Latin America s Emerging Democracies

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Transition Exits: Emigration Dynamics in Latin America s Emerging Democracies Jonathan Hiskey Department of Political Science Vanderbilt University Diana Orces Department of Political Science Vanderbilt University Prepared for the Center for the Americas Publication Colloquium Prepared for the Center for the Americas Publication Colloquium Migration in the Americas: Mexico and Latin America in a Comparative Context Vanderbilt University, May 4-6, 2008

Oaxaca in Transition The Arrival of Electoral Competition in Oaxaca ion Per rcent vote guberna atorial electi 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1980 1986 1992 1998 2004 PRI PRD

Oaxaca in Transition

Mexico in Transition Foley (1999): Contested elections, violent confrontations between partisans of the PRD and the PRI, and military occupation and action to ensure the seating of PRI mayors have marked the state [Guerrero] since 1988, while much of the rest of Mexico moved toward a multiparty democracy. Fox (1996): The 1994 presidential elections were in fact two distinct t election-day processes, one modern and relatively clean, the other filled with irregularities, including widespread violation of ballot secrecy and direct pressures by local bosses on voters (Fox 1996, 205). SourceMex (1995): One remarkable aspect of the Baja California gubernatorial election, won by the National Action Party (PAN) candidate, was the lack of postelectoral conflict among the various parties... due in part to a civility agreement reached before the election by the executive committees of the [Institutional Revolutionary Party] PRI and PAN to hold a peaceful and transparent vote.

2007 Latin America in Transition 10.0 9.5 9.0 8.5 8.0 7.5 7.0 6.5 6.0 The Evolution of Democracy in Latin America (1972-2007) 2007) Mean Freed dom House Index 5.5 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 Aug 82-Nov 83 Nov 84-Nov 85 Nov 86-Nov 87 Nov 88-Dec 89 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005

Latin America in Transition Region Full democracies Flawed democracies Hybrid regimes Authoritarian regimes (Number of countries) (%) (%) (%) (%) North America (2) West Europe (21) E. Europe (28) 100 0 0 0 86 9 5 0 8 50 21 21 Latin America/ Caribbean (24) 8 71 17 4 Asia/Australasia (28) M. East/N. Africa (20) Sub-Saharan Africa (44) Ttl Total (167) 11 43 14 32 0 10 10 80 2 16 29 52 17 32 18 33

Latin America in Transition O Donnell (1993): Low intensity citizenship Provinces peripheral to the national center (which are usually hardest hit by economic crises and are already endowed with weaker bureaucracies) create (or reinforce) systems of local power which tend to reach extremes of violent, personalistic rule open to all sorts of violent and arbitrary practices Fox (1994): Authoritarian enclaves Zakaria (1997): Illiberal democracies Smith (2004): As of 1999, 93% of Latin Americans lived in an electoral regime with restricted civil liberties

Latin America in Transition Corruption Victimization, 2006 Canada U.S. Guyana Paraguay Costa Rica Guatemala Nicaragua Dominican Republic Honduras El Salvador Panama Colombia Chile Mexico Bolivia Jamaica Ecuador Peru Haiti 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Percent of respondents victimized at least once

Hirschman (1978) on emigration: What is needed in order to avoid excessive emigration.... is for a society to provide its members with some attractions that will reinforce their normal reluctance to leave. Besides an adequate supply ppy of goods for individual consumption, such attractions can also consist of what is known to economists as public goods... [such as] guaranteeing human rights and democratic liberties(105).

Political Transitions and Emigration Latin American transitions: Uneven, lengthy, performance issues Shaped by economic transitions Era of crisis-based development Connections to emigration decision Subnational political inequalities Conflict/uncertainty over rules of the game Regional variations in political instability Political ceiling on economic opportunity

Exploring the Dynamics of Transition Emigration Regime Shocks and Migrant Profiles Peru and Nicaragua (LAMP) Uneven Transitions and Migrant Profiles Guerrero, Michoacan, Oaxaca (MMP) System Performance in Transition and Thinking about Exit Emigration Intentions across 13 LAC countries (AmericasBarometer survey data)

2004 2002 2003 Peru: Democracy Interrupted Political Shock in Peru 10 8 6 4 2 0 Polity Score -2-4 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

2004 Nicaragua: Democracy Jumpstart Democratic Development in Nicaragua 10 8 6 4 2 Polity Score 0-2 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

Peru and Nicaragua Political Shocks Compared Fujimori Autogolpe in Peru: Neoliberal, anti- terror campaign Expectation: Shift toward lower income, rural, more women UNO Electoral Victory in Nicaragua: Reduced threat to private property, structural adjustment Expectation: Rise in economic migrants, decline of political migrants

Peru: Pre- and Post-Autogolpe Migrants Compared Fujimori's Autogolpe and First-Trip Migrants 100 90 Percent of Firs st-trip Total 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 36.4 63.6 52.3 47.7 Female Male 10 0 Pre-1992 Post-1992

Peru: Pre- and Post-Autogolpe Migrants Compared Fujimori's Autogolpe and First-Trip Education Profiles Percent of First-Trip To otal 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 3.1 0.7 20.6 31.5 76.3 67.8 Primary Secondary Post-Secondary Years of Education Completed Before 1992 After 1992

Peru: Pre- and Post-Autogolpe Migrants Compared Fujimori's Autogolpe and First-Trip Occupation Profiles Perc cent of First Tr rip Total 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 25 Professionals/Educators 13.5 Administrators 14.9 9.7 10.5 5.4 Agric/Manuf. 21 Unemployed 27 39.2 33.9 Other Before 1992 After 1992

Nicaragua: Pre- and Post-1990 Migrants Compared Chamorro Election and First-Trip Education Profiles 60 55.5 55.4 Percent of First-Trip To otal 50 40 30 20 10 14.3 20.22 30.2 24.5 0 Primary Secondary Post-Secondary Years of Education Completed Before 1990 After 1990

Nicaragua: Pre- and Post-1990 Migrants Compared Chamorro Election and First-Trip Occupation Profiles 45 40 35 30 28.6 24.1 25 20.4 20 16.7 15 10 5 11.3 6.8 4.8 4.1 41.2 42 Othe her Percent of First-Trip Totals 0 Professionals/Educato tors Administrato tors Agric/Manu uf. Unemploye yed Before 1990 After 1990

Mexico: The PRD-PRI Conflict and Migrant Profiles Mexico's Transition Continuum as Measured by Average PR I-PR D V ote Margin, 1992-95 PRI-PRD vote margin in local elections, 92-95 0-35 35-50 51-79

Guerrero and Oaxaca: Two Stages of Transition Guerrero and Oaxaca Compared l Percent of First-Trip Total 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 75.4 74.8 68.4 57.6 Guerrero Pre-1989 Guerrero Post-1989 Oaxaca Pre-1989 Oaxaca Post-1989 Male Female

Guerrero and Oaxaca: Two Stages of Transition Guerrero and Oaxaca Compared: Education Percent of First-Trip Tot tal 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 29.3 66.8 51.5 42.8 Guerrero Pre-1989 Guerrero Post-1989 Oaxaca Pre-1989 Oaxaca Post-1989 41.3 55.5 Primary Secondary Post-Secondary 55.4 38.9

Michoacan: Transition of Conflict Michoacan: The Heart of the Conflict of First-Trip Total Percent 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 77.7 18.6 54.1 41.6 67.3 27.7 Pre-1989 1990-1997 Post-1997 Years of Education Completed Primary Secondary Post-Secondary

Modeling Intentions to Migrate Dependent Variable: Do you have any intention of going to live or work in another country in the next three years? Socioeconomic / Friends and Family : 1. Relatives living abroad: 2. Remittances 3. Personal economic situation 4. Macroeconomic situation 5. Salary sufficient Political Engagement: 1. Voting 2. Political Knowledge Index 3. Campaign work 4. Political persuasion Other Controls 1. Education 2. Sex 3. Age 4. Children 5. Income 6. Marital Status 7. Urban/Rural Government Performance: 1. Government protection of democratic principles 2. Corruption Victimization Index 3. Government discrimination 4. Victim of crime 5. Feel safe in one s neighborhood 6. Satisfaction with municipal services 7. System Support Index

Haiti Modeling Intentions to Migrate Dependent Variable: Do you have any intention of going to live or work in another country in the next three years? Emigration Intentions in Selected Latin American and Caribbean Countries 70 60 50 40 30 20 IntendingT ToEmigrate(%) 10 Chile Panama Guatemala Mexico Costa Rica Nicaragua Honduras El Salvador Dom ominican Republ Jamaica Peru Guayana 0

Modeling Intentions to Migrate Results: Friends and Family Effect Respondents with relatives living abroad and those who receive remittances more likely to express intentions to migrate Socioeconomic Respondents who feel their income is not sufficient to satisfy basic needs more likely to express intentions to migrate. Controls: Young, single males more likely to express intentions to migrate

Modeling Intentions to Migrate Results: Political System Performance Respondents who reported direct experiences with corruption, government discrimination, crime, and/or feel unsafe in neighborhood h more likely l to express intentions ti to migrate Respondents who perceive their government as defender of democratic principles less likely to express intentions to migrate Political engagement positively related to intentions to migrate

Implications and Future Research Political determinants of emigration in era of transitions and flawed democracies Political tipping points in neoliberal period? Subnational political divides El Salvador, Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Brazil Open to Suggestions