Imperialism, 1890-1914 By the late 19th century, many Americans had come to believe that it was their nation's manifest destiny not only to possess all of the North American continent but also to expand the United States' influence around the world. In part, this idea was embraced because the United States was producing many more agricultural and industrial goods than it could consume, and new markets abroad were needed. In addition, idealists and religious leaders believed that America had a duty to carry its advanced culture and Christianity to other peoples of the world. In order to carry out that duty as well as to ensure the continued success of America's growing economy, the United States adopted an aggressive policy of expansionism. During America's Age of Imperialism, the practice of extending power and dominion by gaining political and economic control over other areas established the United States as a world power. Supply Bases Secured After the Civil War, as pioneers settled the last western frontiers, expansionists began to look even farther west toward Asia. The expansionists believed that future national security as well as greatness depended on a large navy supported by bases throughout the world. Access to islands in the Pacific was particularly critical for successful trade routes, as ships needed ports along the trade routes to resupply them with coal and other provisions and to provide them a place to make repairs. In the late 19th century, the United States began to acquire those island bases some peacefully, some not peacefully. In 1896, President William McKinley signed an annexation treaty with Hawaii that was passed by both houses of Congress, and the islands became American possessions. While it seemed a peaceful acquisition, in reality U.S. military power had supported the revolutionary efforts of the Annexation Club, which had overthrown the Hawaiian monarchy headed by Queen Liliuokalani only two years before. Perhaps not surprisingly, the Annexation Club was formed by American planters and businessmen who wanted to eliminate trade restrictions on sugar. More acquisitions resulted from the treaty between Spain and the United States following the Spanish-American War. Spain ceded Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines to the United States. Defying the provisions of the treaty, some Filipinos organized a revolution to secure the right of self-government. They fought a brutal war for three years but were finally overwhelmed by the superior military power of the United States. The United States now had a number of footholds in the Pacific as well as the Caribbean. A Canal Needed and Built With those footholds in place, an old idea resurfaced a canal across Central America to connect the two oceans. President Theodore Roosevelt offered Colombia $10 million for a 50-mile strip across the Isthmus of Panama. When Colombia refused the offer, rebels within the country organized a revolt and established a new government. The United States provided military support for the new Panamanian government, which gladly accepted the $10 million offer, and work on the canal proceeded. Nine years later, a canal connected the trade routes of the Pacific with the trade routes of the Atlantic. An Empire Dismantled No sooner had the United States acquired an overseas empire than it set in motion a process to transform it. The Hawaiian Islands were made a territory in 1900. Puerto Rico was given limited self-government in 1900 and full territorial status in 1917. The Philippines began partial selfgovernment in 1902 and gained home rule in 1916. "Imperialism, 1890-1914 (Overview)." American History. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 30 Oct. 2012. Imperialism and Yellow Journalism The Spanish-American War resulted from a variety of political, economic, and social factors. The United States had been transformed in the post- Civil War era, and the Industrial Revolution was beginning to make it an economic powerhouse, as it would prove to be in World War I. As such, the United States was ready for imperialism during this period, as it had need of more raw materials and had the capability to export large amounts of manufactured goods. American fascination with the market in China was high during the late 19th century. China and the rest of Asia had long held great promise for American exports. As a latecomer to interaction with the Chinese after several other European powers had made inroads there, the United States saw that it was losing out on possible enterprises. Having recently acquired Hawaii, the United States wanted to capitalize on the strategic significance of the island. Spain controlled the Philippines, which was seen as a possible stepping-stone to China and would give the United States a strategic edge over its European rivals. However, it is debatable how much influence Americans wanted to have over the islands, as there were large groups of both imperialists and anti-imperialists across the country. Although Spain still controlled Cuba and the Philippines, it was a dying empire. Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, who led the liberals prior to the war, was assassinated in 1897, and the empire was having a tough time holding on to its colonies, both of which desperately wanted independence. Furthermore, Spain's methods of controlling the colonial populations, particularly in Cuba with its conditions that resembled concentration camps, were not helping the country's worldwide image. An estimated 200,000 400,000 Cubans died of starvation and disease because of Spain's harsh treatment. Eager to sell more newspapers, such media moguls as Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst took up the cause of the Cubans. Their sensationalist, and sometimes untrue, news stories were remarkably popular with an increasingly literate American population. They capitalized on the deteriorating situation in Cuba and reported on events there on a nearly daily basis. Major General Valeriano Weyler, a veteran of the Carlist War of 1872 1876 who had served with distinction around the world, was responsible for the reconcentrado policy that introduced the concentration camps. For these policies, Hearst dubbed him "Butcher." In addition, Pulitzer and Hearst sent artists and illustrators to Cuba to provide pictures for their newspapers. When artist Frederic Remington requested to return to the United States for lack of anything to report, Hearst allegedly replied, "Please remain. You furnish the pictures, I'll furnish the war." Even before Hearst and Pulitzer began popularizing the war, there was great sympathy for the Cuban cause. There had been several rebellions on the island in the 19th century, and when the 1895 insurrection began, Americans flocked to the cause. Known as "filibusters," Americans and Cuban émigrés would join the Cubans in their fight against what was seen as the repressive Spanish rule. Additionally, Americans would send the rebels much-needed matèriel for their cause, which was seen as something akin to the American Revolutionary War. The Cuban ideals resounded in Americans' hearts and minds. The Cuban rebels were also doing their part to furnish a war. The United Fruit Company owned approximately 320,000 acres of land in the Caribbean. Taking advantage of this, the rebels began setting plantations and crops on fire, causing enormous monetary damages to the United Fruit Company in particular and the United States in general. Americans were consuming 16 million bunches of bananas per year in 1898, so an increase in the price of fruit affected the entire population. Furthermore, there was a sizable and powerful cohort of Cuban revolutionists on the lookout for anything that could further their cause. When the Spanish minister of Cuban affairs at the embassy in

Washington, D.C., Enrique Dupuy de Lôme, sent a personal letter to José Canelejas, a Spanish official in Cuba, the so-called Cuban Junta intercepted it in transit although some allege it was stolen from a post office and gave it to Hearst, who then printed it. Under the headline "The Worst Insult to the United States in History," it was revealed that Dupuy de Lôme had called President William McKinley "weak" and "a low politician." There is still debate as to whether or not McKinley wanted the war with Spain. Having been an American Civil War major, he abhorred war. Still, he was a wily politician who was keen on growing American international interests. Going through the correspondence between secretaries of state John Sherman and William R. May with the Spanish foreign secretary, McKinley seemed to have been favorable to war if it came about, yet at the same time he did not seem to put great effort into provoking one. And finally, there was a good deal of jingoism, or excessive nationalism, among Americans just prior to the 20th century. Charles Darwin's 1859 On the Origin of Species, along with the concepts of Thomas Malthus and of eugenics, had given rise to the theory of social Darwinism, or the idea that survival of the fittest can be used to help understand the social realm as well. This led many Americans to believe that it was their duty to export democracy to other nations. It also led to the belief that the Cubans and Filipinos were not capable of governing themselves, which provided justification for the United States to assume control of those countries. This practice proved to be at odds with the Teller Amendment (1898), which had stated that the United States would not annex Cuba. "Background Essay." American History. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 30 Oct. 2012. Foreign Policy for a World Power, 1890-1914 By 1900, the United States had claimed its place as a world power through the Spanish-American War. As the new century began, the country governed subject territories in Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Guam, the Wake Islands, and the Philippines. U.S. troops also occupied Cuba. U.S. businesses reached beyond the country's borders. During the first decade of the new century, the Coca-Cola Company, Quaker Oats, AT&T, the Standard Oil Company, Du Pont, General Electric, and Ford Motor Company seized the opportunity for international sales. After finding international markets, they built factories abroad, taking advantage of lower labor costs in foreign countries. Then they asked for U.S. protection of their investments and interests. Foreign countries invested heavily in Central America. U.S. investors focused on banana plantations and mining, as well as railroads, with little money in government bonds. By 1913, U.S. investments in Central America totaled about $93 million. British investment in Central America peaked at about $115 million in 1913. About $75 million of that total represented railroad holdings, mostly in Costa Rica and Guatemala. The other $40 million was in government bonds, which were worth little or nothing. The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine From its earliest days, the United States claimed a special interest in the Western Hemisphere. The Monroe Doctrine, issued in 1823, warned European powers to keep their hands off Latin America. In 1902, Britain, Germany, and Italy mounted a naval blockade of Venezuela. They wanted to force the government to repay its debts. All the countries involved eventually agreed to settle the matter by arbitration. The United States stood back and did nothing, but U.S. citizens were clearly uneasy with the appearance of European military forces in "their" hemisphere. In 1904, President Theodore Roosevelt issued a corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, saying that the United States would act as a police officer to keep order in the region. He intended both to keep European military forces out of the hemisphere and to protect U.S. and European investors, exerting whatever pressure or control on Latin American governments that might be necessary to these ends. In 1905, the Dominican Republic owed $40 million in debts to European lenders. In order to prevent the European nations from using military force to collect their debts, Roosevelt used U.S. power. The United States basically took over collection of Dominican customs taxes, declared that $20 million of the debt was unjustified, and began repayment of the rest. Building a Canal The United States needed a canal through Central America, in order to save shipping time and costs. Colombia had the best location for a canal, and the United States negotiated a deal. It would pay Colombia $10 million for a three-mile-wide strip of land and would make annual rental payments of $250,000 yearly, beginning in 1912. Colombia's Senate turned down the deal, and Roosevelt exploded in rage, calling its members "foolish and homicidal corruptionists." Roosevelt considered seizing the land for the canal by military force but soon found an easier way. The province of Panama seceded from Colombia. A U.S. gunship stood off shore, protecting the Panamanian rebels. They formed a new republic under the protection of the United States. The new country of Panama and the United States agreed on a canal treaty within days. The new treaty had similar terms except that the Canal Zone would be five miles wide, instead of three, and the United States would guarantee and maintain the independence of Panama. Revolutions While Roosevelt welcomed the revolution that separated Panama from Colombia, he opposed most other revolutionary activity. So did his successors in office, William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson. The U.S. presidents sent troops to put down revolutions in Nicaragua and Haiti, using U.S. military forces to set up new governments in those countries and maintaining military occupations for years. U.S. military interventions were frequent throughout the hemisphere. Dollar Diplomacy President Taft preferred using "dollar diplomacy" to control Latin American countries. In Honduras, for example, U.S.-based banana companies virtually ran the government. Taft supported expanded U.S. investment in South and Central American countries, the Caribbean, and the Far East. He ordered Secretary of State Philander Chase Knox to protect U.S. investments, sending in military troops if necessary. On the World Stage As a world power, the United States did not limit its involvement to the Western Hemisphere. In 1905, President Roosevelt brought Russia and Japan to the negotiating table to end their war over control of Korea and Manchuria. Roosevelt agreed to Japanese annexation of Korea in return for Japan giving up any claim to China, Hawaii, and the Philippines. Roosevelt won the Nobel Peace Prize for settling this dispute. In 1906, Roosevelt's negotiating powers were tested again. This time, he mediated a dispute between the Alliance powers Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy with the Entente France, Russia, and Britain over control of Morocco. The United States backed France and ended the dispute. No longer an upstart, the United States had taken its place as a world power alongside its former colonial ruler. "Foreign Policy for a World Power, 1890-1914 (Overview)." American History. ABC- CLIO, 2012. Web. 30 Oct. 2012

Europe Erupts and America Watches When an assassin killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria- Hungary and his wife Sophie in 1914, Europe's long-smoldering feuds erupted into war. Within months, most of the nations in Europe, along with Russia and many countries in the Middle East, had entered the Great War. An ocean away, American leaders watched with concern but most agreed with ordinary Americans they wanted no part of this conflict. Europe's Road to War World War I, as the Great War came to be known, arose from four main causes. First, nationalism in Europe had grown to a fever pitch during the 19th century. Fierce pride of country led nations to put their own interests before those of other nations. It also encouraged many smaller nations, once ruled or dominated by larger nations, to push for independence or a greater voice in world affairs. Second, Europe's nations had armed themselves and very well indeed during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Rivalries and defense needs meant that each nation wanted to keep its armies on par with those of other nations. New technologies meant that armies could fight harder and longer than in any previous war. Third, a century spent competing for colonies in Africa and Asia had often led to conflicts or enflamed feelings among Europe's colonial leaders. Finally, military alliances developed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries threatened the peace. Although these alliances including the Triple Alliance between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy and the Triple Entente between Britain, France, and Russia afforded military or at least political partnership, they also allowed small disputes to escalate by drawing in nations otherwise uninvolved. Thus, when Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia after a Serbian terrorist killed the Austro-Hungarian heir, Serbia's ally Russia mobilized against Austria-Hungary. Each side's allies soon jumped in to create a battle between the Triple Alliance with its allies and the Triple Entente with its allies. America's Neutrality Europe's war seemed a long way off to most Americans, though its munitions orders did jump-start a somewhat sluggish economy. In general, however, the United States and its leaders were determined to stay out of the European war. Soon after the war began, President Woodrow Wilson made a formal declaration of neutrality that outlined the United States' rights and obligations under international rules. He also asked the American people to resist aggressive propaganda from both sides and implored them to stay "impartial in thought as well as action." Through 976 days of American neutrality, Wilson worked tirelessly to keep the United States out of the war and to encourage what he called "peace without victory" among the warring European nations. Each time a nation violated U.S. neutrality (Britain did that by seizing American trading ships bound for Germany, while Germany did it by sinking unarmed passenger and merchant ships), Wilson negotiated to keep the United States trading but still neutral. Wilson succeeded many times, but each new violation heightened tensions. As American travelers and sailors continued to fall victim to German submarine attacks, public opinion began to favor war. Americans had many different reasons for wanting war from sympathy for the nations of the Triple Entente, to concern for American trading in Europe, to outrage over Germany's wartime actions but they increasingly agreed that it had to be done. Time to Intervene Germany's repeated bouts of unrestricted submarine warfare led Wilson to order a military buildup of U.S. troops. He had become convinced that Germany must not win the war, as he feared that nation's militaristic attitudes would dominate Europe to the detriment of U.S. interests. Two final factors tipped the balance toward war. First, the U.S. government learned that Germany had encouraged Mexico to attack the United States. Second, Germany renewed its U-boat attacks on U.S. ships in March 1917. On April 2, declaring that "the world must be made safe for democracy," Wilson asked Congress for a declaration of war. "Europe Erupts and America Watches: World War I (Overview)." American History. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 7 Nov. 2012. America Goes to War After three years of determined neutrality, President Woodrow Wilson finally asked Congress in April 1917 for a declaration of war against Germany. That nation's repeated attacks on neutral U.S. ships even passenger ships along with German efforts to draw Mexico into war with the United States persuaded Wilson of the necessity of war. The immediate challenge now lay with mobilizing a nation in which antiwar feelings had created steadfast resistance to preparation. The nation's success at mobilizing an effective war effort almost immediately stood little short of miraculous. Getting Ready Government planners faced two major mobilization challenges. First, the military needed to amass troops and supplies. While the navy stood ready, the U.S. Army had only between 100,000 and 200,000 disorganized troops. Maj. Gen. John J. Pershing, the newly appointed head of the American Expeditionary Force, wanted 1 million men in Europe within about a year of the war's declaration. To accomplish this, the government quickly implemented a draft through the Selective Service Act of 1917. Many American men and women also volunteered as patriotic commitment to the war soared. Propaganda rallied that patriotism behind lofty causes of protecting world freedom and democracy while antiwar advocates faced negative public opinion and even legal problems. The second key mobilization challenge included preparing the nation to support the war effort. In addition to the propaganda machine, President Wilson created the War Industries Board to oversee the transformation of factories for war production and the Food Administration to manage food rationing at home and food supplies for troops. In addition, government took over such key industries as the railroads and instituted scores of other emergency measures to keep the war machine running smoothly. The Battle Plan Before U.S. ground troops could help their weakening allies, the seas had to be secured against German U-boat attacks. Here, the U.S. Navy played a critical role. It worked with Great Britain to develop convoys of warships to escort cargo ships across the Atlantic and to

lay mines that would deter German U-boats. Before long, the sea lanes were open, and mid-1917 saw U.S. troops landing in Europe. The Allies, who had battled defensively while waiting for U.S. arrival, wanted these troops as replacements for their own war-weary soldiers. Gen. Pershing, however, argued passionately throughout the remaining war months that the Allied Expeditionary Force (AEF) would serve more effectively as a freestanding unit. He generally prevailed and soon led his AEF to assigned points along the Western Front. America's Contribution on Land Many historians believe that U.S. efforts on the Western Front helped turn the war's tide against Germany. The United States poured its million-plus soldiers into the effort. These soldiers played key roles in the 1918 battles along the Marne River, especially by bringing nearly 300,000 new troops a month into battle. After defeating the Germans in these pivotal battles, the U.S. troops some 900,000 of them joined British and French divisions in the Meuse-Argonne offensive against Germany's Hindenburg line. With Allied successes in the Meuse-Argonne, Germany's forces faltered and by October, were seeking armistice. When the battles ended, the effects of World War I devastated Europe long into the future even laying the groundwork for World War II a mere 20 years later. "America Goes to War: World War I (Overview)." American History. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 7 Nov. 2012. The Processes of Peace In January 1918, World War I had been raging in Europe for four years, with the United States formally involved since the spring of 1917. President Woodrow Wilson introduced his Fourteen Points to a joint session of Congress on January 8 with these words: "It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind." Wilson hoped the Fourteen Points would be the basis of a peace settlement with Germany and would keep Russia in the war. The latter effort failed, but Wilson's Fourteen Points did become the basis for peace. A Request for Peace The disintegration of Germany's military efforts, caused by complex sets of circumstances on the Western and Eastern Fronts, as well as in Germany itself, led Germany to seek an armistice, or cease fire, on October 3, 1918. The request was made by German chancellor Max von Baden to President Wilson and asked for assurance that the armistice would be based on Wilson's Fourteen Points. Wilson's Peace Preparations Even before it was apparent that the war was about to end, President Wilson laid out his plan for a world peace that did not cater to the economic or geographic ambitions of any one nation or any group of nations. Instead, it proposed a plan based on what was "right" morally and ethically for all nations "whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world." The plan he presented to Congress on January 8 listed the war aims of the United States, which no other nation had done during the course of the war. The first five points were general principles for a peace settlement with Germany. "Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at" would replace secret diplomatic efforts. The seas were to remain free for commercial and merchant vessels of all nations, even in war time. Economic barriers were to be removed and replaced with equal trade conditions. Armaments were to be reduced, and colonial claims were to be readjusted. The next eight points address territorial readjustments to Russia, Belgium, Alsace-Lorraine, Italy, Austria- Hungary, the Balkans, Turkey, and Poland. The 14th point calls for a "general association of nations... formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike." This general association became the League of Nations, a predecessor to the United Nations. The World's Response Wilson's Fourteen Points met with some criticism from Europeans and Americans alike because it did not "punish" the Germans for being aggressors. Wilson sought only to remove the "chief provocations to war," however. In the closing paragraph of his address, he said: We do not wish to injure her [Germany] or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. Wilson's plan was too idealistic for many people. At the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919, world leaders met and debated. France had been attacked by Germany and sought reparations. Britain, too, sought an amount of reparation. At the same time, British prime minister David Lloyd George favored a renewed and healthy Germany that would contribute to Europe's economy. The leaders of other nations came with local and regional issues that seemed to have little to do with the overall project world peace. A Formal Peace The Treaty of Versailles was signed on June 28, 1919 and formally brought World War I to an end. Its lengthy and complicated provisions placed severe penalties on Germany, forcing the country to assume blame for starting the war in the first place. Many of the signors of the treaty, however, including Wilson, were uncomfortable with the compromises that had been made. From his 14 points, only Wilson's dream of a League of Nations was actually included in the peace treaty. And while Wilson toured the country to campaign for the treaty's ratification, the United States never formally joined the League of Nations or accepted the treaty. The treaty thus led the world, aggressors and victims alike, into a shaky peace that still held hostility and resentment. "The Processes of Peace: World War I (Overview)." American History. ABC-CLIO, 2012. Web. 7 Nov. 2012.

imperialism Important Items about Expansionism/Imperialism CHAPTERS 5 AND 7 EXPANSIONISM WORLD WAR I Militarism Protectorate Nationalism Alfred T. Mahan Annexation Sanford Dole Neutrality Unrestricted submarine warfare Sinking of the Lusitania Yellow Journalism Autonomy Jingoism Spanish American War Platt Amendment Sphere of Influence Open Door Policy Dollar Diplomacy Zimmermann Telegram Victory Garden Espionage Draft Espionage and Sedition Acts Armistice Reparations Trench Warfare Guerilla Battle of the Argonne Forest Panama Canal Roosevelt Corollary The Fourteen Points Treaty of Versailles Mexican Revolution Isolationism

The Expansionism/Imperialism Era 1890-1920 CHAPTERS 5 AND 7 The USS Maine sits on the ocean floor in Havana Harbor after it exploded on February 15, 1898. LIFE Magazine 1. Explain the role of isolationism in American foreign policy. How did it impact our reaction to World War I? 2. What were the key events of U.S. expansionism from 1890 to 1920? How did the U.S. acquire or control these different areas? 3. What were the main reasons used by U.S. leaders to justify expansionism? 4. How did the Spanish-American War change the position of the U.S. in world affairs? 5. What were some of the results of the construction of the Panama Canal? 6. How were the spirits of Expansionism and Progressivism alike? What ideas did they have in common? 7. What specific events caused the United States to get into World War I? 8. What was the American Expeditionary Force and who was its leader? 9. How did the United States help turn the tide of the World War I? What was the specific event? 10. Why was Wilson s Fourteen Point Plan considered ambitious? 11. Why didn t the U.S. Senate ratify the Treaty of Versailles?