67.1 will not accept without changing the conditions of job. This means that, majority don't want to enter the labour market because the existing socio-economic frame does not allow them to expect a job which can alter their preference of job from non-economic to economic. Economic work should either be more remunerative or domestic work substitutes should be available at cheaper rates. From this it is evident that awareness campaigns may not turn to be effective to increase the work participation without alteration in the working conditions or reduction of domestic work burden.

138 Table 5.9 Classification of reasons for non-participation of economic activity by those who are having extra time, 2004-05 (Percent) Level of Education Non availability of job By preference others Primary below 13.1 68 18.9 Middle school 17.1 63.1 19.8 Secondary 17.4 58.3 24.3 Higher secondary 10.1 52.4 37.6 Diploma certificate holders 11.1 69.6 19.3 Graduates 0 80.3 19.7 Post graduates 0 83.2 16.8 Source: Computed from NSSO, 61st unit level data, 2004-05. Table 5.9 gives us an interesting picture that it is not because of the nonavailability of job, but by preference that majority of graduates and postgraduates become non-economic workers. This preference is related to the economic work and non-economic work conditions. Without changing the economic and noneconomic work conditions and the benefits, it is not possible to change the preference. It again shows that it is a household decision to become a noneconomic worker. The paradox of rights of children and women discussed by Mallika (2010) is also relevant here. From the analysis it is evident that it is the domestic work burdens that prevent women from entering market work. And if the work conditions and remunerative conditions change or the domestic substitutes are available with cheaper rates, female can think of entering in market work 4. At the given socioeconomic conditions majority prefer to accept non-economic work than economic work. Hence, it is the responsibility of the society to change either job market or domestic market or both. That is the only solution for increasing effective participation in economic work. The percentage of females is ready to 4. The increased participation of female in NREGP is relevant in this context.

139 accept a job if it is offered in the household periphery is only 40.4. That 59. 6 percent is not ready to accept the job if available within household (source: same as above). This again shows that the importance of household duties. Without reducing household burden it is not possible to increase the work participation. Of the 40.4 percent, mentioned above, ready to accept work if available in the household periphery, 72.2 percent preferred jobs which are regular part-time. The rest would accept if it is regular full time job (source: same as above). That shows, among female who are doing domestic duties as their principal status, only 40.4 percent is ready to accept any job which is offered and within this category all prefer to have regular employment. This shows that it is not possible to increase the labour force participation of female by reducing the number of persons engaged in domestic duties through creating self employment type of job. The only way is to take steps to reduce the domestic burden with cheap care substitutes, and then only we can reduce the non-economic work burden of women. 5.6 Conclusion The analysis of non-economic work shows that majority of the work time of females all over the world is devoted to non-economic work. This reduces their status as a citizen and so a move to increase their economic participation is quite essential. Analysis of chapter 4, General Profile and female labour market' show that the engagement in domestic duties responsible for the lower economic participation of female. Domestic work is the leakage in labour force. Hence in labour market studies preference should be given to non-economic work. Both market work and domestic work requires time and effort. 72.6 percent of housewives in Kerala reported that they are not having extra time after household work. This show that time is very important element

140 which should get adequate importance in Kerala's labour market studies. Very small percent is staying back at home due to social and religious reasons. Majority of them are engaged in domestic work due to the non availability of substitutes. Among the religious groups, females of Muslim community remain home due to religious compulsion, but compared to the percent of persons reported to be non availability of substitute, it is low. It was also notice that the higher educated female among Muslim community stated religious believes plays as a major hindrance for entering in labour market. Among those who are having excess time, after doing domestic work, majority of them accepted non-economic work by preference. This shows that the decision is an economic decision of market job for male and domestic job for female within the existing low profile demand for female and non-availability of domestic substitute underlines as seen in the earlier findings. Moreover, it is asked whether accept a job which is provided within household, majority responded negatively, shows that domestic work burden is more important element in the labour market participation decision of female. Without altering that, it is not possible to increase the work participation. Majority of the females also preferred jobs which are permanent in nature.