Seven Major Violations by the Election Commission and the Prime Minister in the Redelineation Report

Similar documents
National Public Opinion Survey On Electoral Process in Malaysia

The Twelfth General Elections in Malaysia

MALAYSIA GENERAL ELECTIONS XIV OUTLOOK PROSPECTS AND OUTCOME III 08 MAY 2018

The Effects of the 2016 Delimitation Exercise on the State of Penang

pilihan raya umum 14

Political Awakening in Malaysia

The Emergence of Civil Disobedience: A Comparison during Dr. Mahathir and Abdullah Badawi s Era

VISA REQUIREMENT TO ENTER JAPAN FOR MM2H VISA HOLDER (Holiday/ Transit)

VISA REQUIREMENTS TO ENTER JAPAN (Business)

PENINSULA MALAYSIA VOTER OPINION POLL

VISA REQUIREMENTS TO ENTER JAPAN (To Purchase Auto Parts)

BERSIH 2.0 s Preliminary Post-Election Findings on Malaysia s 14 th General Elections 14 May 2018

Acknowledgement The scope of this report Our deployment and methodology 5

Time for Malaysian States to Introduce Non-Constituency Seats (NCSs)

Ink Me : A Representation of Transparency in Election Administration

KEY CHALLENGES CONTRIBUTING TO THE SURVIVAL OF SINGLE MOTHER COOPERATIVES IN PENINSULAR MALAYSIA

INTERIM REPORT International Fact-Finding Mission on Elections in Malaysia, April 2012

MALAYSIA S POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION BRIDGET WELSH, ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, JOHN CABOT UNIVERSITY

Laws of Malaysia. Act A1207. Registration of Pharmacists (Amendment) Act Date of Royal Assent December 2003

Incorporating all amendments up to 1 January 2007

A Long and Winding Road to Democracy: The 2013 Asian Democracy Index for Malaysia

GE-13: Election Watch Report

Vol. 9, No. 1 (2014) EVALUATION OF MIGRATION DECISION-SELECTIVITY FACTORS IN METROPOLITAN AREA: A CASE OF KLANG VALLEY REGION, MALAYSIA

Clean and Fair? GE13 Election Observation Report

Prime Battle. Davos Debrief The buzz in India s East China s Confucian push INDEPENDENT INSIDER INSIGHTS ON ASIA. February -- March 2018

This Visa Waiver Program is effective for one year from 10th April until 31st December 2018

CHARACTERISTICS, TRENDS AND SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF

Borders and economic growth: The case of Sabah and her neighbours

WHY POOR REGIONS REMAIN POOR? EVIDENCE FROM MALAYSIA

P132 Port Dickson By-Election Analysis

Re-positioning Urban Based New Villages in Peninsular Malaysia towards Sustainable Living and a Better Quality of Life

By Election in Malaysia:

MALAYSIA HAS A population of approximately 28.4 million

174 EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS (DISCIPLINE) ACT

CITES SC66 NATIONAL IVORY ACTION PLAN PROGRESS REPORT Parties of primary concern Party: MALAYSIA

Wooing Whipping Sentence: The Tales Between Two Codes of Criminal Procedures

THE MERDEKA CENTER YOUTH SURVEY 2006 NATIONAL OPINION POLL OF YOUTH ON CIVIC ENGAGEMENT SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

2004 Malaysian General Elections Winning Formula

PERPUSTAKAAN NEGARAMALAYSIA

Land Conservation LAWS OF MALAYSIA REPRINT. Act 385 LAND CONSERVATION ACT 1960

Statement of Claim against the EC - Pakatan Rakyat

Southeast Asia Games Event Advisory

entri FOR CHINESE NATIONALS

DALAM MAHKAMAH PERSEKUTUAN MALAYSIA DI PUTRAJAYA (BIDANGKUASA ASAL) NOTIS USUL NO (A) DAN

FEMALE MIGRANTS IN KUALA LUMPUR, 1970 WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON LABOUR FORCE CHARACTERISTICS

HAUT-COMMISSARIAT AUX DROITS DE L HOMME OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS PALAIS DES NATIONS 1211 GENEVA 10, SWITZERLAND

entri FOR INDIAN NATIONALS (TOURIST)

Special Report 2. Malaysia's 2013 Election: The Nation and the National Front 1 (By Amrita Malhi)

CITIZENSHIP AND STATELESSNESS

HOMESTAY PROGRAMME AS CATALYST TO LOCAL BUSINESSES: A CASE STUDY ON BANGHURIS HOMESTAY, MALAYSIA

ASEAN Law Association

Evolving Paradigms in Regional Development in Malaysia

entri FOR INDIAN NATIONALS (TOURIST)

Topics Malaysia Country Profile Page. President Of Malaysia 3. Introduction 3. History 4. Geography 4. Demographics 5. Language & religion 5

Local Election Competition for National Party Survival: An Analysis of Merlimau By-Election in Malaysia

2001 University Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), Bangi Selangor, Malaysia Master of Economics Project Paper: Potensi Perkhidmatan Broadband di Malaysia.

SHARING SOLUTIONS 7 MAY 2018 CIPAA CONFERENCE 2018

Attestation of Registrable Instruments (Mining) LAWS OF MALAYSIA REPRINT. Act 387 ATTESTATION OF REGISTRABLE INSTRUMENTS (MINING) ACT 1960

Malaysia. Country Profile 2005

Malaysia s 13th General Election: Social Media and its Political Impact

MALAYSIAN PUBLIC PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN REPORTING CORRUPTION 2009

The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime

Investment Incentives and Regional Differentials In The Malaysian States

An Analysis of the Impact of Foreign Investment on Regional Disparities: A Case of Malaysia

Malaysia s Labour Market and Job Creation under the Economic Transformation Program (ETP) 2011 to 2015

Partisan Advantage and Competitiveness in Illinois Redistricting

ISSN / RM3.00 / 2003:Vol.23No.6

Vote for me! : A Content Analysis of News Reports Leading to the 12 th General Election Political Communication

IndustriALL Global Union Electronic Industry Employees Union Northern Region Peninsular Malaysia

Maybank QRPay Complimentary Coffee at DÔME Café Promotional Campaign Terms & Conditions

AN OVERVIEW OF ASEAN HOMESTAY TRADITIONAL ECONOMIC THROUGH ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT

Advocate Guidebook MUNOFS VII. Model International Court of Justice

ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) was established as an autonomous organization in 1968.

THE GROWTH AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE INDONESIAN POPULATION IN MALAYA*

IIMUN 17 PROCEDURAL GUIDE FOR THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE

Impact on poverty and income inequality in Malaysia s economic growth

381 REGISTRATION OF GUESTS ACT

Malaysia. Country Profile 2007

Greenback 2.0 Johor Bahru Report

Sibu's new political awakening

Life Sciences Cluster in Selangor (Part I: Healthcare providers)

CHAPTER ONE TRACING THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LEGAL SYSTEM EARLY MALAYA

IN SEARCH OF ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE IN MALAYSIA: THE CASES OF BROGA AND BUKIT MERAH

Overlapping Consensus in Malaysia

Corruption Perceptions Index 2008: 5.1 (47th out of 180 countries)

Greening Economy and Governance in Malaysia

CHAPTER 3 Malaysia s Internal and External Security Dynamics

U.S.-Malaysia Relations: Implications of the 2008 Elections

WAO ANNUAL STATISTICS 2OO6

Maruah Position Paper on Electoral Boundary Delimitation. Defending the Legitimacy of Singapore Elections 9 Oct 2014

CAN FAIR VOTING SYSTEMS REALLY MAKE A DIFFERENCE?

IBSSS News Objectivity and Its Relevance in this Age of the Internet and Social Media: The case of Malaysia

Civil Disobedience: Concept and Practice

42 Assessing Political D ynamics in Contemp orary Mal aysia: Implications for

The Roles of Elected Representatives in Political Parties: What s the Challenges?

92 SUBORDINATE COURTS ACT

Why Malaysia? Summary Area: 330,803 km². Population: 31.7 million. Population growth rate: 1.7% change. Population density: 92.

Malaysia Country Review.

Kasetsart Journal of Social Sciences

Working Paper Series: No. 46

Transcription:

Media Statement 3 April 2018 Seven Major Violations by the Election Commission and the Prime Minister in the Redelineation Report The Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (BERSIH2.0) strongly condemns the Prime Minister, Election Commission (EC), and Members of Parliament who supported the motion for passing and gazetting the redelineation proposal in haste last week. BERSIH2.0 maintains that the tabling, passing, and gazetting of the redelineation proposal was procedurally illegal as the EC has yet to complete the second local inquiries in Selangor. This issue is presently being challenge in the Shah Alam Court by 107 plaintiffs representing a group of over 10,000 voters. In addition, the final redelineation report contained recommendations that would severely worsen the integrity of our electoral system. BERSIH2.0 wishes to highlight and raise the following 7 issues: (1) Sustaining and Worsening Malapportionment In conducting a redelineation exercise under Article 113(2) of the Federal Constitution, the EC is constitutionally obligated to reduce malapportionment and ensure that the number of voters in constituencies are approximately equal as per required under Section 2(c), Thirteenth Schedule of the Federal Constitution. The EC has failed in this aspect by illegally sustaining and worsening malapportionment via the redelineation exercise. With the exception of Perlis, Terengganu, Penang and Kuala Lumpur, the ratio between the smallest and largest Parliamentary Constituencies within the states are above 2 times. The ratios were even amplified by the redelineation exercise itself in Selangor (from 3.94 to 4.05), Johor (from 3.05 to 3.17), Kedah (from 2.53 to 2.70) and Malacca (from 2.17 to 2.50) showing the EC s utter contempt of the Federal Constitution. (refer Appendix 1) The EC has also worsened malapportionment by creating super-sized constituencies. After the redelineation, the top ten largest Parliamentary Constituencies have sizes ranging from 108,156 voters to 150,439 voters, much larger than their state average (refer Appendix 2). These constituencies are created by packing in predominantly opposition voters into already large constituencies. (2) Subverting democracy by crowning the loser The end-result of malapportionment is not only the violation of the one person, one vote principle across constituencies, but may also be a complete subversion of democracy by crowning the loser if malapportionment is correlated with electoral strength. And when the 1

voters mandate for the Parliament and government is insidiously distorted, the legitimacy of the entire political system is called into question, undermining political and economic stability. In the 13 th General Elections in 2013, the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition only won 47% of the popular vote, but that translated into 60% of parliamentary constituencies, exactly because not only parliamentary constituencies are malapportioned, but constituencies won by BN were markedly smaller than those won by the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. Based on the electorate figures used in the delineation exercises in the States of Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak, those constituencies won by BN in 2013 would have only 48,228 voters in average while those won by the opposition would have nearly double the number, at 79,436. This means BN may be returned to power again if it loses majority votes. Given the smallest 112 parliamentary constituencies contain only 33% of total electorate, a simple parliamentary majority could theoretically be won with just 16.5% of the popular vote. This figure may go lower if votes are effectively split in multicornered contests. (refer Appendix 3) (3) Partisan Gerrymandering BERSIH2.0 has also detected attempts to sway electoral results in marginal seats by transferring polling districts between constituencies based on voting pattern. In Melaka for example, five polling districts with strong opposition support were transferred out from P137 Bukit Katil (a marginal constituency) and packed into P138 Kota Melaka (a opposition stronghold). Based on a re-simulation of the 13 th General Election voting patterns with the new boundaries after redelineation, P137 Bukit Katil will switch from an opposition constituency into a ruling government constituency. (refer Appendix 4) Similar gerrymandering, especially packing of opposition supporters into super-sized constituencies, were also discovered in several other states such as Perak, Selangor, and Johor. Preliminary analysis shows that these would have a material effect on several marginal parliamentary constituencies across the country. (4) Ethnic Gerrymandering In an interview with the New Straits Time on 29 March 2018, the EC chairman Tan Sri Mohd Hashim Abdullah stated that ethnicity was one of the criteria considered during the redelineation. BERSIH2.0 condemns and rejects the institutionalization of race and ethnicity in our electoral system at the expense of local ties. Such action by the EC and Tan Sri Hashim disregarding the conditions for redelineation in the Federal Constitution is illegal, discriminatory, and morally wrong. In analysing the redelineation report, the EC has indeed conducted ethnic-based transfer of voters. This has resulted in 15 Parliamentary Constituencies, which were previously mixed constituencies before redelineation, being transformed into 8 Malay dominant constituencies and 7 Chinese dominant constituencies. (refer Appendix 5) 2

(5) Exclusion of 59% of Parliamentary Constituencies from Delineation including the whole of Perlis, Pulau Pinang and Pahang The EC states that the redelineation was done based on demographic and population changes over time due to development, but it failed to propose any changes, either excluding them from the 1 st Recommendations or having all changes reversed by the final recommendations, for the states of Perlis, Pulau Pinang (for both State and Parliamentary Constituencies) and Pahang (for Parliamentary Constituencies). The exclusion of Pulau Pinang and Pahang are clearly unjustified from the standpoint of approximately equal apportionment. In its final report, the EC stated that the number of voters in Pulau Pinang has increased by 31.6%, i.e. from 659,155 voters since the last redelineation in 2003 to 867,748 voters in 2015. Likewise, number of voters in Pahang has increased by 33.5%, i.e. from 554,321 voters in 2003 to 740,023 in 2015. Keeping the same boundary hence sustains the severe malapportionment of parliamentary constituencies in Pahang and state constituencies in Pulau Pinang, with the largest-to-smallest constituency ratio at 2.93 times and 1.68 times respectively. In total, 96 out of 164 parliamentary constituencies up for possible delineation (excluding Putrajaya and Labuan) have the same boundaries as the redelineation exercise started. The exclusion despite 20 of them were smaller than the state average by more than 33.33% (the 1962 constitutional standard) and 7 of them were larger by more than 33.33%. (refer to Appendix 6) In effect, voters in these states are deprived of the right to have their constituencies redelineated for better representation and local ties. As there must be a gap of at least 8 years for the next redelineation to happen, voters in Pulau Pinang and Pahang are effectively forced to use old constituency maps (based on 2003 redelineation) for 23 years because of the failure and incompetence of the EC. (6) The Scam Inquiries and Recycling of the 1 st Recommendations 10 parliamentary constituencies in Selangor, Kuala Lumpur and Kedah adopted the 1 st Recommendations ditched after the 1 st round of Inquiry. This means the EC had agreed with the objectors that their 1 st Recommendations were illplanned yet the same body soon readopted the recommendations. Most shockingly, the u- turn was not even based on any solid objections. (refer Appendix 7) (7) PM s Failure To Table Redelineation Proposal for Sabah As for Sabah, the Sabah State Assembly has amended its State Constitution in 2016 to add 13 new State Constituencies. The redelineation report was completed and handed over to the Prime Minister on 21 February 2017, but he has chosen not to table the Sabah redelineation report in the Parliament without any justification. While the Second Recommendations for Sabah were badly malapportioned, raising concerns the final recommendations may worsen the malapportionment of both parliamentary and state constituencies, the Prime Minister simply has no right to delay the tabling. This is also a waste of public resources as the EC has conducted two rounds of public display, local inquiries and preparing the final report. 3

Voters must reject electoral manipulation by voting BERSIH2.0 therefore reiterates its rejection of the whole redelineation process and the final report that was tabled and passed in Parliament. The Election Commission has not only disregarded due process and constitutional procedures. It has also proposed recommendations that violate key principles required by the constitution. It is clear that the Prime Minister, Parliament, Election Commission, Judiciary, and police were all complicit in rushing and ensuring that the redelineation was passed at all cost, in order to influence and steal the upcoming general elections. BERSIH2.0 urges all voters to reject electoral manipulation by ensuring that they vote in the upcoming general elections. While we may not be able to stop redelineation from being passed, a high voter turnout will be able to reduce the impact of the electoral fraud and manipulation. Satukan Tenaga Keluar Mengundi, Kalahkan Pencuri! Issued by Steering Committee of BERSIH2.0 4

Appendix 1 Comparison between the smallest and biggest Federal Constituencies in terms of number of voters in each State State Before Redelineation After Redelineation Smallest Biggest Ratio Smallest Biggest Ratio Perlis 42,293 50,751 1.20 42,293 50,751 1.20 Kedah 37,645 95,131 2.53 37,645 101,829 2.70 Kelantan 41,894 101,318 2.42 41,894 101,318 2.42 Terengganu 67,739 98,352 1.45 67,739 98,352 1.45 Penang 50,324 84,755 1.68 50,324 84,755 1.68 Perak 28,078 100,807 3.59 28,078 96,437 3.43 Pahang 27,892 81,647 2.93 27,892 81,647 2.93 Selangor 37,126 146,317 3.94 37,126 150,439 4.05 Kuala Lumpur 53,037 91,312 1.72 55,896 81,290 1.45 Negeri Sembilan 45,719 103,615 2.27 45,719 99,752 2.18 Melaka 47,972 104,234 2.17 47,972 120,071 2.50 Johor 37,568 114,625 3.05 37,568 119,175 3.17 Appendix 2 The top ten largest Federal Constituencies in Malaysia after redelineation No. Before Redelineation No. of No. of State After Redelineation Changes Voters Voters Average 1. P106 Petaling Jaya 84,456 P106 Damansara 150,439 +65,983 94,469 Utara 2. P102 Serdang 139,013 P102 Bangi 146,168 +7,155 94,469 3. P110 Klang 98,285 P110 Klang 136,222 +37,937 94,469 4. P105 Petaling Jaya 78,404 P105 Petaling Jaya 129,363 +50,959 94,469 Selatan 5. P104 Kelana Jaya 101,603 P104 Subang 128,330 +26,727 94,469 6. P098 Gombak 124,596 P098 Gombak 124,983 +387 94,469 7. P111 Kota Raja 110,082 P111 Kota Raja 121,126 +11,044 94,469 8. P138 Kota Melaka 93,761 P138 Kota Melaka 120,071 +26,310 76,108 9. P162 Gelang Patah 114,625 P162 Iskandar Puteri 119,175 +4,550 63,428 10. P159 Pasir Gudang 108,156 P159 Pasir Gudang 108,156 0 63,428 5

Appendix 3 As Titled (Credits to: Dr Wong Chin Huat and Engage) Latest Electorate Size for the 133 Parliamentary Constituencies won by the Ruling Coalition (Barisan Nasional) and the 89 Parliamentary Constituencies won by the Opposition (Pakatan Rakyat) in 13 th General Elections, 2013. In the most extreme of cases, a simple parliamentary majority could theoretically be won with just 16.5% of the popular vote, i.e. by obtaining 50%+1 votes for each of the 112 smallest constituency. 6

Appendix 4 Packing of opposition voters by transferring polling districts based on voting pattern. Illustration: Five polling districts with strong opposition support were transferred out from P137 Bukit Katil (a marginal constituency) and packed into P138 Kota Melaka (a opposition stronghold) Results before redelineation (GE13) P137 Bukit Katil Results after redelineation (simulation) BN 40,720 BN 34,232 PR 46,167 PR 32,990 Majoriti -5,447 Majoriti +1,242 Transfer of Polling District with strong opposition support Malim Jaya 5,000 Taman Asean 5,169 Taman Melaka Baru 3,875 Batu Berendam 3,408 Taman Merdeka 5,948 Total 23,400 Results before redelineation (GE13) P138 Kota Melaka Results after redelineation (simulation) BN 28,775 BN 35,518 PR 49,521 PR 63,999 Majoriti -20,746 Majoriti -28,481 7

Appendix 5 Ethnic-based transfer of voters, creating new Malay dominant constituencies CONSTITUENCY Melayu Cina India Others Before 67.5% 22.9% 9.3% 0.3% P59 BUKIT GANTANG After 72.4% 18.9% 8.4% 0.3% Changes +4.9% -4.0% -0.9% -0.0% Before 54.0% 32.9% 11.8% 1.3% P74 LUMUT After 72.0% 15.0% 11.4% 1.6% Changes +18.0% -18.0% -0.3% +0.3% Before 54.1% 32.8% 10.9% 2.2% P101 HULU LANGAT After 65.0% 22.1% 10.4% 2.5% Changes +10.9% -10.8% -0.5% +0.4% Before 47.5% 38.5% 11.8% 2.2% P107 SUBANG After 65.3% 21.6% 10.7% 2.3% Changes +17.8% -16.9% -1.1% +0.2% Before 54.6% 30.9% 13.7% 0.8% P109 KAPAR After 70.7% 14.8% 13.6% 0.9% Changes +16.1% -16.1% -0.1% +0.1% Before 57.0% 21.8% 18.8% 2.4% P121 LEMBAH PANTAI After 62.1% 18.9% 16.3% 2.7% Changes +5.1% -2.9% -2.5% +0.3% Before 53.8% 36.5% 8.3% 1.4% P124 BANDAR TUN RAZAK After 61.1% 29.1% 8.3% 1.5% Changes +7.3% -7.4% -0.1% +0.1% Before 55.0% 38.6% 5.6% 0.8% P137 BUKIT KATIL After 62.4% 31.1% 5.7% 0.8% Changes +7.4% -7.4% +0.1% -0.0% Ethnic-based transfer of voters, creating new Chinese dominant constituencies CONSTITUENCY Melayu Cina India Others Before 34.2% 50.7% 14.9% 0.2% P68 BERUAS After 26.3% 59.3% 14.1% 0.4% Changes -7.9% +8.6% -0.9% +0.1% Before 39.2% 44.2% 15.2% 1.4% P103 PUCHONG After 36.8% 52.0% 10.0% 1.1% Changes -2.4% +7.8% -5.1% -0.0% Before 37.1% 43.0% 17.9% 2.0% P104 KELANA JAYA After 26.6% 56.5% 15.2% 1.7% Changes -10.5% +13.5% -2.7% -0.1% Before 33.6% 45.0% 19.7% 1.8% P110 KLANG After 26.4% 55.3% 17.1% 1.2% Changes -7.1% +10.3% -2.6% -0.3% Before 33.4% 53.4% 11.1% 2.2% P117 SEGAMBUT After 27.5% 58.9% 11.8% 1.8% Changes -5.8% +5.5% +0.7% -0.2% 8

Appendix 6 Number of Parliamentary Constituencies Including Outliers Which Retain Same Boundaries State N % Deviation from State Average N, <66.67% N, >133.33% Perlis 3 100.00% 0 0 Kedah 10 66.67% 2 1 Kelantan 7 50.00% 1 1 Terengganu 6 75.00% 0 0 Penang 13 100.00% 0 0 Perak 13 54.17% 5 0 Pahang 14 100.00% 2 1 Selangor 5 22.73% 2 0 Kuala Lumpur 1 9.09% 0 0 Negeri Sembilan 6 75.00% 1 0 Malacca 3 50.00% 1 0 Johor 15 57.69% 6 4 Total 96 58.54% 20 7 Appendix 7 Recycled 1 st Recommendations in 14 Parliamentary Constituencies Kedah Selangor Kuala Lumpur Boundary Change Pattern N % N % N % Status Quo -> 1st Proposal -> Status Quo -> 1st Proposal 9 40.91% 1 9.09% Status Quo -> 1st Proposal -> 2nd Proposal -> 1st Proposal 2 13.33% 1 4.55% Total 2 13.33% 10 45.46% 1 9.09% 9