GA-4:SPECIAL POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE

KALMUN 2018 CHAIR REPORT GA-4:SPECIAL POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE AGENDA ITEM 1: Measures to combat separatist movements based on ethnicity with a special emphasis on the question of people s right to self determination in Catalonia

KALMUN 18 9-13 JUNE 2018 Page 1 Forum: Special Political and Decolonization Committee Agenda Item: Measures to combat separatist movements based on ethnicity with a special emphasis on the question of people s right to self-determination in Catalonia Student Officer: Kardelen Hiçdönmez Position: Deputy Chair Introduction Catalonia is a semi-autonomous region in north-east Spain with a distinct history which dates back almost 1,000 years. The wealthy region has about 7.5 million people, with their own language, parliament, flag and anthem. Catalonia also has its own police force and controls some of its public services. Catalan nationalists have long complained that their region sends too much money to poorer parts of Spain, as taxes are controlled by Madrid. They also say Spain's changes to their autonomous status in 2010 undermined Catalan identity. In a referendum on 1 October, declared illegal by Spain's Constitutional Court, about 90% of Catalan voters backed independence. But turnout was only 43%. There were clashes when Spanish national police tried to prevent people voting. The ruling separatists in the Catalan parliament then declared independence on 27 October. Angered by that, Madrid imposed direct rule by invoking Article 155 of the constitution - a first for Spain. The Spanish government sacked the Catalan leaders, dissolved parliament and called a snap regional election on 21 December. Catalan President Carles Puigdemont fled to Belgium but is wanted in Spain accused of rebellion, as are four who fled with him. Two of his ex-ministers are in prison in Spain. General Overview The mounting tensions between Catalan nationalism and the Spanish state are like an encounter between an unstoppable force and an immovable object. The impending crash has been temporarily averted by the decision of Catalan President Carles Puigdemont to suspend declaring independence following Catalonia s October 1 referendum, in which a majority voted to break away from Spain (the Spanish government has declared the referendum illegal). Without any apparent irony, the separatist newspapers anticipated the coming of independence as a gradual leap in the dark.

It is difficult to predict what will emerge from the current dispute. Given the political inflexibility of the Spanish government, and the preference of many businesses based in Catalonia to remain part of Spain, the Catalan government may not be able to realize its commitment to establish an independent nation-state. At the same time, however, Madrid s heavy-handed response to the referendum has resulted in the Spanish state losing legitimacy among many, if not most, Catalans. The fracture within and between Catalan and Spanish societies has widened. The crisis is the latest in a series of confrontations between Spain and Catalonia stretching back at least 300 years. It has a parallel in the intermittent and sometimes violent conflict between Spain and separatist nationalists from the Basque region, who were also barred by the Spanish state from holding an independence referendum in 2008. But why has Spain in particular seen the development of such strong regional nationalisms? As it has already been stated, the narrative of Catalonia s oppression at the hands of Madrid goes back centuries. The emblematic event in this account is Catalonia s defeat at the hands of the Bourbon kings during the War of the Spanish Succession. Then part of the Crown of Aragon, Catalonia backed the Habsburg dynasty against the Bourbons, whose capture of Barcelona in 1714 led to the imposition of central control and the loss of Catalan autonomy. Yet the implicit claim that there is an oppressed Catalan identity continuing over centuries glosses over questions of social class as well as the many different forms Catalan nationalism has taken over the years, from federalism to the assertion of Catalonia as an alternative model for a decadent Spain. The origins of contemporary Catalan nationalism lie instead in Spain s modern economic history. As in many countries in central, eastern, and southern Europe, the process of economic and social modernization in Spain was slow and asymmetric. The first parts of Spain to modernize in the early nineteenth century were the Basque Country and Catalonia, two peripheral regions whose languages, cultures, and identities were markedly different from those of the rest of Spain. Unlike France, where a powerful central state was able to use war and education to sublimate ethnic and linguistic diversity into a common national identity, the weak Spanish state was not easily able to assert legitimacy or ensure cohesion across society. Instead, rulers in Madrid relied on an alliance with peripheral elites to exert authority. That partnership started to break down in Catalonia after the so-called Disaster of 1898, when Spain was forced to cede its last and most important overseas colonies including Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico to the United States. The Catalan economic elites, in particular the textile barons, had benefited greatly from exports to the colonies. After the loss of these colonies, they were overtaken by a rising Catalan professional middle class, impatient with Spain s backwardness relative to Catalonia and keen to establish autonomy, if not independence, for the region. Autonomy was finally negotiated in 1932 under the Second Republic, which followed a military dictatorship in the 1920s that had arisen in part to crush Catalan separatism. The military coup of 1936, which led to the Spanish Civil War and the overthrow of the republic by nationalist forces under General Francisco Franco, was also driven in part by the Francoists desire to restore a unitary state and impose a single national identity through force. The twentieth century saw the further development of these fault lines. During the early years of Franco s authoritarian rule, the Spanish state inflicted what amounted to cultural genocide on Catalonia, dismantling institutions and associations tied to Catalan identity and driving the Catalan language into the private sphere. Madrid s repression of

democracy and protest during this period remains the most important reference point for Catalan nationalism today. For many older Catalans, the brutal behavior of the Spanish police during the recent referendum attacking voters with batons and rubber bullets evoked powerful memories of Francoist repression. Is it the time for a change? There are several problems with the project of independence. One is that polls have consistently revealed a deep division among Catalans over the prospect of independence. According to a June poll by the Catalan government s own Centre d Estudis d Opinio, 41.1 percent of those questioned said they wanted Catalonia to be an independent state and 49.4 percent said they did not. The reasons for opposition to independence range from concerns about economic security to the strength of Spanish- Catalan dual identity in urban parts of Catalonia, thanks to the wave of migration to the region from other parts of Spain during the Franco years. Another problem is the lack of support for Catalan self-determination among Spain s mainstream political parties, except for the left populist party Podemos and its allies in Catalonia, such as Catalunya en Comu which campaign for the right of self-determination but oppose independence. A further challenge is that there is no clear and coherent road map to independence, thanks to the ideological differences within the region s ruling coalition, which embraces the pro-independence centerright and center-left and relies for its parliamentary majority on a small anticapitalist nationalist party, the Candidatura d Unitat Popular, opposed to the Catalan political elites. Finally, European leaders have made it clear that an independent Catalonia would be outside the EU and would need to apply for membership, which would depend on the consent of all member states including Spain. Being European has always played an important role in Catalan identity. Yet European states, wary of substate nationalisms throughout the continent, have not encouraged Catalan independence. Current proposals for a way forward out of the impasse between Spain and Catalonia embrace dialogue and mediation. The problem is that there is no common agreement about the nature of the problem. Madrid is open to talks only about the extent of autonomy, while the Catalan government is committed only to independence. Mediation could not bridge that chasm, nor would Madrid accept the arbitration of an individual European state and even less an international commission of notables. The battle-lines between the Catalan and Spanish governments are drawn up; with Catalonia leaning toward the realization of a unilateral declaration of independence followed by constituent elections, and Spain considering an intervention in the governance of Catalonia under Article 155 of the Spanish constitution an act that would provoke widespread civil unrest. What should be clear is that there are several million citizens in Catalonia who are unhappy with their relationship with Spain. A long-term, but by no means final, resolution of the problem would involve amending the constitution to allow the right of self-determination, a reform in keeping with changing identities and alignments. Current Situation The current situation in Catalonia is one that has garnered much attention, but somehow the conversation remains static. Prominent figures in the fray are carrying down a road that does not seem much different from what was there previously. A negotiated agreement is the ideal outcome, but that is easier said than done. Catalonia and Spain are stuck in this constant cycle of tension that nobody knows how to break. The noise Catalonia has been making for

decades has been routinely ignored or been met with quick fixes that failed to resolve underlying problems. Looking at the current state of the richest region of Spain is disheartening both for the Catalans and the Spanish. Many have blamed the current situation on the Spanish president, Mariano Rajoy, saying that he did not act quickly enough to Catalonia s attempts to secede from the union. On the other hand, most critique the separatists by saying that they persistently go against the constitution, which threatens the law and order of Spain. The legitimacy and stability of the country are on thin ice, and if an accord is not met, this clash could have irreversible consequences. As the developments continue, more questions are brought up: Even though Carles Puigdemont technically cannot be president from Brussels, will support for him persist? Furthermore, now that the new parliament has been formed and has elected its leader, it is clear that they intend to continue with the same separatist project. This is a big worry, especially for the Ciudadanos party. If the agenda is going to remain one that only concerns itself with independence, then is it worth even to attempt a deliberation? This repeating pattern is not new for Catalonia, but considering the new height that the conflict reached last year, it would be a shame not to see more efforts in the talks. Disagreements within the independentist parties also seem to be developing; there is uncertainty as to what approach to take regarding the investiture of the new president of Catalonia. Puigdemont is still the chosen one but the feasibility of him ruling is becoming less clear. If a new candidate is proposed, will they also adopt Puigdemont s policies? Will their approach be just as defiant of Madrid? Undoubtedly the band-aid type of solutions cannot continue. There is also uneasiness about repeating past constitutional infractions. If this occurs how should the government respond? This last question brings back the point of the enactment of Article 155. If Puigdemont attempts to get the presidency, then Catalonia remains under the control of Madrid. For how long will the autonomy of the region be compromised? The enactment of the article, which President Rajoy declared to be a temporary solution, has also raised questions about its usage. However, if the situation is repeated, Article 155 cannot always be enacted. One cannot suspend autonomy indefinitely, especially when Catalonia is the prime economic power of Spain. It is an unsustainable situation and would not be fair to the Catalans that do consider themselves Spanish. It would further damage the relationship between Catalonia and Spain. This political debacle in Catalonia demonstrates a lack of faith in institutions and a desperate need to define cultural identity. The solutions proposed to this vary, but for now, the waiting game begins to see who are the new figures that will hopefully continue the dialogue with Madrid. The paralysis that grips Spain is difficult to counteract. However, if there is enough commitment from both sides not just to talk but to also listen, one can only hope they will reach a compromise.

Timeline of the Events 9 th century 1023-76 County of Barcelona formed along with several other counties as a result of efforts by Charlemagne to establish a buffer zone between his Frankish Empire and Muslim-ruled Spain. Under Ramon Berenguer I, the county of Barcelona acquires a dominant position in the area. 12 th century First mention of the term Catalonia. 1131-1162 14 th -15 th centuries 1469 1492 1640-1652 1705-1714 1716 Reign of Ramon Berenguer IV, whose marriage to Queen Petronilla of Aragon results in the county's dynastic union with the Kingdom of Aragon. Although part of the Crown of Aragon, Catalonia keeps its own traditional rights and parliament, the Corts catalanes. Aragon acquires the kingdoms of Sardinia, Sicily and Naples, becoming a major Mediterranean maritime empire as a result. Aragon acquires the kingdoms of Sardinia, Sicily and Naples, becoming a major Mediterranean maritime empire as a result. Discovery of the Americas by Christopher Columbus starts the creation of Spain's overseas empire, the shift of commercial activity from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic and the decline of Catalonia's economic and political importance. The Reapers' War - Catalonia revolts against the taxation policies of Philip IV of Spain, is briefly declared a republic under French protection before being reoccupied by Spanish troops. War of the Spanish Succession. Catalonia's support for rival claimant to the Spanish throne, Archduke Charles of Austria, of the House of Habsburg, against King Philip V, from the House of Bourbon, results in the suppression of its parliament and traditional liberties upon the latter's victory. The Nueva Planta decree dismantles the separate Catalan legal system, brings Catalonia under direct rule from Madrid and abolishes the administrative use of the Catalan language.

1812-1813 1808-1833 Napoleon briefly annexes Catalonia to France, before French troops withdraw from Barcelona under an armistice signed with the Duke of Wellington. Catalonia becomes the scene of some of the fiercest fighting of the First Carlist War between the liberal supporters of Queen Isabella II and the absolutist supporters of her uncle and rival, the Infante Carlos. 19 th century Catalonia is at the forefront of industrialisation in Spain and experiences a cultural renaissance; start of a movement to revive Catalan culture and language, leading to the rise of Catalan nationalism. 1901 Formation of the Catalan nationalist Regionalist League. 1913 The four provinces of Catalonia are given limited joint self-government in the Commonwealth of Catalonia under the leadership of Enric Prat de la Riba. 1925 The Commonwealth is suppressed during the dictatorship of Spanish Prime Minister Miguel Primo de Rivera. 1931 1936 1938 1938-1939 1939-1975 Spain becomes a republic; an autonomous Catalan regional government, the Generalitat, is created under the leadership of the Revolutionary Left of Catalonia. Insurrection of Spanish nationalist troops led by Gen Francisco Franco sparks the Spanish Civil War. Catalonia remains loyal to the Republic, with both the Generalitat's regular forces and popular militias fighting on its side. English author George Orwell publishes Homage to Catalonia, a memoir of his time fighting with left-wing Republican forces in the region. Franco's forces overrun Catalonia, paving the way for the collapse of Republican resistance elsewhere in Spain. Franco dictatorship; suppression of political opposition as well as Catalan autonomy, language and culture. Thousands of Catalan activists are executed or go into exile. Catalonia benefits from the start of mass tourism in coastal Spain and increasing industrialisation.

1960s Barcelona attracts large numbers of migrants from other Spanish regions. 1975 Death of Franco sets in train a process of democratisation under the new king, Juan Carlos. 1977 1978 1979 1980 2003 Restoration of a provisional regional government, again named the Generalitat, under the leadership of Josep Tarradellas. New democratic Spanish Constitution recognises existence of distinct national communities within Spain, start of the process of regionalisation. Catalonia given a statute of autonomy and recognised as a "nationality". Catalan become the joint official language of Catalonia with Spanish. Centre-right moderate nationalist Convergence and Union wins first elections to the new regional parliament. Its leader, Jordi Pujol, becomes the first president of the new regional government. November - Despite winning the largest number of seats in regional elections, Convergence and Union is ousted for the first time in 23 years by a coalition of Socialists, the Revolutionary Left and Greens. Socialist Pasqual Maragall becomes regional president. 2006 Pasqual Maragall stands down, is replaced by fellow Socialist Jose Montilla. 2006 Between December 2009 and April 2011 2010 July August - Reformed version of Catalonia's autonomy statute comes into force, giving the regional government greater powers and financial autonomy. Its preamble also uses the word "nation" to describe Catalonia. Catalan nationalists hold a series of informal, nonbinding votes on independence in regional towns and cities, including the capital Barcelona. Constitutional Court in Madrid strikes down part of the 2006 autonomy statute, ruling that there is no legal basis for recognising Catalonia as a nation within Spain and that Catalan should not take precedence over Castilian in the region. The decision is criticised by the regional government. Regional parliament

votes to ban bullfighting, making Catalonia the first region of mainland Spain to do so. 2012 2012 2012 December 2013 January 2014 March 2014 September Some 1.5m people take part in Catalonia's annual independence rally in Barcelona, amid growing Catalan anger at financial transfer from the region to the rest of Spain. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy rebuffs a call by regional leader Artur Mas for greater fiscal independence. Snap elections held to provide support for a referendum on independence see the governing Convergence and Union losing ground to the left-wing Republican Left (ERC) party. Both support independence but the ERC opposes the Catalan government's spending cuts. Regional head Artur Mas is re-elected after his Convergence and Union signs a governing pact with the left-wing ERC. Both parties support holding a referendum on secession from Spain in 2014. Catalonia's regional parliament approves a "declaration of sovereignty" aimed at paving the way for a referendum on independence from Spain in 2014. Spain's constitutional court rules that a planned referendum in November on Catalonia's independence is unconstitutional. Regional President Artur Mas signs a decree calling for a non-binding referendum on independence to take place in November. Spain's constitutional court suspends the plans, saying it needs time to consider the vote's constitutionality. 2014 October Regional President Artur Mas insists a non-binding referendum on independence for the region in November will go ahead, but under a different legal framework, after the original plan was ruled unconstitutional. 2014 November More than 80% of those taking part in a non-binding informal vote on separation from Spain opt for independence. About two million out of 5.4 million

eligible voters cast ballots. 2015 January Regional President Artur Mas calls new regional elections for 27 September to gauge support for a possible declaration of independence. 2015 September Separatist parties win the regional election, which they say gives them a mandate to push for independence. 2015 November Catalonia's parliament adopts a resolution which supports independence. 2015 December Spain's constitutional court revokes Catalonia's bid to begin the process of separating from the rest of Spain. 2017 October Voters in unofficial and illegal independence referendum back separation from Spain, and the government declares independence. The central government in Madrid takes charges and imposes direct rule. 2017 December Pro-independence parties win a majority in Catalan elections called by the Spanish government, although a pro-madrid party emerges as the single largest group in the regional parliament. 2018 May Pro-independence parties change law to allow separatist leader Carles Puigdemont to be elected president despite his flight abroad to avoid arrest on charges of rebellion. Possible Solutions For this most certainly is a political problem and, if it still can be resolved, it will require a political solution. The contested referendum, called by the separatist parties that run the current home-rule government in Catalonia, is certainly illegal under the 1978 constitution it was enacted to restore Spain to democracy and expressly rules out the right to separate from an indivisible country. However, it is also cannot be denied that this self-determination phenomenon is not going to disappear in a near future, and there is a high possibility that the crisis may get bigger, which will lead to both a decrease in Spain s economy as a whole, which can also be explained by the huge damage in socio-cultural environment, which causes a decrease in the reliability of both national and foreign entrepreneurships. Bibliography

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