THE FUTURE OF MIDEAST CYBERTERRORISM MALI IN PERIL. Policy & Practice

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THE FUTURE OF MIDEAST CYBERTERRORISM MALI IN PERIL Policy & Practice August 2012 www.policyandpractice.com THE KILLING How to start a revolution and take Iran PLUS THE AIDS ANNIVERSARY MODERN CHINESE SOFT POWER OLYMPIC DIPLOMACY ASIAN ENERGY SECURITY AND YOU

Feature In the land of blood and money As the rhetoric with Israel steps up, Michael Ledeen tells how to create a democratic Iran, why it s so hard and why U.S. involvement is inevitable Photos courtesy: China Daily, Doug20022/Flickr (News Junkie Post), Wikipedia, Sodahead, The Epoch Times, Enduring America, The Jawa Report, ABC Australia, Canada Global News, The Santos Republic, PBS

Foreign Affairs managing editor Jonathan Tepperman interviews author and Tufts University professor Vali Nasr on U.S./ Iranian relations and what is needed to get back to the table. Video courtesy Foreign Affairs. The nuclear question is at the center of most countries Iran policies. China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States have all engaged in negotiations to convince Tehran to give up its presumed quest for the bomb. Now, with talks sputtering, Western powers have implemented increasingly tough sanctions, including the European Union s recent embargo on Iranian oil, in the hope of compelling the regime to reverse course. Yet history suggests, and even many sanctions advocates agree, that sanctions will not compel Iran s leaders to scrap their nuclear program. In fact, from Fidel Castro s Cuba to Saddam Hussein s Iraq, hostile countries have rarely changed policy in response to Western embargoes. Some sanctions advocates counter that sanctions did work to get Chile to abandon communism, South Africa to end apartheid, and Libya to give up its nuclear program. But the Chilean and South African governments were not hostile -- they were pro-western, and thus more amenable to the West s demands. And Libya s Muammar al-qaddafi ended his nuclear pursuit only after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, fearing that he would suffer the same fate as Saddam Hussein. Iran, which is clearly hostile and which watched what just happened to a disarmed Libya, will not back down. Some therefore see sanctions as only a prelude to military action -- by Israel, the United States, or both. In other words, current Iran strategy boils down to an eventual choice between appeasement and attack. Neither outcome is attractive. However, if the United States and its allies broadened their perspective and paid attention not merely to Iran s nuclear program but also to the Islamic Republic s larger assault on the West, they would see that a third and better option exists: supporting a democratic revolution in Iran. The Disaffected Youth Today s Iranian youth defines the Lost Generation. Here s why they re key to change and could start their own Arab Spring. 33.2 29.1 70 60 40 Obsession with the nuclear question has obscured the fact that, since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran has waged a low-level war on the United States. That war began in earnest in 1983, when, evidence suggests, Iranian-backed operatives bombed the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut. Such violence continued throughout the 1980s, as Hezbollah, a How Could They Get Us? Can they excel at counterintelligence? Audio courtesy NPR. Millions of Iranians online, the world s third largest blog community Unemployment percentage of Iranians under age 25 Percentage of total unemployed Iranians that are aged 15-29 Percentage of the Iranian population under age 30 Percentage of the Iranian electorate comprised of those under age 30 Sources: Singapore Management University, Bloomberg, United States Institute of Peace Is cyberterrorism next? Audio courtesy NPR.

Iran Since 2000: The Minds of (Mad) Men Swipe to scroll. terrorist organization created by Iran, kidnapped and murdered Americans in Lebanon. In addition to supporting Hezbollah, Iran started funding other terrorist groups, such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. In the last decade, Iranian agents have attacked U.S. troops in Afghanistan and Iraq. Late last year, the Obama administration revealed that Iranian agents had attempted to assassinate the Saudi Arabian ambassador to the United States and to blow up the Saudi and Israeli embassies in Washington, D.C. In short, the nuclear program is not the central issue in Iran policymaking -- defending the United States and its allies from Iranian terrorists and their proxies is. To meet that goal, Washington must replace the Islamic Republic s regime. The theocrats in Tehran call the United States the great Satan, and waging war against it is one of the Iranian leadership s core missions. The Ayatollah Khomeini proclaimed that as his goal very soon after the shah was overthrown in 1979. Calls of Death to America have been a constant refrain ever since. Regime change cannot be achieved by sanctions and diplomacy alone. And, although war might bring down the regime, it is neither necessary nor desirable. Supporting a domestic revolution is a wiser strategy. The Iranian regime is not only at war with the U.S. and its allies; it is also at war with its own people. The Iranian regime represses its citizens, restricting their civil liberties and imprisoning, torturing, and killing political opponents. Popular discontent boiled over into open protest after a rigged election in June 2009, as what came to be known as the Green Movement launched an open challenge to the political status quo. The regime brutally suppressed the protests and is keeping the movement s two leaders, presidential candidates Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, along with Mousavi s wife, under house arrest. Foreign Affairs managing editor Jonathan Tepperman interviews author Hoonan Majd on the public diplomacy challenges posed by a nuclear Iran and the ineffectiveness of current sanctions. Video courtesy Foreign Affairs.

THE FUTURE OF MIDEAST CYBERTERRORISM MALI IN PERIL Policy & Practice August 2012 www.policyandpractice.com THE KILLING How to start a revolution and take Iran PLUS THE AIDS ANNIVERSARY MODERN CHINESE SOFT POWER OLYMPIC DIPLOMACY ASIAN ENERGY SECURITY AND YOU

In the land of blood Feature As the rhetoric with Israel steps up, Michael Ledeen tells how to create a democratic Iran, why it s so hard and why U.S. involvement is inevitable Photos courtesy: China Daily, Doug20022/Flickr (News Junkie Post), Wikipedia, Sodahead, The Epoch Times, Enduring America, The Jawa Report, ABC Australia, Canada Global News, The Santos Republic, PBS and money

The nuclear question is at the center of most countries' Iran policies. China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States have all engaged in negotiations to convince Tehran to give up its presumed quest for the bomb. Now, with talks sputtering, Western powers have implemented increasingly tough sanctions, including the European Union's recent embargo on Iranian oil, in the hope of compelling the regime to reverse course. Yet history suggests, and even many sanctions advocates agree, that sanctions will not compel Iran's leaders to scrap their nuclear program. In fact, from Fidel Castro's Cuba to Saddam Hussein's Iraq, hostile countries have rarely changed policy in response to Western embargoes. Some sanctions advocates counter that sanctions did work to get Chile to abandon communism, South Africa to end apartheid, and Libya to give up its nuclear program. But the Chilean and South African governments were not hostile -- they were pro-western, and thus more amenable to the West's demands. And Libya's Muammar al-qaddafi ended his nuclear pursuit only after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Foreign Affairs managing editor Jonathan Tepperman interviews author and Tufts University professor Vali Nasr on U.S./Iranian relations and what is needed to get back to the table. Video courtesy Foreign Affairs. Iraq, fearing that he would suffer the same fate as Saddam Hussein. Iran, which is clearly hostile and which watched what just happened to a disarmed Libya, will not back down. Some therefore see sanctions as only a prelude to military action -- by Israel, the United States, or both. In other words, current Iran strategy boils down to an eventual choice between appeasement and attack. Neither outcome is attractive. However, if the United States and its allies broadened their perspective and paid attention not merely to Iran's nuclear program but also to the Islamic Republic's larger assault on the West, they would see that a third and better option exists: supporting a democratic revolution in Iran. Obsession with the nuclear question has obscured the fact that, since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran has waged a low-level war on the United States. That war began in earnest in 1983, when, evidence suggests, Iranian-backed operatives bombed the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut. Such violence continued throughout the 1980s, as Hezbollah, a terrorist organization created by Iran, kidnapped and murdered 33.2 29.1 70 60 40 The Disaffected Youth Today s Iranian youth defines the Lost Generation. Here s why they re key to change and could start their own Arab Spring. Millions of Iranians online, the world s third largest blog community Sources: Singapore Management University, Bloomberg, United States Institute of Peace Americans in Lebanon. In addition to supporting Hezbollah, Iran started funding other terrorist groups, such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. In the last decade, Iranian agents have attacked U.S. troops in Afghanistan and Iraq. How Could They Get Us? Can they excel at counterintelligence? Audio courtesy NPR. Unemployment percentage of Iranians under age 25 Percentage of total unemployed Iranians that are aged 15-29 Percentage of the Iranian population under age 30 Percentage of the Iranian electorate comprised of those under age 30 Is cyberterrorism next? Audio courtesy NPR.

Late last year, the Obama administration revealed that Iranian agents had attempted to assassinate the Saudi ambassador to the United States and to blow up the Saudi and Israeli embassies in Washington, D.C. In short, the nuclear program is not the central issue in Iran policymaking -- defending the United States and its allies from Iranian terrorists and their proxies is. To meet that goal, Washington must replace the Islamic Republic's regime. The theocrats in Tehran call the United States "the great Satan," and waging war against it is one of the Iranian leadership's core missions. The Ayatollah Khomeini proclaimed that as his goal very soon Foreign Affairs managing editor Jonathan Tepperman interviews author Hoonan Majd on the public diplomacy challenges posed by a nuclear Iran and the ineffectiveness of current sanctions. Video courtesy Foreign Affairs. after the shah was overthrown in 1979. Calls of "Death to America" have been a constant Swipe to scroll. refrain ever since. Regime change cannot be achieved by sanctions and diplomacy alone. And, although war might bring down the regime, it is neither necessary nor desirable. Supporting a domestic revolution is a wiser strategy. The Iranian regime is not only at war with the United States and its allies; it is also at war with its own people. The regime represses Iranian citizens, restricting their civil liberties and imprisoning, torturing, and killing political opponents. Popular discontent boiled over into open protest after a rigged election in June 2009, as what came to be known as the Green Movement launched an open challenge to the political status quo. The regime brutally suppressed the protests and is keeping the movement's two leaders, presidential candidates Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, along with Mr. Mousavi's wife, under house arrest. Iran Since 2000: The Minds of (Mad) Men