hij Teacher Resource Bank GCE Government and Politics Unit Guidance: GOVP1

hij Teacher Resource Bank GCE Government and Politics Unit Guidance: GOVP1 The Assessment and Qualifications Alliance (AQA) is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (company number 3644723) and a registered charity (registered charity number 1073334). Registered address: AQA, Devas Street, Manchester M15 6EX. Dr Michael Cresswell, Director General.

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.1 GOVP1 UNIT GUIDANCE (A) Participation and voting behaviour i) The nature of participation in the political process Although the main focus of this section is on the scope and extent of political participation, any study of the various participatory forms present in the UK must be rooted in a basic understanding of the nature of politics and democracy. To that end, it would be helpful for there to be some initial consideration of the kinds of fundamental questions which those teaching the subject would commonly pose in the early weeks of the course, eg: what is politics? what is democracy? what is the difference between power and authority? what is pluralism? what is political culture? At this stage such discussion should be introductory. When examining political culture, for example, candidates need only be able to define the term, identify the features traditionally associated with UK political culture (eg homogeneity, consensus, deference) and be aware that the last half-century has seen such tenets brought into question. Similarly, discussion of the nature of democracy might identify and define its various forms (eg representative or direct) without, at this stage, addressing the main features of each form in detail. This kind of short, theoretical introduction to the subject will provide candidates with a context and framework for their studies. It will enable them to recognise and engage with the principles underpinning later topics. An understanding of the nature of participation in the UK should be built upon this theoretical introduction. Candidates should be aware of different forms of participation, electoral and non-electoral, and familiar with the factors that can shape political participation in the UK. They must have sufficient knowledge and understanding to be able to comment on changing patterns of political participation. Specifically, candidates should have an awareness of how recent years have witnessed a move away from traditional forms of participation (e.g. falling electoral turnout and individual party membership), through more passive membership of mainstream pressure groups (eg simply paying the annual fee), to involvement in protest movements, consumer campaigns, and direct action (eg those campaigning against animal testing). Candidates should be able to offer evidence in support of or against such arguments, advance explanations as to why such changes may have occurred, and consider what implications such changes have for democracy in the UK. This general discussion on the theme of participation should lead into a consideration of the way in which different groups behave at elections (ie who participates and how? ). There should be a consideration of the main electoral cleavages in the UK. Candidates should be aware of the traditional links between voting and gender, social class, ethnicity, age, and region. Candidates will be expected to be able to offer statistics demonstrating the presence or absence of a link with voting behaviour in each area, and to be aware of changes in the influence of such factors over time. A thorough knowledge of theories of class alignment/dealignment will be required as will a sound working knowledge of other key terms (eg embourgeoisement, Gender Gap, North-South Divide ). klm 1

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.0 When assessing the importance of ethnicity it might be helpful for students look at results in constituencies with high ethnic minority populations, eg George Galloway s victory in Bethnal Green and Bow in 2005, or Parmjit Gill s victory in the 2004 Leicester South by-election. Again, consideration should be given to why ie not simply the extent to which such voters tend to favour particular parties. Analysis of age and voting may usefully lead into a consideration of the growing importance of the grey vote, as well as making links between age and party choice. A similar level of analysis will need to be applied to the question of why certain regions appear to favour certain parties, as well as how and why this may change over time. NB: detailed study of political parties and pressure groups is not required at this stage. Both topics are dealt with directly later on in the Unit. ii) Participation through the ballot box The Specification requires the study of theories and debates concerning the long and shortterm determinants of voting behaviour. This will obviously build on the understanding gained when studying the first part of this section of the Specification. Candidates should be familiar with a range of voting models. At a simple level, they should be able to identify and assess the relative importance of a range of primacy (long term) and recency (shorter term) factors. This would naturally lead into a discussion of whether voting behaviour is characterised more by patterns of stability than of volatility, or vice versa. Candidates should have an understanding of other attempts to explain the mechanics of voting behaviour, eg the social structures model, the party identification model, the voting context model, and the rational choice (or consumer) model. When dealing with the voter context model, students should be aware of the way in which voting behaviour can vary significantly depending upon variables such as the type of elected office is being contested. There should also be an awareness of how and why voting behaviour at by-elections can vary from that at general elections. When discussing the merits of a more consumer-based model of voting, students should be able to assess the importance of issues (ie issue voting); perhaps referring to the spatial or valence models of issue voting. Consideration should also be given to the importance of specific events (eg the Falklands Factor, sleaze, Iraq), the campaign itself, and the appeal of each party leader. There should be some awareness that such models are theoretical and that they are by no means mutually exclusive. Those studying the subject will be expected to develop an awareness of the part played by the mass media in shaping the campaign and determining electoral outcomes. Candidates should be able to make reference to the part played by the press, broadcast media, and new forms of media such as the internet, in electoral campaigns. Credit will be given to references to the role of the media in specific elections. Though the ability to write at length on media theory (eg manipulative theory, hegemonic theory, pluralist theory) is not required, an outline awareness of such theories may help provide a framework for assessing precisely how much influence the media has. Candidates will not be expected to have a detailed theoretical knowledge of how opinion polls work but they will be expected to be able to explain key terms (eg opinion poll, exit poll) and assess the extent to which opinion polls conducted in the run-up to elections might shape, as well as reflect, public opinion. Such a line of enquiry might usefully touch upon so-called bandwagon and boomerang effects. When studying voting behaviour in this part of the Specification, candidates will be expected to develop a working knowledge of a number of other terms which are part of the vocabulary of psephology, eg tactical voting, protest voting, swing (national and differential), and churn. 2 klm

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.1 (B) Electoral Systems i) The role of elections in a democracy A good starting point when addressing this part of the Unit would be an outline of the various purposes which elections serve. Such a discussion might focus on themes of political recruitment, legitimisation (including mandate theory), and accountability This introductory discussion should also include a basic working definition of the term electoral system : a mechanism by which popular votes are translated into seats in a legislature or a means by which a candidate is selected to fill a particular office (eg Mayor of London). Candidates need to be aware of the main types of electoral systems; majoritarian, proportional and hybrid (mixed). They should be able to offer clear and concise definitions of each of these broad types and demonstrate a clear understanding of their characteristics. There should be an awareness of the various systems currently in use in elections in different parts of the UK. The Specification makes specific reference to three electoral systems: First-Past-the-Post (simple plurality); the Additional Members System (AMS); and the Single Transferable Vote system (STV). Candidates need to have a clear understanding of how these systems work, both in theory (eg how the adoption of STV in general elections might affect outcomes) and in practice (eg the impact of the use of STV in a range of elections in Northern Ireland). Though a detailed understanding of the Droop and D Hondt formulas is not required, candidates should be aware of the way in which the quota operates under STV, as well as the way in which the top-up element of the AMS system used in Scotland and Wales compensates those parties who have been disadvantaged in the constituency contests operating under First-Past-the-Post. It would be helpful to frame any evaluation of these systems in terms of those outcomes which might be desirable, eg: proportionality; stable government; voter choice; and the MPconstituency link. Such an analytical framework should make evaluating the merits and demerits of each system a good deal easier. Candidates should avoid simplistic and overly generalised conclusions. For example, when dealing with the likelihood of single party majority government or coalition government under a given system candidates should avoid simply labelling the former as good and the latter as bad, without offering a developed explanation of such a judgement supported by evidence. Better responses will recognise that coalition governments can bring advantages as well as disadvantages, as can strong, singleparty majority governments. Candidates will be expected to have detailed evidence with which to back up their assessments of the three systems named, eg statistics from the 2007 elections to the Scottish Parliament. The better responses will be characterised by their developed use of subject specific vocabulary e.g. popular vote, wasted votes, marginal constituencies, etc. Although there is no explicit requirement for candidates to develop a detailed understanding of the workings of other UK electoral systems (eg Supplementary Vote, Party List), they will need to be able to classify such systems as part of their general understanding of majoritarian and proportional systems. An understanding of the list system and its merits/demerits is also implicit in any understanding of how AMS operates. Candidates should therefore be aware of different types of list systems (regional/national, open/closed) as well as other relevant terms, eg threshold. Candidates should be aware of the main arguments advanced for and against electoral reform in the UK. They should be aware of recent recommendations (eg the Jenkins Report) klm 3

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.0 and be able to explain why it is that UK general elections still operate under FPTP when other UK-based elections now take place under alternative systems. ii) Nature of representation This part of the Unit builds on the introduction to democracy and participation provided earlier by examining the two main forms of democracy in more detail. Candidates will be expected to be able to offer a clear definition of the terms representative democracy and direct democracy and be aware of what each form entails. There should be some understanding that representative democracy (sometimes referred to as indirect democracy ) places emphasis on the role of MPs as representatives, as opposed to delegates. It might be helpful, therefore, to examine several different models of representation (eg delegate, or trustee). Useful reference may also be made here to the ideas of Edmund Burke ( the Burkeian view ). Those studying this Unit should be able to identify the main features of a representative democracy (eg free and fair elections, the doctrine of the mandate). They will also be expected to be able to assess the advantages and disadvantages of representative democracy. This evaluation will naturally lead into a discussion of direct democracy. Though it is helpful for candidates to have some awareness of the origins of direct democracy in classical Athens, it is much more important for them to be able to identify and evaluate those elements of direct democracy that relate to the UK in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Candidates should have some understanding of what referendums are, why they are called and, more importantly, why they have become more common since 1997. A good starting point for this discussion might be Clement Attlee s oft quoted view that the referendum is a device of demagogues and dictators which is alien to our traditions. Candidates should be able to offer developed arguments for and against the use of referendums in the UK, using examples from past or proposed UK referendums to illustrate each point made. This assessment should include an awareness of the way in which referendum outcomes can be influenced by the timing of the ballot, the precise phrasing of the question posed, or the funding available to the yes and no camps. In this context it might be helpful to look at provisions relating to the way in which future UK referendums will operate. Though non-uk examples (eg from Switzerland, from Eire, or from some US States) can be used to illustrate some of those points made, this would only really be appropriate where suitable UK examples do not exist, eg when considering the benefits of referendums initiated by a popular petition. 4 klm

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.1 (C) Political Parties i) The role of political parties in a democracy This section of the Specification develops the theme of participation and representation introduced earlier in the Unit. A useful starting point might be a consideration of the similarities and differences between pressure groups and political parties. Such an approach should provide students with a clear and concise definition for each type of organisation as well as an understanding of how it can sometimes be difficult to distinguish between one and the other, eg the Green Party, the Referendum Party, the Pro Life Alliance, Respect, etc. It might be helpful to introduce the idea of single-issue parties and regional parties at this stage, neither or which would conform to a dictionary definition of political parties; as they either have no intention of entering government, or are unlikely to ever do so. Such initial discussion should give way to a more thorough examination of the roles performed by political parties in the UK: in terms of allowing participation and representation (aggregating and articulating the views of their members); providing avenues for political recruitment; in policy-making; and in governing. An assessment of roles will inevitably lead into a discussion of the extent to which UK parties remain ideologically coherent. This will obviously involve some consideration of the ideological traditions of the main UK parties as well as the reasons why and the extent to which UK parties have sought to distance themselves from their traditional ideological roots in recent years; the extent to which we have seen an end of ideology ; and the rise of parties which are little more than catch-all election-winning machines. Candidates will be expected to be aware of the major policy differences between the parties. Some linkage with other parts of the Unit eg the positions taken by parties in recent elections, manifesto promises and campaign pledges, would be helpful in this context. At the higher levels of response, candidates would be expected to be able to make links between specific policies and party ideology as a means of supporting or challenging the view that we are living in a postideological age. Candidates should be aware of internal differences factions or different traditions within UK political parties. They should, for example, be familiar with the difference between old Labour and New Labour, and the divide between the more traditional One-Nation Tories and the neo-liberal Thatcherites. There should also be an awareness of how internal factions can result in more formal splits, eg the decision of the Gang of Four and others on the right of the Labour Party to leave and found the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 1981. Consideration of the extent to which parties truly represent the views of their members will tie into an assessment of internal party democracy: where precisely does the power lie within the main UK parties with individual members or with the party leadership? It may be helpful to frame such an assessment of party democracy in terms of internal party processes: policy making; candidate selection; and choosing and removing leaders. Though this kind of focus will involve a basic understanding of some of the main structures that exists within each party (eg Labour s NEC or the Conservative s Central Office), candidates will not be expected to have a detailed working knowledge of such institutions. One would, however, expect an awareness of the formal and informal roles performed by each party s annual party conference. Some time should be spent considering the question of how parties are funded, particularly in light of falling individual party membership. How have UK parties been funded both historically and more recently and what implications does this have for the operation of our democracy? Candidates should be able to link an awareness of recent scandals over donations and loans into a broader discussion on the theme of precisely who, or what interests, modern parties are actually serving. Such discussion will inevitably raise issues of transparency, legitimacy and accountability. klm 5

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.0 Candidates need to have some awareness of different types of party system; specifically, the extent to which the UK remains a two-party system. This discussion would provide a useful way into a more detailed consideration of the range of minor parties present within the UK system (single issue, regional, etc). Those studying this Unit should be able to comment on the political significance and electoral impact of minor parties and be able to assess the extent to which (and why) such parties have prospered in recent years. Such themes may provide the opportunity to make links back to the earlier discussion regarding the impact of more proportional electoral systems in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, as well as in UK elections to the European Parliament. NB: though it is anticipated that candidates will be most familiar with the two main UK parties (Labour and Conservative), references to the Liberal Democrats will also be fully credited. 6 klm

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.1 (D) Pressure Groups and Protest Movements i) The importance of pressure groups to political communication and policy-making in a democracy It is important that candidates are able to offer a clear definition of the term pressure group and be aware of the range of organisations that such a definition might encompass. A distinction should be drawn between traditional membership groups and some of the more spontaneous social movements or protest movements seen in recent years: the much heralded rise of a new politics of protest which rejects more traditional representative forms. A clear and concise definition should lead naturally into a discussion of the roles that pressure groups perform in the UK, eg providing avenues for participation, representing their member s sectional interests or advancing a common cause, educating the government and the broader public. There should be clear understanding of the main pressure groups typologies. Candidates should be aware of the distinction between sectional ( interest or protectionist ) groups and cause ( promotional ) groups. They should also have a working knowledge of the insider/outsider typology. Candidates should be able to offer arguments for and against each method of classifying groups. In so doing they will need to move beyond the superficial, eg by looking at different kinds of insiders (eg core insiders, specialist insiders. peripheral insiders) or outsiders (potential insiders, outsiders by necessity, ideological outsiders) and/or by showing how groups can move relatively quickly from outside to inside and vice versa. There should be a detailed examination of the factors (the variables) that might affect pressure group success. This will naturally follow on from the discussion of group status but it should also include: the nature and scope of group aims; group methods; group specialism; and group resources (human and material). Candidates will need to be able to offer appropriate examples in support of each analytical point, eg the way in which a group that aims to shut down an individual guinea pig farm is more likely to achieve success than one looking to secure a worldwide ban on all vivisection. Such discussion may focus on the achievability of and public receptivity towards a group s stated aims. In a similar vein, discussion of group status might involve an analysis of the extent to which a group having close working links with the government (ie a core insider) or a particular political party may enjoy better long-term prospects. Candidates should be aware of the extent to which membership of the European Union (EU) has afforded UK pressure groups an additional layer of access points. They will also be expected to be aware of the existence of Eurogroups. Though a detailed knowledge of the workings of the European Parliament, the Commission, the Council of Ministers, and the European Court of Justice is not required in this Unit, some awareness of why and how UK pressure groups might want to target the main EU institutions would clearly be beneficial, eg candidates should be aware that the supremacy of EU law under the European Communities Act (1972) means that UK pressure groups working on a Europe-wide level could effectively force the UK government into action. Such a line of enquiry might be particularly helpful when considering the operation of environmental pressure groups across Europe, eg over the quality of drinking or bathing water. An awareness of the way in which the extension of Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) in the Council of Ministers has limited the scope of the UK s veto may also be helpful in this respect. klm 7

Teacher Resource Bank / GCE Government and Politics / Unit Guidance: GOVP1 / Version 1.0 ii) Pressure group behaviour This section of the Unit builds on the previous one by looking at some of the contemporary debates surrounding pressure group activity in the UK: how do pressure groups operate?; how much of an influence do they have?; do pressure groups enhance or undermine democracy in the UK?; and are groups themselves internally democratic? When considering the methods employed by UK pressure groups it might be helpful to begin with an overview of the UK system and an assessment of the range of access points available to groups within what is still, essentially, a unitary system dominated by a central government executive. Consideration may also be given to the extent to which Labour s programme of devolution after 1997 opened up new opportunities (access points) for pressure group activity. Candidates will be expected to have an understanding of traditional pressure group methods, such as letter writing campaigns, petitions and marches, and conventional lobbying. Students should also be aware of the range of activities which may be referred to as lobbying: from the single constituent visiting their MP at Westminster, to the business interest group employing professional lobbyists provided by consultancy firms. In particular, there should be a consideration of how some insider groups have the ability to influence the formation of policy at an early stage through consultation with ministers, civil servants and government appointed bodies working on legislative proposals. Candidates should have an awareness of the extent to which individual pressure groups may seek to achieve their goals by developing a close working relationship with a particular party. There should also be an understanding of the extent to which pressure groups can attempt to achieve their goals by pursuing legal action (litigation). Candidates should aware of the dynamic, ever-changing nature of pressure group politics. This will necessitate an examination of direct action: what it consists of; why some groups have come to adopt such tactics; and whether or not such methods are likely to prove successful. The rise of more direct, often single-issue, campaigns should be put into context alongside the decline of more traditional participatory forms. Studying direct action will provide a natural route into an assessment of the extent to which contemporary pressure group politics is about managing (or manipulating?) the media. Candidates should be able to offer examples of the way in which careful manipulation of the media can allow groups to punch above their weight, eg Fathers4Justice. Candidates may be required to address the question of whether pressure groups enhance or threaten democracy in the UK. This will involve a basic understanding of pluralist theory and elites theory as well as an ability to assess the extent to which pressure groups really deliver in terms of participation, representation and education. One aspect of this focus on pressure groups and democracy should be the question of whether or not pressure groups are internally democratic. There should also be an awareness of the extent to which small but determined single-issue groups employing direct tactics can undermine the efforts of popularly elected governments; thereby undermining attempts to deliver joined-up government. 8 klm