Dominicans in New York City

Similar documents
The Latino Population of New York City, 2008

Peruvians in the United States

A Profile of Latina Women in New York City, 2007

Mexicans in New York City, : A Visual Data Base

Fertility Rates among Mexicans in Traditional And New States of Settlement, 2006

Demographic, Economic and Social Transformations in Bronx Community District 4: High Bridge, Concourse and Mount Eden,

CLACLS. A Profile of Latino Citizenship in the United States: Demographic, Educational and Economic Trends between 1990 and 2013

Mexicans in New York City, 2007: An Update

CLACLS. Demographic, Economic, and Social Transformations in Bronx Community District 5:

Demographic, Economic, and Social Transformations in Brooklyn Community District 4: Bushwick,

The Latino Population of the New York Metropolitan Area,

Trends in Poverty Rates Among Latinos in New York City and the United States,

Ecuadorians in the United States

Demographic, Economic, and Social Transformations in Queens Community District 3: East Elmhurst, Jackson Heights, and North Corona,

Astrid S. Rodríguez Fellow, Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies. Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies

Socio-Economic Mobility Among Foreign-Born Latin American and Caribbean Nationalities in New York City,

Washington Heights/Inwood Demographic, Economic, and Social Transformations with a Special Focus on the Dominican Population

Puerto Ricans in the United States, : Demographic, Economic, and Social Aspects

Demographic Change and Voting Patterns among Latinos in the Northeast Corridor States: New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut

LATINO DATA PROJECT. Astrid S. Rodríguez Ph.D. Candidate, Educational Psychology. Center for Latin American, Caribbean, and Latino Studies

CLACLS. Demographic, Economic and Social Transformations in the Mexican-Origin Population of the New York City Metropolitan Area,

Latino Voter Registration and Participation Rates in the November 2016 Presidential Election

Latino Middle Class Income-Earners in New York City in 2006

Latinos and the 2008 Presidential Elections: a Visual Data Base

Latinos and the 2008 Presidential Election: A Visual Database

The Effects of Immigration on Age Structure and Fertility in the United States

DATA PROFILES OF IMMIGRANTS IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Migration Information Source - Chinese Immigrants in the United States

LATINO DATA PROJECT. Disparities in Health and Well-Being among Latinos in Washington Heights/Inwood

Part 1: Focus on Income. Inequality. EMBARGOED until 5/28/14. indicator definitions and Rankings

Characteristics of People. The Latino population has more people under the age of 18 and fewer elderly people than the non-hispanic White population.

Older Immigrants in the United States By Aaron Terrazas Migration Policy Institute

8 Pathways Spring 2015

The Dynamics of Low Wage Work in Metropolitan America. October 10, For Discussion only

The foreign born are more geographically concentrated than the native population.

Understanding the Immigrant Experience Lessons and themes for economic opportunity. Owen J. Furuseth and Laura Simmons UNC Charlotte Urban Institute

Private Sector Commission

Notes on People of Dominican Ancestry in Canada

Poverty Amid Renewed Affluence: The Poor of New England at Mid-Decade

Labor Force Characteristics by Race and Ethnicity, 2015

Inside the 2012 Latino Electorate

Selected trends in Mexico-United States migration

Shifting Shares: Demographic Change, Differential Mobility, and Electoral Trends in New York City, 2000 to 2011

This analysis confirms other recent research showing a dramatic increase in the education level of newly

Institute for Public Policy and Economic Analysis

Institute for Public Policy and Economic Analysis

Racial Disparities in the Direct Care Workforce: Spotlight on Hispanic/Latino Workers

NCRCRD. Trends in North Central Latino Demographics. North Central Regional Center for Rural Development. Policy BRIEF

LATINOS IN CALIFORNIA, TEXAS, NEW YORK, FLORIDA AND NEW JERSEY

Extrapolated Versus Actual Rates of Violent Crime, California and the United States, from a 1992 Vantage Point

Characteristics of Poverty in Minnesota

IX. Differences Across Racial/Ethnic Groups: Whites, African Americans, Hispanics

THE LITERACY PROFICIENCIES OF THE WORKING-AGE RESIDENTS OF PHILADELPHIA CITY

HEALTH CARE EXPERIENCES

People. Population size and growth. Components of population change

Far From the Commonwealth: A Report on Low- Income Asian Americans in Massachusetts

Salvadorans. imagine all the people. Salvadorans in Boston

People. Population size and growth

LEFT BEHIND: WORKERS AND THEIR FAMILIES IN A CHANGING LOS ANGELES. Revised September 27, A Publication of the California Budget Project

CIRCLE The Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning & Engagement

Profile of New York City s Chinese Americans: 2013 Edition

Benefit levels and US immigrants welfare receipts

We know that the Latinx community still faces many challenges, in particular the unresolved immigration status of so many in our community.

Post-Secondary Education, Training and Labour September Profile of the New Brunswick Labour Force

The Brookings Institution Metropolitan Policy Program Amy Liu, Deputy Director

Latino Workers in the Ongoing Recession: 2007 to 2008

The Hispanic white wage gap has remained wide and relatively steady

EMBARGOED UNTIL THURSDAY 9/5 AT 12:01 AM

Hispanic Employment in Construction

LATINOS IN AMERICA: A Demographic Profile

Nebraska s Foreign-Born and Hispanic/Latino Population

Latinos in Massachusetts Selected Areas: Framingham

Analysis of birth records shows that in 2002 almost one in four births in the United States was to an

Race, Ethnicity, and Economic Outcomes in New Mexico

Old Places, New Places: Geographic Mobility of Dominicans in the U.S.

The Popula(on of New York City Recent PaFerns and Trends

Salvadorans. in Boston

The 2018 Mid-Term Election: Estimated Voter Participation Rates by Race and Age in Arizona, Florida, Georgia and Texas

The Misunderstood Consequences of Shelley v. Kraemer Extended Abstract

This data brief is the fourth in a series that profiles children

California s Congressional District 37 Demographic Sketch

DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CUBAN-AMERICANS: A FIRST LOOK FROM THE U.S POPULATION CENSUS

The Latino Electorate in 2010: More Voters, More Non-Voters

Latinos in the Northeastern United States: Trends and Patterns

The Changing Racial and Ethnic Makeup of New York City Neighborhoods

Migration Policy Institute

Asian Americans in New York City. A Decade of Dynamic Change Presented on April 20, 2012 Report from

Geographic Mobility Central Pennsylvania

BY Rakesh Kochhar FOR RELEASE MARCH 07, 2019 FOR MEDIA OR OTHER INQUIRIES:

Poverty in New York City, 2005: More Families Working, More Working Families Poor

The Wealth of Hispanic Households: 1996 to 2002

Backgrounder. Immigrants in the United States, 2007 A Profile of America s Foreign-Born Population. Center for Immigration Studies November 2007

Racial Inequities in Montgomery County

Patrick Adler and Chris Tilly Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, UCLA. Ben Zipperer University of Massachusetts, Amherst

Refugee Versus Economic Immigrant Labor Market Assimilation in the United States: A Case Study of Vietnamese Refugees

Chapter One: people & demographics

Povery and Income among African Americans

Hispanic Attitudes on Economy and Global Warming June 2016

SECTION 1. Demographic and Economic Profiles of California s Population

Explaining differences in access to home computers and the Internet: A comparison of Latino groups to other ethnic and racial groups

Transcription:

Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies Graduate Center City University of New York 365 Fifth Avenue Room 5419 New York, New York 10016 212-817-8438 clacls@gc.cuny.edu http://web.gc.cuny.edu/lastudies Dominicans in New York City 1990 2008 Howard Caro-López Director of Quantitative Research Laura Limonic Special Events Coordinator Center for Latin American, Caribbean & Latino Studies Latino Data Project - Report 31 - October 2010

The Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies is a research institute that works for the advancement of the study of Latin America, the Caribbean, and Latinos in the United States in the doctoral programs at the CUNY Graduate Center. One of its major priorities is to provide funding and research opportunities to Latino students at the Ph.D. level. The Center established and helps administer an interdisciplinary specialization in Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies in the Masters of Arts in Liberal Studies program. The Latino Data Project was developed with the goal of making information available on the dynamically growing Latino population of the United States and especially New York City through the analysis of extant data available from a variety of sources such as the U.S. Census Bureau, the National Institute for Health, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and state and local-level data sources. All Latino Data Project reports are available at http://web.gc.cuny.edu/lastudies/ For additional information you may contact the Center at 212-817-8438 or by e- mail at clacls@gc.cuny.edu. Staff: Laird W. Bergad, Distinguished Professor, Latin American and Puerto Rican Studies, Lehman College, Ph.D. Program in History, Executive Director, CLACLS Teresita Levy, Assistant Professor, Latin American and Puerto Rican Studies, Lehman College, Assistant Director Carolina Barrera-Tobón, Administrative Director Victoria Stone-Cadena, Development and Outreach Coordinator Laura Limonic, Director of Quantitative Research Marcela González, Research Associate Copyright @ 2009 Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies Room 5419 Graduate Center City University of New York 365 Fifth Avenue New York, New York 10016 212-817-8438 clacls@gc.cuny.edu http://web.gc.cuny.edu/lastudies

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 3 Table of Contents Demographics..4 Socioeconomic Indicators..9 Poverty.12 Labor Force Participation and Unemployment..15 Educational Attainment 18 English Proficiency..22 Citizenship 23 Summary.24

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 4 Demographics 1 Between 1990 and 2008 the Dominican population of New York City increased to become the second largest Latino national sub-group behind Puerto Ricans. The Dominican population grew by nearly 73 percent between 1990 and 2008 and about 7 percent from 2000 to 2008. (See table 1 and figure 1.) Dominicans increased at approximately twice the rate of the city s overall Latino population, although they have been substantially outpaced by Mexican and Ecuadorian population growth rates during this period. Nevertheless, a hypothetical projection indicates that the Dominican population will surpass Puerto Ricans to become the City s largest Latino nationality sometime within the next 15 years if the annual growth rates of both groups between 1990 and 2008 continue into the future. (See figure 2.) Table 1 Population Trends for Largest Latino Nationalities in New York City, 1990-2008 1990 2000 2008 Total Population % Total Population % Total Population % % Change 1990-2008 % Change 2000-2008 Dominicans 338,961 547,379 24.6% 585,429 25.1% 72.7% 7.0% Puerto Ricans 848,374 50.0% 816,827 36.7% 783,911 33.6% -7.6% -4.0% Mexicans 55,587 3.3% 187,259 8.4% 294,238 12.6% 429.3% 57.1% Ecuadorians 80,862 4.8% 149,897 6.7% 202,591 8.7% 150.5% 35.2% Colombians 88,259 5.2% 109,710 4.9% 98,558 4.2% 11.7% -10.2% Others 285,336 16.8% 415,835 18.7% 370,614 15.9% 29.9% -10.9% Total Latino Population 1,697,379 100.0% 2,226,907 100.0% 2,335,341 100.0% 37.6% 4.9% 1 All data in this report were derived from the U.S. Census Bureau, Public Use Microdata Samples for censuses of 1990, 2000 and the American Community Survey 2008 as organized and made available by Steven Ruggles, Matthew Sobek, Trent Alexander, Catherine A. Fitch, Ronald Goeken, Patricia Kelly Hall, Miriam King, and Chad Ronnander. Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 4.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota Population Center [producer and distributor], 2009, found at the internet site http://usa.ipums.org/usa/

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 5 60.0% Figure 1 Five Largest Latino Nationalities In New York City, 1990-2008 (in percentages of all Latinos) 50.0% 50.0% 40.0% 36.7% 33.6% 30.0% 24.6% 25.1% 12.6% 4.8% 5.2% 3.3% 8.4% 6.7% 4.9% 8.7% 4.2% 0.0% Dominicans Puerto Ricans Mexicans Ecuadorians Colombians Figure 2 Hypothetical Population Projections Among Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and Mexicans in New York City Using Annual Population Growth Rates between 2000 and 2008 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020 2022 2024 2026 2028 2030 2032 2034 2036 2038 2040 2042 2044 2046 2048 2050 Thousands Puerto Ricans Dominicans Mexicans

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 6 The Dominican population is characterized by a fairly high proportion of first-generation immigrants. While the percentage of Dominicans born in the United States has increased from 30% in 1990 to 38% in 2008, the population remains overwhelmingly foreign-born. (See table 2 and figure 3.) 80.0% 70.0% 60.0% Figure 3 Dominican Population in New York City by Foreign Born and Domestic Born, 1990-2008 (as percentages of total Dominicans) 69.9% 69.3% 62.3% 50.0% 40.0% 30.0% 30.1% 30.7% 37.7% 0.0% Foreign Born Domestic born The overall male-to-female ratio among the total Dominican population has not changed significantly between 1990 and 2008 when slightly over half of all Dominicans were female. However among the foreign-born population, women have increased slightly in relation to men. About 60% of foreign-born Dominicans were female in 2008 compared with about 56% in 1990. (See figures 4 and 5).

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 7 Figure 4 Population Distribution by Sex among Domestic-Born Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 55.0% 50.0% 50.4% 50.8% 49.6% 49.2% 52.2% 47.8% 45.0% 40.0% Percentage of Population 35.0% 30.0% 25.0% 15.0% 5.0% 0.0% Male Female Figure 5 Population Distribution by Sex among Foreign-Born Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 60.0% 55.7% 55.4% 59.5% Percentage of Population 50.0% 40.0% 30.0% 44.3% 44.6% 40.5% 0.0% Male Female

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 8 Since 1990, Dominicans have been increasingly moving to the Bronx. (See table 2 and figure 6.) While in 1990 about 40% of all Dominicans lived in Manhattan, concentrated in Washington Heights, by 2008, 39% of Dominicans were residents of the Bronx compared with 29% in Manhattan. This change in the spatial distribution of Dominicans within the City is in all likelihood attributable to the rise in housing prices in Manhattan and the relative lower cost of living in the Bronx. The change in settlement patterns for Dominicans since 1990 points to significant cultural and demographic changes in the Bronx. The borough s Latino population, which has for many decades has been characterized as the hub of New York City s Puerto Rican community, is becoming much more diverse as Dominican population growth outpaces Puerto Ricans in the borough. Table 2 Dominican Population by Nativity and Borough in New York City, 1990-2008 1990 Borough Domestic Born Foreign Born Total % of all Dominicans Bronx 25,819 63,027 88,846 27.1% Manhattan 39,414 93,982 133,396 40.7% Brooklyn 16,372 37,253 53,625 16.4% Queens 16,343 33,982 50,325 15.4% Staten Island 632 694 1,326 0.4% Total 98,580 228,938 327,518 100.0% 2000 Borough Domestic Born Foreign Born Total % of all Dominicans Bronx 53,159 130,198 183,357 33.5% Manhattan 57,378 129,344 186,722 34.1% Brooklyn 25,702 58,219 83,921 15.3% Queens 31,011 60,380 91,391 16.7% Staten Island 862 1126 1,988 0.4% Total 168,112 379,267 547,379 100.0% 2008 Borough Domestic Born Foreign Born Total % of all Dominicans Bronx 88,076 142,072 230,148 39.3% Manhattan 59,361 108,613 167,974 28.7% Brooklyn 39,058 52,540 91,598 15.6% Queens 32,292 60,255 92,547 15.8% Staten Island 1844 1318 3,162 0.5% Total 220,631 364,798 585,429 100.0%

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 9 45.0% 40.0% 41.0% Figure 6 Total Dominican Population Distribution by Borough in New York City, 1990-2008 39.0% 35.0% 34.0% 33.0% 30.0% 25.0% 27.0% 29.0% 15.0% 16.0% 15.0% 15.0% 17.0% 16.0% 16.0% 5.0% 0.0% 1.0% 1.0% 1.0% Bronx Manhattan Brooklyn Queens Staten Island Socio-Economic Indicators Household Income The median household income for all Dominicans in New York in 2008 was $37,680. This represented a 5.5% increase from 1990 in real dollars adjusted for inflation. However, there was a slight decline in median household incomes between 2000 and 2008 of -2.8%. In 2008 Dominicans in New York City had the lowest median household incomes among the five largest Latino national subgroups. (See figure 7).

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 10 Figure 7 Median Household Income for Five Largest Latino Nationalities in New York City, 2008 $70,000 $60,000 $50,000 $40,000 $30,000 $20,000 $10,000 $0 $56,011 $56,011 Ecuadorians Colombians Puerto Ricans $41,958 $40,838 Mexicans $37,680 Dominicans There were significant differences in the median household incomes among Dominicans by nativity in 1990. Those who were born in the Dominican Republic earned median incomes which were 28% higher than those born in the United States. However, the gap narrowed by 2008 when there was only a 2% differential between domestic-born and foreign-born Dominican households although those born in the Dominican Republic had slightly higher median incomes than U.S.-born Dominicans. (See table 3). The precise reasons for this narrowing of the differentiation in median household incomes by nativity are not revealed by the census data examined for this report. Table 3 Median Household Income for Five Largest Latino Nationalities in New York City by Nativity, 1990-2008 (in inflation adjusted 2008 dollars) Domestic Born Foreign Domestic Foreign Domestic Foreign Born Total Born Born Total Born Born Total Dominicans $ 29,599 $ 37,950 $ 35,711 $ 35,713 $ 40,000 $ 38,750 $ 37,171 $ 37,884 $ 37,680 Puerto Ricans $ 36,300 $ 33,000 $ 34,650 $ 40,000 $ 31,250 $ 37,500 $ 47,864 $ 25,969 $ 41,958 Mexicans $ 49,500 $ 56,100 $ 54,450 $ 44,063 $ 50,000 $ 48,250 $ 38,699 $ 45,216 $ 40,838 Ecuadorians $ 41,360 $ 52,322 $ 49,568 $ 52,375 $ 53,750 $ 53,625 $ 56,724 $ 55,248 $ 56,011 Colombians $ 52,800 $ 52,800 $ 52,800 $ 53,750 $ 52,438 $ 52,500 $ 63,140 $ 53,873 $ 56,011 Note: For Puerto Ricans foreign-born means born on the island.

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 11 Figure 8 Median Household Incomes Among Five Largest New York City Latino Nationalities by Nativity, 2008 Foreign Born $25,969 $37,884 $45,216 $55,248 $53,873 Domestic Born $37,171 $38,699 $47,864 $56,724 $63,140 Colombians Ecuadorians Puerto Ricans Mexicans Dominicans When the structure, or distribution of household income is examined a significant percentage of Dominican households earned less than $20,000 in median household incomes and there was little change over the period between 1990 and 2008. In 1990 about 30% of all Dominican households were in this lower income category (in 2008 inflation adjusted dollars) and this had only declined slightly to 27% in 2008. In 2008 the exact same percentage of foreign-born and domestic-born Dominicans (27%) earned less than $20,000 in median household income yearly. There was also little change in the percentage of Dominicans living in wealthier households. Some 18% of all Dominicans lived in households earning median incomes over $75,000 in 1990 (in 2008 inflation adjusted dollars) and this was the exact same percentage found in 2008. There was also no differentiation between foreign-born or domestic born Dominicans living in households with median incomes of $75,000 or more 18%. (See figure 9 and table 4 for complete data on income distribution). Several observations may be made about these data. First and foremost there was a clear economic or class structure within the New York City Dominican community, as was the case with every other Latino nationality and the other major racial/ethnic groups in the City. Second, while Dominicans earned the lowest median household incomes among all of the Latino national sub groups, there were clearly Dominicans living in households who were quite well off economically. Third, there seems to be restricted opportunities for social mobility among Dominicans for reasons which are not clear. There was little change in the percentage of Dominicans at the top and bottom of the socio-economic hierarchy between 1990 and 2008 using median household incomes as an indicator.

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 12 Figure 9 Dominicans Living in Household Earning Median Incomes Less than $20,000 and Greater than $75,000 in New York City 1990-2008 (in 2008 inflation adjusted dollars) 40.0% 37.0% 30.0% 29.5% 27.3% 26.2% 23.9% 27.1% 29.5% 25.6% 27.2% 15.3% 18.7% 17.8% 18.6% 20.8% 18.1% 17.6% 20.1% 18.0% 0.0% Domestic-Born Foreign-Born Total Domestic-Born Foreign-Born Total Poverty The poverty rates for Dominicans in New York declined considerably since 1990 (see figures 10 and 11). In 1990, 38 percent of Dominicans lived below the poverty line, dropping to 29 percent in 2008. It is interesting to note that foreign-born Dominicans were slightly less likely to live below the poverty line than U.S.-born Dominicans. In 2008, 31 percent of Dominicans born in the United States lived below the poverty line, while 28 percent of the foreign-born did. However, since 1990 the proportion of U.S.-born Dominicans living below the poverty rate has declined more steeply than for the foreign born; if this trend continues a convergence of poverty rates among the domestic- and foreignborn may be expected. Compared with the other major Latino national sub-groups in the City Dominicans had a slightly smaller percentage of their overall population living in poverty (29%) than Mexicans (33%) or Puerto Ricans (31%), but rates which where much higher than among Ecuadorians (20%) or Colombians (15%). (See figure 12).

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 13 Table 4 Household Income Distribution Among Dominicans in New York City by Nativity, 1990-2008 (in 2008 inflation-adjusted 2008 dollars) Birthplace Income Category % Households % Households % Households Domestic Born Less than 10,000 16.0% 15.1% 11.5% 10,000-19,999 20.9% 14.4% 15.8% 20,000-29,999 12.2% 12.6% 13.3% 30,000-39,999 11.9% 12.1% 40,000-49,999 9.8% 11.0% 8.6% 50,000-74,999 15.7% 16.3% 20.9% 75,000-99,999 7.3% 9.0% 7.6% 100,000-199,999 7.7% 8.2% 9.6% 200,000 + 0.4% 1.5% 0.6% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Foreign Born Less than 10,000 11.4% 10.8% 9.5% 10,000-19,999 14.7% 13.1% 17.6% 20,000-29,999 12.5% 12.6% 12.5% 30,000-39,999 13.1% 12.9% 13.2% 40,000-49,999 11.6% 11.1% 9.8% 50,000-74,999 18.0% 18.6% 19.3% 75,000-99,999 9.5% 9.8% 8.9% 100,000-199,999 8.3% 9.3% 7.9% 200,000 + 0.8% 1.7% 1.4% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Total Less than 10,000 12.8% 12.1% 10.3% 10,000-19,999 16.6% 13.5% 16.9% 20,000-29,999 12.4% 12.6% 12.8% 30,000-39,999 12.2% 12.6% 12.8% 40,000-49,999 11.1% 11.1% 9.4% 50,000-74,999 17.3% 17.9% 19.9% 75,000-99,999 8.8% 9.5% 8.4% 100,000-199,999 8.1% 9.0% 8.5% 200,000 + 0.7% 1.6% 1.1% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 14 80% Figure 10 Poverty Status For Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 (in percentage of total population) 70% 62% 67% 71% 60% 50% 40% 30% 38% 33% 29% 20% 10% 0% 50% 45% 40% In Poverty Above Poverty Figure 11 Poverty Rates Among Domestic-Born and Foreign-Born Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 (in percentages of total population) 46% 38% 35% 30% 34% 31% 28% 31% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Foreign Born Domestic Born

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 15 40.0% Figure 12 Percentage of Population Living in Poverty by Largest Latino Nationalities in New York City, 2008 30.0% 32.7% 31.2% 29.1% 19.5% 14.9% 0.0% Mexicans Puerto Ricans Dominicans Ecuadorians Colombians Labor Force Participation and Unemployment Between 1990 and 2008 labor force participation rates have fluctuated among working-age Dominicans (defined as people aged 16-60) in New York City. There was a downward trend in employment between 1990 and 2000 among Dominican men, although stability was evident among all Dominican women. This was followed by a sharp upward movement in employment rates among both men and women between 2000 and 2008. By 2008 about two-thirds of all Dominicans, both men and women were in the labor force. (See figure 13). By 2008 it is conspicuous that foreign-born Dominican males and females had significantly higher employment rates than their domestic-born counterparts. (See figure 14). We have focused upon labor force participation rates rather than unemployment because unemployment rates are only calculated by examining people who are actively seeking work. Those who were not looking for jobs are not counted among the unemployed population. Thus, labor force participation may be a more accurate way to gauge employment among Dominicans in New York City. Another important indicator which affects both of the above measures of the working-age population is the percentage of people who are classified as not in the labor force which means not seeking work for whatever reason.

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 16 80.0% Figure 13 Employment Rates Among Dominicans in New York City by Sex, 2008 (population ages 16-60) 70.0% 60.0% 50.0% 40.0% 51.4% 63.0% 54.0% 47.8% 42.0% 43.0% 65.0% 66.0% 64.0% 30.0% 0.0% Total Population Males Females Figure 14 Employment Rates Among Dominicans in New York City by Nativity and Sex, 2008 (population ages 16-60) 80.0% 70.0% 70.0% 66.0% 60.0% 50.0% 40.0% 30.0% 55.0% 54.0% 0.0% Domestic Born Foreign Born Male Female

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 17 What stands out among New York City Dominicans is the gradual decline in unemployment from 11% to 7% between 1990 and 2008, and the dramatic drop in those Dominicans between 16 and 60 years of age who were not seeking work between 2000 and 2008. In 2000 some 43% of all Dominican adults were classified as being out of the labor force, an increase from 38% in 1990. However, this rate fell to 25% in 2008. (See figure 15). There were important differentiations by nativity and sex in these labor-force data. Unemployment rates for domestic-born females (7%) were lower than for domestic-born males (9%) in 2008, although not in the labor force rates were slightly higher for females 39% to 36%. These same patterns were also found among foreign-born Dominicans. Foreignborn females had a 6% unemployment rate in 2008 compared with 10% among Dominican males. However 20% of foreign-born males were not seeking work compared with a 28% rate among foreign-born Dominican females between ages 16 and 60 in 2008. One stark contrast in these data is the differentiation in out of the work force rates for domestic-born Dominican females (39%) compared with foreign-born females (28%). Thus, despite higher unemployment rates, Dominican males, whether domestic or foreign born, had higher labor force participation rates than females. (See figure 16). Part of the explanation for larger percentages of Dominican women remaining out of the labor force,, especially the domestic born, may be related to a greater propensity for women to take responsibilities for child-rearing rather than actively seeking employment. 50.0% Figure 15 Unemployment and Not in Labor force Rates Among Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 (population ages 16-60) 40.0% 37.7% 42.7% 30.0% 24.7% 10.9% 9.4% 7.3% 0.0% Unemployment Not in Labor Force

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 18 50.0% Figure 16 Unemployment and Not in Labor force Rates Among Dominicans by Nativity and Sex in New York City, 2008 (population ages 16-60) 40.0% 36.0% 39.0% 30.0% 28.0% 9.0% 7.0% 6.0% 0.0% Domestic-Born Males Foreign-Born Males Domestic-Born Females Foreign-Born Females Unemployed Not in Labor Force Educational Attainment Educational attainment for Dominicans has improved significantly since 1990. In 1990 an extraordinarily high 61% of all Dominicans living in New York City 25 years of age and older had not graduated from high school. By 2008 this figure had declined to 44%. The college graduation rate also improved from about 6% of all Dominicans who had completed a B.A. degree or higher in 1990 to 12% in 2008. (See figure 17). Despite these significant improvements, foreign-born Dominicans had much lower levels of educational attainment than their U.S.-born counterparts. By 2008, only 16% of New York City Dominican adults born in the United States had not finished high school, compared with 48% percent of foreign-born Dominicans. While 24% of U.S.-born Dominicans 25 years of age and older had achieved a B.A. degree or higher, only 11% of foreign-born Dominicans achieved this educational attainment level. (See figures 18 and 19). These are encouraging statistics, not only because overall educational attainment levels have improved so significantly, but because of fairly high educational attainment levels among domesticborn Dominican adults living in New York City. They accounted for only 11% of all Dominicans 25 years of age and older in 2008 as foreign-born adults still predominated demographically because of the post-1980 wave of large-scale migration. However, it is certain that the percentage of domesticborn Dominicans among adults will increase markedly in the future as those born in the U.S. age, and that their educational attainment levels will continue to improve.

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 19 These data are also encouraging when sex and nativity are examined. Although domestic-born Dominicans 25 years of age or older represent a small percentage of Dominican adults their educational attainment levels are extraordinary compared with Dominican adult immigrants. An extraordinary 34% of Dominican women adults born in the United States had completed a B.A. degree or higher in 2008 and 17% of Dominican men who were domestic born and at least finished college. This compared to 10% of foreign-born women and 12% of foreign-born Dominican men 25 years of age or older. (See figures 20 and 21). The disparity in college graduation rates between domestic born Dominican men and women is striking and suggests that Dominican females are extraordinarily committed to furthering their educations. Figure 17 Educational Attainment for Dominicans 25 Years of Age and Older in New York City, 1990-2008 (in percentages) 70% 60% 60.7% 53.8% 50% 44.2% 40% 30% 20% 10% 18.3% 19.2% 22.7% 10.5% 13.8% 15.1% 4.1% 4.5% 5.6% 6.3% 8.7% 12.4% 0% Did Not Graduate High School High School Grad Some College, No Degree Associates Degree BA or Higher

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 20 70% 60% Figure 18 Educational Attainment for Foreign-Born Dominican Women 25 Years of Age or older in New York City, 1990-2008 63.9% 55.1% 50% 47.4% 40% 30% 20% 10% 5.2% 7.9% 0% BA or Higher Did Not Graduate High School 70% Figure 19 Educational Attainment for Foreign-Born Dominican Men 25 Years of Age or older in New York City, 1990-2008 60% 58.9% 57.1% 50% 48.4% Pct. Male Population 40% 30% 20% 12.3% 10% 7.0% 7.6% 0% BA or Higher Did Not Graduate High School

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 21 40% Figure 20 Educational Attainment for Domestic-Born Dominican Men 25 Years of Age or older in New York City, 1990-2008 37.5% 35% 30% 25% 23.7% 20% 15% 16.4% 17.0% 18.3% 10% 9.8% 5% 0% BA or Higher Did Not Graduate High School 45% 40% 35% Figure 21 Educational Attainment for Domestic-Born Dominican Women 25 Years of Age or older in New York City, 1990-2008 41.4% 33.8% 30% 25% 24.5% 23.1% 20% 15% 15.6% 13.1% 10% 5% 0% BA or Higher Did Not Graduate High School

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 22 English Proficiency There was only marginal change in English proficiency levels among Dominicans in New York City between 1990 and 2008 and this was mainly because of the continual arrival of migrants from the Dominican Republic whose English language skills were rudimentary compared with Dominicans who had lived in the U.S. for some time, or those born in the United States. About 42% of all foreignborn Dominicans reported poor English language skills in 2008 and these were people who had not been in the U.S. for a long time period. Some 98% of domestic-born Dominicans reported speaking English exclusively or very will in 1898. Close to two-thirds of all Dominicans in the City reported fairly good English language skills in 2008. (See figure 22). Regardless of whether English skills were good, Dominicans were clearly bi-lingual as was the case with most of the other Latino national sub-groups in New York City. Over 95% of all Dominicans reported speaking Spanish at home in 2008. As the number of domestic-born Dominicans increase overall English language abilities will inevitably improve. Figure 22 English Language Proficiency Among Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 70% 60% 61% 65% 64% 50% 40% 39% 35% 36% 30% 20% 10% 0% Speaks Well, Very Well or Only Does not speak well or at all

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 23 Citizenship In 2008, 49 percent of Dominicans were U.S. citizens. The proportion of Dominicans holding citizenship increased dramatically over the years (see figure 23.) The rise in citizenship rates has important implications in the political arena of New York City. As more Dominicans reach voting age and obtain citizenship, they comprise a larger proportion of the electorate and are in a better position to influence public policy. The number of Dominicans who are citizens and who eventually register to vote when they reach the age of 18 will only increase in the future. Figure 23 Citizenship Status Among Foreign-Born Dominicans in New York City, 1990-2008 80% 70% 72% 60% 61% 50% 49% 51% 40% 39% 30% 28% 20% 10% 0% Citizen Not a Citizen

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 24 Summary Based on our research we can point to the following major findings with respect to the Dominican population in New York City: The Dominican population has increased dynamically between 1990 and 2008 and we project continued, albeit slower, growth until 2050. However, clearly immigration declined after 1990 and Dominican population growth has been largely because of increases in the domestic-born population. Although domestic-born Dominicans comprised close to 40% of New York City s total Dominican population in 2008, this percentage will constantly increase in the future. The changing ratio of domestic to foreign-born Dominicans will result in important socio-economic changes among the City s Dominican population since those born in the U.S. generally have better educational attainment levels than the foreign born. This implies greater opportunities for upward social mobility. The geographic center of the Dominican community has shifted from Northern Manhattan to the Bronx, as the largest proportion of the Dominican population resided in the Bronx by 2008. While Northern Manhattan remains a major residential area for Dominicans, since 1990 the population has gravitated towards areas that historically have been populated by Puerto Ricans, providing greater diversity in these neighborhoods. Despite gains between 1990 and 2008, Dominican median household income still ranked lowest among the five largest Latino nationalities in New York City. However, the income gap between domestic born and foreign-born Dominicans narrowed considerably during the period examined, with households in each group earning roughly the same by 2008. Income distribution patterns among Dominicans remained largely unchanged in the time period we examined, which not only points to a clear class structure within the City s Dominican community, but also suggests the presence of structural barriers that have limited upward social mobility. This may change in the future as domestic-born Dominicans gradually become more numerous than immigrant Dominicans. Despite persistently low median household incomes and limited upward economic mobility, poverty rates among both domestic-born and foreign-born Dominicans decreased significantly from 1990 to 2008. As was the case with household income, the poverty gap between domestic-born and foreign-born has narrowed and by 2008 both groups had similar poverty rates. Relative to other major Latino nationalities Dominicans had lower poverty rates than Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, but higher rates than Colombians and Ecuadorians. Employment rates among the Dominican working-age population have increased substantially since 1990, due largely to a major increase in the number of women entering the workforce. At the same time a significant number of working-age women remain outside of the work force, particularly among domestic-born Dominican women. This suggests a continued tendency for women to forego labor force participation in order to take on homemaker roles.

Dominicans in New York City, 1990 2008 25 Educational attainment among the City s Dominican population improved considerably between 1990 and 2008. While an extraordinary 61% of all Dominican adults had not completed high school in 1990, this fell to 44% in 2008. The college graduation rate doubled from about 6% of all adults in 1990 to 12% in 2008. Domestic-born women in particular have made great strides in educational attainment, with over one-third completing a Bachelor s degrees or better in 2008. At the same time, the education gap between domestic-born and foreign-born Dominicans has widened substantially from 1990-2008. The gap between domestic-born women and domestic-born men has also increased, which indicates a commitment by second plus generation Dominican women to obtain college-level educations. This trend raises concerns about the prospect for upward socio-economic mobility for Dominican males who do not seek college degrees at the same rates as females. English language proficiency among foreign-born Dominicans has remained largely constant from 1990-2008, as approximately two-thirds of Dominican immigrants reporting effective command of the language. This will increase in the future as the domestic-born gradually outnumber foreign-born Dominicans. Finally the citizenship rates for foreign-born Dominicans have risen significantly from just over one quarter of the immigrant population to nearly half of all foreign-born Dominicans because of naturalization. This rise in citizenship, coupled with the aging and growth of the domestic-born population, means that the Dominican population will have the opportunity to exercise greater political power in New York City and the possibility of expanding their electoral representation at the municipal, state, and possibly federal level in the future. While there will be a constantly increasing Dominican citizen population who will be eligible to vote, increasing political influence will be determined by voter registration and participation rates.