Atlanta University Center DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center ETD Collection for AUC Robert W. Woodruff Library 5-1-1974 The application of Duncans' theory of residential succession to the black population of Atlanta, Georgia, 1960 to 1970 Janet Charmaine Warner Atlanta University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Warner, Janet Charmaine, "The application of Duncans' theory of residential succession to the black population of Atlanta, Georgia, 1960 to 1970" (1974). ETD Collection for AUC Robert W. Woodruff Library. Paper 1173. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in ETD Collection for AUC Robert W. Woodruff Library by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center. For more information, please contact cwiseman@auctr.edu.
ABSTRACT SOCIOLOGY WARNER, JANET CHARMAINE B.A., Clark College, 1971 The Application of Duncans' Theory of Residential Succession to the Black Population of Atlanta, Georgia, 1960 to 1970. Adviser: Dr. John D. Reid Thesis dated May, 1974 The application of Duncans' theory of residential succession is applied to the black population of Atlanta, Georgia, from 1960 to 1970. An attempt has also been made to describe the areas in which the black population resides and the directions in which the black population is expanding. Rapid growth in the population increased the pattern of residential segregation in Atlanta. There are mechanics which operate to influence housing patterns in a city. Problems of land acquisition are characterized by and perpetuated through systemized segregated housing, zoning ordinances, street closures, the placement of cemetaries, and public housing projects. These factors have great influence on housing patterns in the city. Ready-made barriers are useful buffer zones between the black and white sections of the city. This study attempts to describe the spatial distribution of the black population of Atlanta, Georgia. The main source of information was the work of Otis and Beverly Duncan in their book, The Negro Population of Chicago, which was used as a theoretical basis for definitions of categories used in analyzing census tracts. Also, the study employs statistical techniques. The 1970 Census of Population and Housing and a booklet 1
published by the Atlanta Region Metropolitan Planning Commission, Population and Housing, 1972, provides information concerning the expansion of the black population.
THE APPLICATION OF DUNCANS' THEORY OF RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION TO THE BLACK POPULATION OF ATLANTA, GEORGIA, 1960 TO 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS BY JANET CHARMAINE WARNER DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY ATLANTA, GEORGIA MAY, 1974
TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES iii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Leading Ideas Review of Related Literature Tools and Techniques II. THE CONCEPT OF SUCCESSION 6 Selection of Census Tracts for Analysis III. EXPANSION OF ATLANTA'S BLACK COMMUNITY 12 Background Information on Atlanta Blacks in Atlanta, 1910-1920 Atlanta's Black Residential Distribution Patterns of Succession IV. STAGES OF SUCCESSION 31 Examples of Succession Population Growth by Stages of Succession Role of Residential Mobility in Succession Components of Population Growth Residential Distribution of Migrants V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 4-0 BIBLIOGRAPHY 43
LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Criteria for Classifying Census Tracts According to Stage of Succession 10 2. The Availability of Data for Census Tracts by Stages of Succession, 1960 and 1970 11 3. Occupations of Black Males in 1910 15 4. Atlanta's Black Illiteracy Rate, 1920 and 1910... 16 5. Percentage Distribution of Black Population by Black Proportion in the Census Tracts of Residences for Atlanta, 1960 and 1970 21 6. Changes in the Residential Segregation of Blacks Over the 1960 to 1970 Decade by Black Proportion in the Census Tracts 22 7. Census Tracts With 1960 Black Proportion of One Per Cent or More That Experienced a Change Over the 1960 to 1970 Period 26 8. Census Tracts Which Experienced a Rapid Rate of Succession Over the 1960 to 1970 Decade by the 1970 Black Proportion 27 9. The Stability of an Isolated Census Tract, 1960 and 197 0 29 10. Residential Distribution of Blacks and Whites by Distance from City's Center, 1960 and 1970.. 30 11. Population by Race for Census Tracts Classified by Stage of Succession, Atlanta, 1960 and 1970.. 38 iii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Black Population, Atlanta, 1960 18 2. Black Population, Atlanta, 1970 19 3. Census Tracts With Ten to Seventy Per Cent Black Residents in 1960 2M- M-. Census Tracts With 1960 Black Proportion of Four to Ten Per Cent 25 5. Change in Proportion of Blacks in the Total Population for Selected Census Tracts in Atlanta, Georgia, 1950 to 1970 33 6. Per Cent of Population Black, 1960 and 1970, for Forty-Seven Census Tracts in Atlanta, Georgia, Having Two-Hundred Fifty or More Black Inhabitants in 1970 by Stage of Succession.. 35 7. Census Tracts Classified by Stage of Succession, Atlanta, 1970 36 iv
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The expansion of the black population in Atlanta, Georgia, has proceeded in a westward direction and is a trend which is firmly set. Social scientists have studied population data, the growth of cities and metropolitan areas in relationship to segregation and community solidarity. The race problem in this country has come into focus not only in the South but in the North. Cities such as Chicago have experienced violence when blacks have attempted to gain access to fair and better housing conditions. The trend for races to concentrate among themselves is evident in Atlanta. From studies on housing in American cities, the index of segregation in Atlanta increased between 1940 and 1960 to 87.4 per cent to 91.5 per cent and to 93.6 per cent in 1960. Blacks living within the city limits in 1960 comprised 90.5 per cent, while whites showed a 38.3 percentage of the population living within the city limits. Before 1960, black Atlantans were forced to occupy areas which were segregated. The role of black and white realtors in promoting segregated housing was maintained because whites desired to preserve a racial balance in their neighborhoods. The available land which blacks occupied was less than 20 per cent, but when attempts were made for a move east of the central city, they were unsuccessful and were halted by violence. Blacks began to gain access to areas westward 1
of the central city. The initial attempt to obtain access to housing by blacks was in the Mosley Park area. This action came about when black and white realtors established economic interests. Rapid growth in the population increased the pattern of resi dential segregation in Atlanta. Changes in attitudes and reactions to the race problem on the part of both blacks and whites became increas ingly apparent. The increase in the black population contracted the lagging growth in the number of available black housing units which created inevitable problems such as overcrowding and a marked increase in crime. Investigating facts about the expansion of the black popu lation in Atlanta, Georgia, and the implications which metropolitan areas experience with a growth of certain segments of the population will prove helpful in determining future racial housing patterns and directions of growth. Leading ideas. Residential segregation has been a fact of life in southern cities. There are mechanics which operate to influence housing patterns in a city. Problems of land acquisition are characterized by and perpetuated through systemized segregated housing, zoning ordinances, street closures, the placement of cemetaries, and public housing projects. These factors have great influence on housing patterns in the city. Ready-made barriers are useful buffer zones between the black section of the city and the white. This study is an attempt to describe the spatial distribution of the black population of Atlanta, Georgia. Attention will be given to the expansion of the black population. Review of related literature. Demographic studies of the black population in the South are rare. The most significant work in this
1 area has been made by Otis and Beverly Duncan. Their contemporary study relates to the black population of Chicago. The study attempts to characterize the black population of Chicago. The factual informa tion provides scientific data of urban growth. The study explains the trends for blacks to settle in areas which already have a high percentage of black occupancy. A list of stages of succession is used in their explanation of the population. Penetration, invasion, consolidation, and "piling up" provide theory explanation. The Duncans' investigation of the study of the black population in Chicago shall be employed with the black population of Atlanta, Georgia. The following stages of succession are applied to the black population of Atlanta: invasion, consolidation, and "piling up." The concept of "residential succession" is also used. Drake and Cayton2 disclosed that the black population is concentrated into a "Black Belt." Their findings reveal that the residents of the "Black Belt" cannot expand as a group, or as indivi duals. Ghettos were described as disappearing in time, whereas the "Black Belt" continued to survive because of restriction attributed to whites. Whether the ghetto is present in Atlanta shall be determined by the expansion or consolidation of the black population. Atlanta's ^tis Duncan and Beverly Duncan, The Negro Population of Chicago (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1957). 2St Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, BlaokMetropolis: A g*,ch, of Negro L**» <n a Northern City (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1957).
black population shall be studied to determine whether or not Atlanta is becoming a black metropolis. Frazier has studied the black population under different social and cultural determinants.3 Frazier deals with the influence of Park, Burgess, and McKenzie on social determinants in relationship to the population. This study did not show the expansion of the black population. The importance of his study lies in the description of the necessity of residences when there is an increase in the popula tion. The study deals with the social problems manifested in communi ties which are limited because of urban progress. An increase in Atlanta's black population is treated as a phenomenon as a result of urban progress and growth. This study shall treat urban growth as an increase in educational and social conditions. This is in relation to the increase in the population. Sherman studied the black population from a frame of reference Lj. of residential succession. This study was patterned according to the concepts of Otis and Beverly Duncan. This study pointed out that while there was a placement of whites by blacks in residential areas, the study also pointed out that the expansion of the black community has, to a large measure, been concentrated in areas previously nonresidential. These areas were on the west side or beyond the city E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in Chicago (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1952). ^Mary Eunice Sherman, "The Application of Duncan's Theory of Residential Succession to the Non-White Population of Atlanta, Georgia, 1940 to 1960" (unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Sociology, Atlanta University, 1961).
limits. The findings were generally similar to those of the Duncans1. The literature reviewed in this section relates to this investigation. The spatial and temporal relations of human beings fall with the ecological frameworks of the previous studies. The forces of the environment are affected by the selective, distributive, and accommodations forces. Tools and techniques.--this study employs statistical techniques. The 1970 Census of Population and Housing and a booklet published by the Atlanta Region Metropolitan Planning Commission, Population and Housing, 1972, provides information concerning the expansion of the black population. Stages of succession are determined by the census tracts. Tracts which compose 97.5 per cent or more of the population (black) in both 1960 and 1970 are classified as "piling up." Consoli dation has three classes: late consolidation, consolidation, and early consolidation. Consolidation includes tracts with varying per cents ranging from two per cent to 97.M- per cent. Invasion includes areas with less than two per cent of the population (black) and less than 250 black inhabitants in 1960; and 250 black inhabitants in 1970. Since census tract data for 1960 is unavailable for those tracts having less than 250 or more blacks, the concept of penetration is not analyzed as a stage of succession. Maps, tables, and graphs are used to exemplify the census tracts which are analyzed. Comparison of percentages for the period designated which tracts have experienced changes in the population. The data is analyzed according to Duncans' theory of residential succession.
CHAPTER II THE CONCEPT OF SUCCESSION Atlanta's black population previously has been crowded into one-sixth of its residential area although the black population from the 1960 census data composed one-third of the city's population. The restrictions placed on the growing population will inevitably increase slums. The confinement of the black population into limited areas adversely affect the economic life of the entire city. The desire and need for improved living conditions has caused many to compete and expand into new areas of the city. The competition which individuals face in every segment of life is evident among the distribution of individuals. Human ecologists are concerned with the spatial distribution of people. McKenzie identified five ecological processes as follows: concentration, centralization-decentralization, segregation, invasion, and succession. Park states that human ecology is a study of the spatial and temporal relations of human beings. These rela tions are affected by the selective, distributive, and accommodation forces of the environment.5 These forces of the environment affect the social, economic, psychological, and political aspects of human life. Lack of accommodations and access to facilities which controls Robert Park, The City (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1925), pp. 61-62.
one's state of being subjects the individual to apathy. The ecological process which is of importance to this study is succession. Hawley termed succession to refer to the sequence of change by which units of one land use or population type places those of another in an area. The succession approaches its culmination with the achievement of numerical preponderance by the invading population or land use type. It reaches completion with the importance of the customary institutions and services of the new occupants. Control of the area has thus passed to the invader and a condition of relative equilibrium is established. Otis and Beverly Duncan's theory of succession is divided into four stages: penetration, invasion, consolidation, and "piling up." Penetration occurs when a few blacks move into an area which pre viously was all white. Invasion is the process in which a substantial number of blacks move in the area. Consolidation is the increase in the proportion of blacks in the area. "Piling up" is a complete turnover of the area from white to black. Residential succession occurs at various rates. The process may be halted or slowed down through violence or barricades. Attempts may be made to have an area appear as mixed with the establishment of bi-racial committees and conferences in a hope to stabilize the community. The rate of residential succession may also proceed at a fast rate depending upon the year in which census data is collected. Trends in residential succession cannot be predicted, nor the rates. 6Amos Hawley, Human Ecology (New York: The Ronald Press, 1950), pp. 4-02-403.
8 Certain areas may appear to be stabilizing when the proportion of both races are equally distributed at a period when data is collected although the trends are deceptive. Demographic analysis is based on census tracts. Working with this sort of data often hampers observation because of arbitrary classifications when used in consideration of succession. Abstract terms such as succession are realistic but reflect estimates through analyzation the changes in a segment of the population. Selection of census tracts for analysis. This study of succes sion shall analyze the decade from 1960 to 1970. Census tracts were established in 1940 for Atlanta. Trends from decade to decade may appear to establish patterns of the black population. The frame of reference in this study shall consider succession in four stages. Succession is not complete until the categories (penetration, invasion, consolidation, and "piling up") are complete or halted. There is no definite demarcation when succession occurs. For invasion to be established, 250 blacks must reside in a census tract. After a considerable increase continues and the proportion of blacks increase, the occurrence is noted to be defined as consolidation. For methodological purposes, consolidation is further subdivided. Early consolidation is defined as two per cent of the population black in 1960 with 250 or more black occupants in 1970 but less than 250 in 1960. Consolidation refers to the popula tion in which 80 per cent of the population was black in 1960 with 250 or more black residents in both 1960 and 1970. Late consolidation refers to the population in which 90.0 to 97.M- per cent of the population was black in. 1960; 90.0 per cent of the population was
black in 1970 with 250 or more black residents in both years. "Piling up" is defined as 97.5 per cent, or more of the population was black in 1960 and 1970 with 250 or more black residents in both years. An example of succession for clarification of the concept of residential succession is as follows: In "A" year a certain census tract contained white residents. In "B" year a small portion of the population changed from white to black. By the end of "C" year blacks composed a majority of the population. From the years "A," "B," "C," the concept of succession is experienced. The data which is most available is observed in tracts classi fied as "piling up." Table 1 presents the definition for the stages of succession. The availability of data is presented for catagories in Table 2. The symbols "a" illustrates census data on housing and characteristics available. The symbol "b" indicates data for the total population. Unavailable data for either population is indicated by the symbol "c."
10 TABLE 1 CRITERIA FOR CLASSIFYING CENSUS TRACTS ACCORDING TO STAGE OF SUCCESSION* Stage Definition Piling Up (11 tracts) 97.5 per cent or more of population black in both 1960 and 1970; 250 or more black residents in both years. Late Consolidation tracts) 80.0-97.4 per cent of population black in 1960; 90.0 per cent or more of population black in 1970; 250 or more black residents in both years. Consolidation (16 tracts) Less than 80.0 per cent of population black in 1960; 250 or more black residents in both 1960 and 1970. Early Consolidation (2 tracts) 2 per cent or more of population black in 1960; 250 or more non-white residents in 1970 but less than 250 in 1960. Invasion (7 tracts) Excluded Analysis from Less than 2 per cent of population black in 1960 and less than 250 non-white residents in 1960; 250 or more black residents in 1970. Tracts with less than 250 black residents in both 1960 and 1970; tracts with substantial decreases in the proportion of black residents over the 1960 to 1970 decade; and tracts with no black residents. *Source: Otis Duncan and Beverly Duncan, The Negro Population of Chicago, pp. 107-215.
11 TABLE 2 THE AVAILABILITY OF DATA FOR CENSUS TRACTS BY STAGES OF SUCCESSION, 1960 AND 1970* Stages of Succession 1960 1970 Piling Up a, b a, b Late Consolidation a a Consolidation a a Early Consolidation c b Invasion b a *Source: Ibid.
CHAPTER III EXPANSION OF ATLANTA'S BLACK COMMUNITY 1960-1970 The black population of Atlanta has been increasing rapidly from 1960 to 1970. "The population in the city of Atlanta increased from M-87,4-55 to M-96,973 during the period between 1960 to 1970. The black population has increased from 221,000 to 225,000 from 1960 to 1970. The natural increase of the population of the city for the decade is 59,285. The components of change for the city of Atlanta shows a net migration of -49,767." The net migration rate has been the exodus of whites from the city limits to areas outside the city. The increase of the black population is attributed mainly to natural increases. Many blacks have migrated to the city although blacks are noted for leaving the city during this decade to go to other metropolitan areas in the country. Population increases are in spatial directions causing the need for housing in southern areas. The problem of housing is a difficult one for blacks. The Housing Act has theoretically made it easier for blacks to secure housing in all residential areas of the city. If this were true, it would seem that blacks and whites should reside in areas which are the same. Blacks are noted to reside or establish Population and Housing, 1972 (Atlanta: The Atlanta Region Metropolitan Planning Commission, 1972), p. 2. 12
13 residence in any area of the city. The pattern for blacks to concentrate in certain areas reflects racial residential segregation patterns. The extremes of these patterns can be postulated. The spatial distribution of the black population in Atlanta is examined from two references of time -- 1960 and 1970. The mobility of the black population should vary from 1960 to 1970. Background information on Atlanta. Residential patterns were established early in Atlanta. This phenomenon is related to the origin of the city as a railroad center. Property located near railroads provided ready-made barriers between the black and white sections. The maps of Atlanta show a large concentration of blacks along the Atlantic Coast Line route. Many blacks settled near their places of employment. "'Across the tracts' and 'down by the railroad' were expressions which explicity designated the areas of Negro resig dences in Atlanta." This concentration of blacks near the railroad tracks provided buffers which land developers and city planners historically utilized. The black population was located near the central railroad station and in the Southeast. The expansion of the black population from the central city was to the east after World War II. This expansion was halted and the expansion turned westward. The population in Atlanta, increased from 1920 to 1970 from 68,008 to M-50,286. The percentage of the black population increased 8Nathan Glazer and Davis McEntire, Studies in Minority Housing (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960), pp. 17-18.
from 21.7 per cent in 1920 to 50.0 per cent in 1970. The general trend was for blacks to concentrate in the central city during the twenties. The black population living inside the city limits comprised a percentage of 80.5 in 1960; the total black population living inside the city was 186,4-64-, while 4-5,705 lived outside the city limits. The black population of Atlanta, before residing in the city, lived in other parts of Georgia. In 1910, 80 per cent of Atlanta's black population were native Georgians, and the Deep South states (North Carolina, South Carolina, Mississippi, Tennessee, Florida, n Alabama, and Virginia) claimed one-fifth of the black population. The occupations of the black males during this time were primarily domestic and service-oriented positions. Table 3 shows the areas in which black males were employed. Blacks in Atlanta, 1910-1920.--The population of Atlanta in 1910 was 51,902 and in 1920, 62,796, representing an increase of about 10,891. The percentage of the black population decreased from 33.5 per cent to 31.3 per cent from 1910 to 1920. The number of blacks born in Atlanta decreased slightly during the decade. In 1920, the percentage born in the state rose to 93 per cent. There was a reduction of blacks born in Georgia residing in Atlanta. There was an illiteracy rate of 21 per cent in 1920 of children enrolled in school. The percentage of blacks employed in servicerelated occupations increased from 17 per cent in 1910 to 19.3 per cent Sherman, "The Application of the Duncans' Theory of Residential Succession to the Non-White Population of Atlanta, Georgia, 194-0 to 1960," p. 17.
15 in 1920. Those employed in occupations classified as laborer increased from 4.5 to 13.0 per cent. Those employed in semi-skilled operatives in manufacturing increased from two to 3.7 per cent during the decade. The increase in the occupation categories during this period affects the social environment of the community. There was an improvement in the school enrollment and literacy rate of the black population for the decade. Seventy-one per cent of the children, six to thirteen years of age, attended school in 1910. The percentage for the same age group in 1920 was 90.0 per cent. Table 4 shows the illiteracy rate for Atlanta's blacks in 1910 and 1920. It appears that the black population of Atlanta was more literate in 1920 than in 1910. TABLE 3 OCCUPATIONS OF BLACK MALES IN 1910* Categories Per Cent Domestic and personal services 17.0 Janitors and sextons.98 Servants 4.1 Waiters 1.6 Porters 2.5 Laborers 4.5 Professional.12 *Source: Ibid., p. 19.
16 TABLE 4 ATLANTA'S BLACK ILLITERACY RATE 1920 AND 1910* Ages (Years) 1920 1910 10-14 3.8 6.2 15-25 8.6 9.9 25-34 13.1 14.1 35-44 19.1 24.6 45-54 34.1 43.4 55-64 51.3 63.0 65 and over 68.7 78.6 *Source: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Negro Population in the United States, 1790-1915, vol. 2, Fourteenth Census of the United States (Washington, D. C: Government Printing Office, 1920), pp. 736, 1143. The black population in Atlanta grew in numbers not in propor tion. Natural increase was the major source of increase of the black population from 1910 to 1920. Non-service occupations were the most important source of employment, and the educational status of the black population increased. Atlanta's black residential distribution. There is no signifi cant difference in the residential pattern of the black population in Atlanta from 1910 to 1920. The areas of concentration were near the center of the city with boundaries of railroad tracks. Since this time, the expansion of the black population has continued in a west ward direction.
17 The increase of the black population has been concentrated in existing black areas. These areas of concentration received a disproportionate share of the city's increase in the black population. There was an increase in the population, but not in the areas of concentration. Atlanta, became a census tract city in 19M-0. The spatial distribution of the black residences can be examined with greater clarification after that time. A series of maps show the distribution of the black population in Atlanta for 110 census tracts for 1960 and 1970. Figure 1 shows the spatial distribution of the black population in relation to the white population in 1960. There are constant intervals ranging from tracts with 97.5 per cent or more residents who are black, to tracts where no blacks reside in any of the census tracts, The 1960-1970 census tracts indicate that a high proportion of blacks residing in specific areas in 1960 had a high proportion of blacks still in residence in these areas in 1970. The percentage of the population increased from 37.5 per cent of Atlanta's metropolitan population constituting 221,000 in number; and in 1970, the percentage of the population was 50.0 and numbered 225,0M0. A considerable increase is seen in the percentage of the black population over the decade. The concentration of the black residential population is seen in Figures 1 and 2, reflecting the pattern of racial segregation in Atlanta. These patterns not only reflect patterns of residential segregation, but it appears that the patterns of segregation from I960 to 1970 were decreasing. This appearance may reflect an interval
18 FIGURE.1 BLACK POPULATION, ATLANTA, 1960
FIGURE 2 19 BLACK POPULATION, ATLANTA, 1970 of Total Population Black 100.0 97.4 89.9 74.9 49.9 29.9 9.9 1.0
20 wherein the census tract was in transition which may have been completely halted or was in the process of changing from white to black. The proportions of the city's white residents residing in nearly all white tracts was 9.5 per cent in 1960; in 1970, the percentage for the same area was 6.4. From 1960 to 1970, the black population of Atlanta, residing in exclusively black residential areas increased. The proportion living in all white residential areas decreased. The residential areas where the population appears to be equal or stable decreased in the percentage of the white population. The growth of the black popula tion and the increase of segregation of the black population over the decade resulted from the expansion of residential areas for the black population. The black population increased from 1960 to 1970 by 12.5 per cent. The increase for blacks residing in census tracts with 10 per cent or more from 1960 to 1970 was 40,251. In 1960, 1,908 whites resided in census tracts with no blacks; while in 1970, 3,574 whites resided in census tracts with no black residents. There was a decrease of 561 blacks residing in census tracts in 1960 with no black residents in 1970. The residential segregation of blacks is shown in Table 5 in relation to changes in the components of the population. Ninety-two per cent of the black population resided in tracts in which half of the residents were black. Nine per cent of the black population lived in tracts which were less than 50.0 per cent of the black population. There was a decrease in the proportion of the black population living in exclusively white residential areas. The proportion of blacks
21 living in residential areas which were predominantly black in 1960 increased. The differences in the census tracts which appeared mixed increased slightly. There were 74- tracts in which the racial segrega tion pattern is shown in 1960, while 77 tracts appear mixed in 1970. TABLE 5 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF BLACK POPULATION BY BLACK PROPORTION IN THE CENSUS TRACTS OF RESIDENCES FOR ATLANTA, 1960* AND 1970 Per Cent Black lqfifl Non-Black Black 1970 Non-Black 97.5-100.0 50.4.01 50.9.04 90.0-97.1+ 18.8.30 27.4 1.4 75.0-89.9 16.4 15.0 6.0 1.6 50.0-74.9 6.4 22.0 8.1 4.5 30.0-49.9 3.5 26.0 2.8 3.7 10.0-29.9 3.6 57.0 3.5 13.3 1.0-9.9 1.5 19.3 1.2 38.4 Less than 1.0.1 48.9.01 34.3 No blacks 21.7 100.0 2.4 City of Atlanta 100.0 100.0 100.0 *Source: Atlanta Region and Housing, 1960, pp. 31-33. Moi-nnpnlitan Commission. Population Table 6 presents a summary of changes in the residential segregation of blacks from 1960 to 1970. It shows that the majority of the black population continued to reside in areas which had absorbed a large concentration of the black population from previous years.
22 TABLE 6 CHANGE IN THE RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF BLACKS OVER THE 1960 TO 1970 DECADE BY BLACK PROPORTION IN CENSUS TRACTS* Per Cent Black Change in Population, 1960-1970 1960 Black White 97.5 or more 54,837 135 90.0-97.4 17,064 797 75.0-89.9 27,412-5,268 30.0-74.9-4,264-790 10.0-29.9 26-6,806 1.0-9.9-1,639 73,561 1.0 or less -53 100,815 City of Atlanta 47,085-37,876 *Sources: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1970 Population and Housing, Atlanta, Georgia, pp. 9-16. Atlanta Region Metropolitan Planning Commission, Population and Housing. 1972. pp. 31-33. This data shows that there was a decrease in the white population in many percentage areas (75.0-89.9, 30.0-74.9, 10.0-29.9, and 1.0 or less). There was an increase for whites residing in census tracts with 1.0-9.9 per cent of the black population in 1960. There was a decrease in both the black and white percentage covering 1.0 or less blacks in numbers. The largest increase of the black population is shown in the areas in which there was a large percentage of blacks. The largest decrease of the white population occurred in an area in which the proportion of blacks was low. The white population increase
23 occurred in the percentages in which 10.0-9.9 per cent of the population was black. This data suggests that in 1960, there was a trend towards mixed residential areas in certain locations. Patterns of succession. The pattern of succession may be interrupted, arrested, or reversed. This is shown in Tables 5 and 6. The rate of succession may occur from area to area. Census tracts where 10 to 70 per cent of the 1960 inhabitants were black are plotted in relation to their 1970 percentage of the black population and is shown in Figure 3. Points which fall above the diagonal line in the graph shows an increase in the black popula tion in a particular tract. The points which fall below the diagonal line represent a decrease in the percentage of the black population. Points which are placed on the diagonal line represent no change in the percentage of the black population. Six points fall below the diagonal line, thirteen points fall above the diagonal line, while one point falls on the diagonal line. Succession from white to black occupancy continued from 1960 to 1970 in six of the thirteen tracts in which blacks constituted between 10 and 70 per cent of the 1960 population. Succession continued during 1960 and 1970 in tracts constituting 10 and 70 per cent of the black population, and is shown in Figure 4-. Tracts with the proportion of 10 to 70 per cent differ among tracts. This indicates that the rate of succession was slower for those census tracts that had a smaller percentage of black residents. Only three of the nine tracts having 1960 black proportions of four to ten per cent experienced an increase in the percentage of the black popu lation from 1960 to 1970.
24- FIGURE 3 CENSUS TRACTS WITH TEN TO SEVENTY PER CENT BLACK RESIDENTS IN 1960 100 o en 80 % G CD a 60 u 0) a. 20 20 60 80
25 FIGURE 4 CENSUS TRACTS WITH 1960 BLACK PROPORTION OF FOUR TO TEN PER CENT 100 80 60 40 20 10
26 The patter-n of succession from white to black occupancy would, seem to have continued without interruption during this point in time. As stated earlier, this process may be halted, reversed, or interrupted. Table 7 indicates the 4-7 tracts with 1960 proportion black of one per cent or more in 1960 and 1970. There are 26 tracts in which there is a decrease in the proportion of the black population. In 26 of the tracts with blacks comprising 10 per cent or more of the 1960 population, the rate of succession was slower for those census tracts that had a smaller percentage of black residents. Only three of the nine census tracts having 1960 black proportion of four to ten per cent experienced an increase in the percentage of blacks from the 1960 to 1970 decade. The black proportion for those nine tracts in 1970 ranged from five to 98.7 per cent. The trend for the pattern of succession to continue from white to black is frequently continued without interruption. TABLE 7 CENSUS TRACTS WITH 1960 BLACK PROPORTION OF ONE PER CENT OR MORE THAT EXPERIENCED A CHANGE OVER THE 1960 TO 1970 PERIOD* Per Cent Black Change in Proportion Black, 1960-1970 1960 Increase Decrease 10 or more 26 4-1 to 10 21 22 All tracts 4-7 26 *Source: Population and Housing, 1972, pp. 31-33.
27 About half of the proportion experienced an increase in the black percentage of one to ten per cent. This pattern reflects the tendency for succession to continue without interruption. However, the per cent black population ranging from ten per cent or more experienced a decrease in four census tracts. Those ranging from one to ten per cent black showed a larger decrease in the percentage of the black population in 22 tracts. This tendency represents an interruption of succession in four-fifths of all tracts which experienced a decrease in the percentage of the black population. Succession during 1960 to 1970 in 29 tracts proceeded rapidly from white to black occupancy. Table 8 represents those tracts by their 1970 black proportion. TABLE 8 CENSUS TRACTS WHICH EXPERIENCED A RAPID RATE OF SUCCESSION OVER THE 1960 TO 1970 DECADE BY THE 1970 BLACK PROPORTION* Per Cent Black Number of Tracts 1970 50 or more 6 30 to 50 5 10 to 30 12 1 to 10 6 All Tracts 29 *Source: Ibid.
29 TABLE 9 THE STABILITY OF AN ISOLATED CENSUS TRACT, 1960 AND 1970* Population Year Total Black Per Cent Black 1960 3,967 49 1.2 1970 3,306 1,747 52.8 *Source: Ibid. The establishment of the black population in 1960 was not constant with patterns in 1970. The black population expansion was greater in 1970 than in 1960. As noted, the early settlements were near central railroad lines in the southeast and after World War II, the expansion of the black population was eastward and to the South until it was halted by the ready-made buffer zones and the restrictions of city officials. The movement of the black population westward resulted from increased pressure for more and better housing units. White resis tance to northward expansion turned the quest for housing to a westward locale. The movement to the west side of Atlanta and the development of new residential areas occurred outside the old city limits. Presently, the black population of the seventies is expanding in every direction of the city except to the North section of Atlanta. The distance from the center of the city has expanded. Table 10 represents the distance of the black population. As seen in the table, the distance was from the center of the city in which blacks previously resided and which decreased in percentages. The reasons
30 for the change may be attributed to urban renewal, which has been in progress during the decade from 1960 to 1970, and into the seventies. TABLE 10 RESIDENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF BLACKS AND WHITES BY DISTANCE FROM CITY'S CENTER 1960 AND 1970* Distance From City's Center (Miles) White 1970 Black White 1960 Black Less than 2 2.6 9.3 10.7 M-9.1 2 - M- 12.U 33.8 13.6 31.3 M--6 3M-.8 2M-.8 2M-.7 1M-.2 6-8 30.9 20.6 22.7 2.M- 8 or more 17.1 16.1 27.8 2.M- *Source: Ibid.
CHAPTER IV STAGES OF SUCCESSION As cities grow, a normal process is succession. Areal expan sion is an aspect of the growth of a city when land is available. Some areas of the city change from non-residential use. Some residential areas are infringed upon by commercial and industrial areas. The belt surrounding the city in which areas are surrounded are referred to as the "zone in transition." This area is more susceptible to being encroached upon. With time, the area begins deteriorating and residential groups which have high economic status may often vacate it to establish residence in a newer residential development. The group which vacates the area is usually replaced by a group of lower economic status. Population turnover is often the result of general congestion in a specific area. The inhabitants of a congested area begin to expand an area replaced by another type of population in a residential area. Succession as treated here does not necessarily encompass conflict. While in certain areas the conflict may be overt, or in other cases, it may be so slight as to go unnoticed. As it has been pointed out earlier, the rate of succession may be quite variable. The cycle may be complete in a short time or it may occur over a long period of years. Succession may be rapid at first and then slow down, or vice versa. The time relationship 31
28 It is significant to note that those tracts which had a lower proportion of black residents from 1960 to 1970 experienced a higher rate of succession than those tracts having 50 or more per cent blacks in 1970. Those tracts with one to 10 and 50 or more experienced the same number of census tracts which experienced a rapid rate of succession. Once the trend for succession from white to black residency is underway, it is seldom halted. The succession is especially never halted after early consolidation of the 50 census tracts with black proportion of one per cent or more in census tracts in 1960; and four experienced a change of less than ten percentage points in the black population in 1970. Fourteen of these tracts experienced some stability in the proportion of black residents from 1960 to 1970. These census tracts ranged in percentages from 10 to 99.9. The core of the black residential areas were those located near areas where the concentration of blacks had resided in 1960. The following inferences may be drawn: 1. The 1970 black proportion was higher in most tracts than in 1960 2. The number of white residents increased while the black population increased from 1960 to 1970 3. The number of housing units occupied by blacks increased in most census tracts, and i+. Segregation within the census tracts where blacks resided remained Table 9 represents the stability of an isolated census tract. The difference in the rate of succession occurring in this census tract was rather rapid over the decade.
32 involved in succession is an interesting subject matter. Examples of succession. Figure 5 presents the varying rate of succession which shows the proportion of blacks in the population for selected census tracts from 1950 to 1960. Census tract F-26 had 99.8 per cent black residents in 1950; in I960, the percentage of blacks was 100.0; while in 1970, the percentage of blacks was 99.8. While succession seems complete in 1960, the proportion of blacks decreased. The tract is classified as "piling up" because of the 97.5 per cent black residency. Census tract F-M-M- is classified as "piling up." The percentage of blacks had increased progressively (85.M-, 97.9, 99.6) from 1950 to 1970. This tract had undergone late consolidation and is now classified as "piling up." Census tracts F-13 and F-31 are examples of areas in which succession was at an early stage in 1950 and has continued at varying rates from 1960 to 1970. Census tract F-13 is classified as consoli dation. The percentage of blacks from 1960 to 1970 was less than 80.0 per cent of the black population in 1960 with 250 or more black residents. It would appear that succession had been halted. Census tract F-31 is classified as consolidation. The rate of succession was rapid. The tract increased from 63.3 per cent in 1960 to 92.3 per cent in 1970. Census tract F-31 is also noted to have a small percentage in 1950. From 1960 to 1970 the percentage increased from 67.2 to 92.3 and is classified as consolidation.. Thus, both census tracts F-13 and F-31 are classified from 1960 to 1970 as consolidation. By using the percentages of the black population in
3M- 1950 these tracts are seen in stages of succession as early consolidation and consolidation. Census tract F-56 is classified as consolidation. The percentage for the years 1960 and 1970 indicates that the black population increased from 67.5 to 98.6, respectively. The rate of succession from the period covering 1960 to 1970 appears to have continued at a stable pace. Data from 1950 indicates that this tract from 1950 to 1960 increased at a rapid pace. The percentage increased from 1950 to 1960 from 5.5 to 67.5, respectively. Census tract F-60 is classified as invasion. This tract experienced an increase from 0.1 per cent in 1960 to 7M-.2 in 1970. The rate of succession was rapid over the decade. Census tract F-M-0 increased at a pace which is described as continuing and is placed under late consolidation. The increase of the percentage of blacks from 1950 to 1970 was 22.0, 80.0, and 95.5, respectively. The succession from white to black continued at a. steady pace over the decade. Figure 6 represents the percentage of the black population from 1960 to 1970 for 47 census tracts in Atlanta having 250 or more black inhabitants in 1970 by stages of succession. The tracts above the diagonal line experienced an increase in the percentage of blacks. There were few tracts experiencing a decrease in the black population from 1960 to 1970. It would appear that the population in 1960 had components that were mixed during succession. Figure 7 shows the spatial distribution of the black population of Atlanta by census tracts and stages of succession for 1970. The black population was concentrated near the central city generally with
33 FIGURE 5 CHANGE IN PROPORTION OF BLACKS IN THE TOTAL POPULATION FOR SELECTED CENSUS TRACTS IN ATLANTA, GEORGIA 1950 TO 1970 100 80 c w u 60 u ai 20 1950 19G0 Years 1970
35 FIGURE 6 PER CENT OF POPULATION BLACK, 1960 AND 1970, FOR FORTY-SEVEN CENSUS TRACTS IN ATLANTA, GEORGIA, HAVING TWO-HUNDRED FIFTY OR MORE BLACK INHABITANTS IN 1970 BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION 100 * * C1 H 3 H rq c o u CD 20 Piling up Late consolidation Consolidation Early consolidation Invasion 40 60 80 100 Per cent black 1960
fo 1 FIGURE 7 CENSUS TRACTS CLASSIFIED BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION, ATLANTA, 1970 Census Tracts with 250 or More Blacks ffh Piling Up $$ Late Consolidation } Consolidation ] Early Consolidation Invasion En Tracts Excluded from Analysis '3I1OI IJk f
37 a subsequent movement to the west and southwest side. The "piling up" tracts are located near the central city. The tracts referred to as consolidation are located near the "piling up" tracts. Seven tracts have undergone invasion. These tracts are in a spatial distribution of the established black population. Population growth by stages of succession. Table 11 illustrates the distribution of the black population over the categories of tracts used in the succession study. Forty-seven census tracts contained 79 per cent of Atlanta's black population in 1960 and about 86 per cent in 1970. Atlanta's black population resides in census tracts having about 86 per cent of the population while the remainder resides in tracts with few black residents which are excluded. Role of residential mobility in succession. There is a substantial increase in the number of blacks in each category of the census tracts that were analyzed in this study. There is an increase in certain categories in the study. The greatest increase in the percentage of blacks was in the invasion categories. There were decreases in the white population in one category, and that category was early consolidation. There were increases in other categories for the white population. However, an increasing percentage of these whites were located in the category with less than 250, or with no, blacks. The increase in black population in the invasion, early consoli dation, late consolidation, resulted from in-migration rather than from natural increases. Components of population growth. The net migration for the city from 1960 to 1970 for population was as follows: The white net
TABLE 11 POPULATION BY RACE FOR CENSUS TRACTS CLASSIFIED BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION, ATLANTA, 1960 AND 1970* Group of Census Tracts Number of Tracts Population (Thousands) Per Cent 1960 1970 Black Total Black Other Total Black Other 1960 1970 All Tracts 110 356 208 348 450 225 224 37.5 50.0 With 250 or More Blacks 63 227 169 58 293 22 71 74.0 75.8 1970 Piling Up 11 4-3 43 41 41 -- 100.0 100.0 UI 00 Late Consolidation 14-48 47 1 75 74 1 97.0 98.7 Consolidation 16 114 76 37 128 57 71 66.0 44.5 Early Consolidation 2 15 1 14 9 3 6 8.0 33.3 Invasion 7 6 1 5 40 22 18 1.6 55.0 Other 52 372 372 185 26 159 14.1 Contrary to Pattern of 15 175 Succession 17 158 77 74.9 3.9 *Source: Population and Housing, 1972, pp. 31-33.
39 migration was 31,036 and for blacks, 10,729. The percentage for whites regarding net migration rates:.071 for whites and for blacks,.043. The total for the city's net migration,.20307. Birth, death, and migration are only factors which may change the size of the population. Cautions are regarded in the interpretation of data concerning population increase. Estimates of net migration are not estimates of population turnover. It is difficult to determine if the origin of persons was in other tracts within the city or whether it was outside the city. Analysis of the source of population is much more subject to error than estimates for the city as a whole. Residential distribution of migrants. Residential mobility is important in bringing about changes in the spatial distribution of blacks. The direction of growth for the city of Atlanta has been in a north-northwest direction. It is impossible to distinguish those persons moving into particular census tracts from other areas of the city. The in-migration of blacks is not the largest source of population growth. It may be inferred that the spatial distribution is affected either directly or indirectly by net migration. In summary, the bulk of the black migrants to Atlanta tend to settle in those areas that have a substantial black population. Migrants are distributed disproportionately in those areas undergoing the later phases of succession.
CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The purpose of this study is to apply the Duncans' theory of residential succession to the black population of Atlanta, Georgia. Otis and Beverly Duncan's concept of residential succession refers to the process by which one population group replaces another in residential areas. This process has four major stages: penetration, invasion, consolidation, and "piling up." Penetration is not analyzed because of the lack of detailed data. Residential succession was found to be very applicable to the black population of Atlanta for the Duncans' theory. The significant difference in the study of the black population of Chicago, Illinois, was the turnover of the population from black to white. This was not found true in many instances for the population of Atlanta. The expansion of the black population in Atlanta was concentrated in non-residential areas of the city in 1960, while in 1970, the expansion was in areas which had a large proportion of whites in the area. Since 1940, the expansion has been within an enlarged west side community and also in new residential areas outside the old city limits on the west side. The census data for 1970 indicates that the black population has begun to move in directions contrary to established patterns. The findings of this study are similar to those of the Duncans'. The black population has increased over the decades. 40