Can Ideal Point Estimates be Used as Explanatory Variables?

Similar documents
RATIONAL JUDICIAL BEHAVIOR:

6+ Decades of Freedom of Expression in the U.S. Supreme Court

Appendix A In this appendix, we present the following:

Supplementary/Online Appendix for The Swing Justice

Was There Ever Such a Thing as Judicial Self-Restraint?

UC-BERKELEY. Center on Institutions and Governance Working Paper No. 22. Interval Properties of Ideal Point Estimators

By Nancy Staudt Lee Epstein Peter Wiedenbeck *

Sources and Consequences of Polarization on the U.S. Supreme Court Brandon Bartels

The Ideological Operation of the United States Supreme Court

Assessing Preference Change on the US Supreme Court

Network Derived Domain Maps of the United States Supreme Court:

The Effect of Public Opinion on the Voting Behavior of Supreme Court Justices. By Kristen Rosano

Rational Judicial Behavior: A Statistical Study

Trumping the First Amendment?

When Loyalty Is Tested

Cornell University University of Maryland, College Park

The Sources and Consequences of Polarization in the U.S. Supreme Court

Segal and Howard also constructed a social liberalism score (see Segal & Howard 1999).

Ideology and the Study of Judicial Behavior

Circuit Court Experience and Consistency on the Supreme Court ( )

Supreme Court Responsiveness: An Analysis of Individual Justice Voting Behavior and the Role of Public Opinion

The Power to Appoint: Presidential Nominations and Change on the Supreme Court

Measuring Bias and Uncertainty in Ideal Point Estimates via the Parametric Bootstrap

Jeffrey B. Lewis. Positions University of California Los Angeles Los Angeles, CA Associate Professor of Political Science. July 2007 present.

Measuring the Political Sophistication of Voters in the Netherlands and the United States

Why the Supreme Court Issues Plurality Opinions

Estimating Ideal Points at the Supreme Court Using Agenda-Setting Votes

Measuring the Political Sophistication of Voters in the Netherlands and the United States

JUDGE, JURY AND CLASSIFIER

Statistical Analysis of Endorsement Experiments: Measuring Support for Militant Groups in Pakistan

Using the Amici Network to Measure the Ex Ante Ideological Loading of Supreme Court Cases

Lobbying in Washington DC

1. The Relationship Between Party Control, Latino CVAP and the Passage of Bills Benefitting Immigrants

THE HUNT FOR PARTY DISCIPLINE IN CONGRESS #

APPLICATION: THE SUPREME COURT

UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works

IS THE ROBERTS COURT ESPECIALLY ACTIVIST? A STUDY OF INVALIDATING (AND UPHOLDING) FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL LAWS

Do Individual Heterogeneity and Spatial Correlation Matter?

Partisan Influence in Congress and Institutional Change

Over the last 50 years, political scientists and

Comparing the Data Sets

Research Statement. Jeffrey J. Harden. 2 Dissertation Research: The Dimensions of Representation

Bargaining Power in the Supreme Court

Appendix: Uncovering Patterns Among Latent Variables: Human Rights and De Facto Judicial Independence

When It Comes to Business, the Right and Left Sides of the Court Agree. Lee Epstein, William M. Landes, & Richard A. Posner

The Median Justice on the United States Supreme Court

Median voter theorem - continuous choice

Bargaining Power in the Supreme Court: Evidence from Opinion Assignment and Vote Fluidity

IPSA International Conference Concordia University, Montreal (Quebec), Canada April 30 May 2, 2008

Uncovering patterns among latent variables: human rights and de facto judicial independence

Efficiency Increased? The Effect of the Case Selections Act of 1988 on Abortion Case Processing Efficiency

THE CHIEF JUSTICE AND PROCEDURAL POWER

THE SUPREME COURT AND THE ATTITUDINAL MODEL

Unpacking the Idea of the Judicial Center

Lobbying and Policy Change in

RESPONSE. Two Worlds, Neither Perfect: A Comment on the Tension Between Legal and Empirical Studies

Passing and Strategic Voting on the U.S. Supreme Court

Law clerks play a prominent role in the work of the Supreme Court, a role that has

The Intersection of Judicial Attitudes and Litigant Selection Theories: Explaining U.S. Supreme Court Decision Making

POS729 Seminar in Judicial Politics. Syllabus - Fall 2008

Should the Democrats move to the left on economic policy?

Supporting Information for Signaling and Counter-Signaling in the Judicial Hierarchy: An Empirical Analysis of En Banc Review

Bayesian Estimates of Minority Policy Influence

Kenneth N. Klee Papers

A Conservative Rewriting Of The 'Right To Work'

Hierarchical Item Response Models for Analyzing Public Opinion

CRIMINAL LAW AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT DECISION- MAKING ON CRIMINAL LAW FROM 1995 TO 2014

As Justice Kennedy s opinion suggests, the doctrine of stare decisis, by which. Explaining the Overruling of U.S. Supreme Court Precedent

Comparison of the Psychometric Properties of Several Computer-Based Test Designs for. Credentialing Exams

David A. Armstrong II Curriculum Vitae 1

Why does the Supreme Court issue plurality decisions? Although there have been

Former Roberts Court Clerks Success Litigating Before the Supreme Court

The Seventeenth Amendment, Senate Ideology, and the Growth of Government

Dimensionality in Congressional Voting: The Role of Issues and Agendas. Thomas A. Ringenberg

Strategic Partisanship: Party Priorities, Agenda Control and the Decline of Bipartisan Cooperation in the House

Judicial Quality and the Supreme Court Nominating Process

UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL OKLAHOMA Edmond, Oklahoma Jackson College of Graduate Studies & Research

The Information Dynamics of Vertical Stare Decisis. Thomas G. Hansford Associate Professor of Political Science UC Merced

Are Supreme Court Nominations a Move-the-Median Game?

Judicial Gobbledygook: The Readability of Supreme Court Writing

CRUCIAL AND ROUTINE DECISIONS: WHY IDEOLOGY AFFECTS U. S. SUPREME COURT DECISION-MAKING THE WAY IT DOES

SHOULD THE DEMOCRATS MOVE TO THE LEFT ON ECONOMIC POLICY? By Andrew Gelman and Cexun Jeffrey Cai Columbia University

Income, Ideology and Representation

ANALYZING THE RELIABILITY OF SUPREME COURT JUSTICES AGENDA-SETTING RECORDS *

Vote Compass Methodology

Changing Parties or Changing Attitudes?: Uncovering the Partisan Change Process

democratic or capitalist peace, and other topics are fragile, that the conclusions of

A Media-Based Measure of Presidential Candidate Ideology

Party Influence in a Bicameral Setting: U.S. Appropriations from

Selection Bias and Ideal Point Estimation of the United States Supreme Court

Polarization and Ideology: Partisan Sources of Low-Dimensionality in Scaled Roll-Call Analyses

A Common-Space Scaling of the American Judiciary and Legal Profession *

THE MOST DANGEROUS JUSTICE RIDES INTO THE SUNSET

NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES THE LABOR MARKET IMPACT OF HIGH-SKILL IMMIGRATION. George J. Borjas. Working Paper

Pivotal Politics, Presidential Capital, and Supreme Court Nominations

Peer Effects on the United States Supreme Court

Case Study: Get out the Vote

The Company They Keep: How Partisan Divisions Came to the Supreme Court. Neal Devins, College of William and Mary

Moderate Behavior on the Roberts Court

Political Economics II Spring Lectures 4-5 Part II Partisan Politics and Political Agency. Torsten Persson, IIES

Transcription:

Can Ideal Point Estimates be Used as Explanatory Variables? Andrew D. Martin Washington University admartin@wustl.edu Kevin M. Quinn Harvard University kevin quinn@harvard.edu October 8, 2005 1 Introduction For many years scholars have fit measurement models to voting data to recover the latent ideal points of various actors. Poole and Rosenthal (1997), for example, provide a number of different measurement strategies for House members and Senators; Clinton et al. (2004) offer a Bayesian alternative. Martin and Quinn (2002) fit a dynamic item response theory model which provides time-varying ideal points for Supreme Court justices. Can these estimated ideal points be used as explanatory variables in subsequent (oftentimes called second-stage) regression models? In this note we answer this question. Our discussion focuses primarily on the Martin and Quinn (2002) scores for Supreme Court justices, but the theoretical arguments are equally applicable to other modeling strategies. We begin by discussing the Martin-Quinn approach, and presenting the scores. We then outline possible concerns about using the measures, followed by our thoughts about those concerns. We conclude with a set of best practices for the use of Martin-Quinn scores. 2 The Martin-Quinn Scores Martin and Quinn (2002) posit a measurement model with two estimands: the ideal points of the justices, and two case-specific parameters. The model is unique in that the ideal points of the justices are allowed to vary smoothly across time. To identify the model, some justices are fixed in their first terms of service. That defines the scale with which the other justices ideal points are measured. The model is estimated using Markov chain Monte Carlo methods. While the case-specific parameters are of interest in certain applications, here we focus on the estimated ideal points. These ideal points are updated annually as the Court decides additional cases, and are made available at http://adm.wustl.edu/supct.php. Currently scores are available from the October 1937 term to the October 2003 term. The website provides posterior means; i.e., the ideal points, for each justice in each term in which they served. The website also contains posterior This research is supported by the National Science Foundation Law and Social Sciences and Methodology, Measurement, and Statistics Sections, Grants SES-01-35855, SES-01-36676, SES 03-50646, and SES-03-50646. Additional financial support was provided by the Weidenbaum Center at Washington University, the Center for Statistics and the Social Sciences at the University of Washington, and the Institute for Quantitative Social Science at Harvard University. 1

standard deviations, which quantify the uncertainty about each of the measures. We will discuss the use of these below. In Figures 1-5 we plot the ideal points for the justices. Each figure shares the same y-axis to allow for across-time comparison. Lower numbers on the ideological scale representing liberalism (left); high numbers on the ideological scale represent conservatism (right). It is also important to keep in mind that each of these measures is an estimate, each with a (possibly) different amount of uncertainty associated with it. It is important to take into account this uncertainty when asking questions such as: Is Justice X more conservative than Justice Y? These questions can be answered using Monte Carlo methods (see Clinton et al., 2004; Martin et al., 2005). 3 Possible Concerns for Subsequent Regressions There are a number of criticisms of the use of estimated ideal points as explanatory variables in subsequent regression models. 1. There are two types of subsequent regression models; those with votes as the dependent variable, and those with anything else as the dependent variable. In the former case, researchers may be concerned that they are using votes to explain votes. Epstein and Mershon (1996) describe this problem as: the measures of the independent and dependent variables are the same. The measurement work of Segal and Cover (1989) was undertaken to avoid this issue. 1 In the latter case, when votes are not the explanatory variable of interest, circularity is not a concern. 2. The second criticism of these measures is non-random case selection. It is well-known that the nature of the agenda is important to consider when modeling observational data. Since agenda-setting on the Court is endogenous, might this yield inaccurate preference measures? And, to what extent should the agenda process be included in the measurement model? 3. The final criticism of that Martin and Quinn (2002) scores is issue boundedness. While the measures might be appropriate in some issue areas, the uni-dimensional spatial model might not be appropriate for other, more difficult issues, such as tax, economics, judicial power, etc. In the following section we discuss each of these concerns in order, and provide some evidence, when possible, as to their applicability. 4 Evidence from the Martin-Quinn Scores 4.1 Votes Explaining Votes The circularity concern is quite important as a purely technical matter. Strictly speaking, the scores should not be used in this context. What modeling approach would be better? One approach would be to use an exogenous measurement strategy, such as the Segal and Cover (1989) scores. This approach would work fine in some issue areas, such as civil rights and civil liberties, but quite poorly 1 Sometimes this criticism is summarized by claiming we should have measures of revealed preferences that are independent of the actual votes. Of course, if these measures were truly independent, they would be unrelated to voting and thus of no use. 2

in other issue areas (Epstein and Mershon, 1996). Using these scores also requires the assumption of fixed preferences over time, which is inappropriate for some justices, such as Justice Blackmun. Another approach would be to fit a full structural model, where ideal points were simultaneously estimated along with the regression parameters of interest (Clinton et al., 2004). We discuss this in the concluding section of our Political Analysis piece. While this is the principled approach to dealing with the problem, it requires writing custom software, and is thus beyond the reach of many applied researchers. Still another option that is applicable to the study of votes on the merits within a subset of cases is to estimate ideal points using the data from other cases and to use these ideal point estimates in one s regression model of interest. For instance, if one were interested in analyzing votes on the merits in federalism cases, one could estimate ideal points using data from all cases except federalism cases and then use these ideal point estimates in the regression model of votes on federalism cases. We note that if it turns out that if the publicly available ideal point estimates based on all of the data look essentially the same as the ideal point estimates based on subsetting the data in the manner mentioned above, then the second stage regression using the full data Martin and Quinn scores will be essentially the same as the more principled second stage regression that includes the ideal points estimated from a subset of the data. If this is the case, then there is little to be lost from simply using the publicly available Martin and Quinn scores in second stage regressions. To assess the extent to which this is the case we have re-estimated the dynamic ideal point model (using the same priors) excluding one issue area at a time. We have re-estimated the model excluding the Spaeth VALUE codes: criminal procedure (1), civil rights (2), first amendment (3), due process (4), privacy (5), attorneys (6), unions (7), economic activity (8), judicial power (9), federalism (10), interstate relations (11), and federal taxation (12). These estimates are labeled as ButX in the figures, were X refers to the excluded issue area. In Figure 6 we compare the ranks of the full data Martin-Quinn estimates with those from the models with excluded issue categories; in Figure 7 we do the same thing, this time comparing the actual estimates. What is clear from these figures is that the excluded issue estimates are very highly correlated with the full data Martin-Quinn estimates. In Figure 8 we compare the estimated location of the median justice for each of the models. The overwhelming pattern in these figures is data falling along the forty-five degree line, indicating that this Court-specific measure changes very little when excluding issues one at a time. Since these correlations are so high, as a practical matter using the full data Martin-Quinn scores when modeling votes in a single issue is perfectly appropriate. While circularity is a technical concern, the resultant measures from purging issues will change very little, and so it is not worth the effort to do so. When modeling votes in a single issue area, circularity is not a practical concern. We summarize these prescriptions in the final section. 4.2 Non-Random Case Selection Does the fact that the Supreme Court controls its own docket affect the ability of the model to reliably recover ideal points? In many applications this is a germane criticism. One good example is the work of Baum (1988), who demonstrates that looking at statistics such as the percent liberalism in the previous term is problematic because of agenda effects (his so-called Baum correction fixes this under a set of assumptions, one of which is constant preferences). Unlike most regression models, the item response theory (IRT) model that underlies the Martin and Quinn (2002) model is not nearly as sensitive to selection (particularly for ordinal quantities of interest such as the ranks of the ideal points). Indeed, the IRT model does not treat all cases 3

equally; some are more informative than others (a 5-4 decision carries more information about the ideal points than an 8-1 decision). If certain coalitions were never observed in the data, selection effects might bias ideal point estimates. But empirically that is not a concern with these data. Moreover, if it were a concern, the ideal points would still be appropriately estimated, but the amount of uncertainty would dramatically increase. See Lynch (2005), who explores how the use of interest group-selected roll calls affects ideal point estimates compared with using all roll calls or just randomly selected roll calls. Finally, Jackman (2001) recommends looking at the estimated item parameters to see if there is support along the ideological continuum. In our data, the space is well-supported. While extreme cases of agenda control can affect ideal point estimates, this is not a concern for the Martin-Quinn scores. If the agenda process itself is of empirical interest, or if the researcher would like to bring information about agenda setting into the statistical models, this can be accommodated in the IRT framework. See, for example, Clinton and Meriowitz (2004) and Martin and Quinn (2001). 4.3 Issue Boundedness To what extent are Martin-Quinn scores applicable in areas of the law besides civil rights and civil liberties (the domain of Segal-Cover scores)? In Table 1 we present the percent correctly classified across a number of issue areas. While the scores do better in some area of the law than others, these scores classify well across all issues. In short, a uni-dimensional spatial model performs well across most issues. In Figure 11, we fit the dynamic ideal point model to four single issues, and compare the location of the medial justice. The strongest correlation is between the Martin-Quinn medians and the civil liberties medians (0.91); the weakest is between the Martin-Quinn medians and the economics medians (0.68). Again, this suggests that these measures do quite well across issue areas. How do the measures compare with existing ones? For the sake of comparison, we compute the term-by-term correlations of our ideal point estimates with other available preference measures. We plot these correlations in Figure 9. Two existing measures are based on multi-dimensional scaling of observed votes: those by Schubert (1974) and Rohde and Spaeth (1976). Schubert (1974) finds two primary dimensions that structure the Court: a C scale which comprises civil rights and civil liberties, and an E scale focused primarily on economics cases. Not surprisingly our measure correlates highly with the C scale. The comparison with the E scale is more interesting. Our measure is always positively correlated with the E scale, very strongly so in the mid-1940s, 1955 to the early 1960s, and the late 1960s. But there are times when the correlation dips below 0.5. Our measure is thus picking up something slightly different from the E scale, which is likely attributable to the dynamic structure of our model. Rohde and Spaeth (1976) find three dimensions Freedom, Equality, and New Deal that structure behavior from the mid 1950s to the late 1970s. But for the Equality scale in the mid-1950s, our measure is comparable to all three of these scales, including the economics-oriented New Deal scale. These findings show that the Martin-Quinn scale is strongly related to the (non-orthogonal) dimensions uncovered by other scholars. We also correlate our measure with the Segal and Cover (1989) measure in the final cell of Figure 10. The results are important. From 1970 to 1990, and only during this time period, does our measure correlate strongly with the Segal and Cover (1989) measure. Indeed, through the 1960s, there is essentially a zero correlation. And, the correlation during the 1990s is modest. This suggests a number of things. First, it is interesting to note that our measure only correlates strongly with the Segal and Cover (1989) measure when the Court is heterogeneous. As the Court became 4

more homogenous in the 1960s, and in the early 1990s, the correlation between the two measures dips significantly. Second, since our measures are essentially summaries of past behavior, this calls into question the validity of the Segal and Cover (1989) scores in many areas. 5 Best Practices We conclude with what we view as best-practices for the use of Martin-Quinn scores in subsequent regression models. First and foremost, we encourage others to use the scores often and creatively! 2 If the dependent variable of interest is not voting, then the scores can be used without any concerns. If the dependent variable is votes on the merits, using Martin-Quinn scores is reasonable, even while recognizing the circularity problem, if the subject of the study is a single issue area. While circularity is still technically a problem, the results in this note demonstrate that as a practical matter it is not a significant concern. Finally, if the focus of the study is votes on the merits on all cases, using Martin-Quinn scores is inappropriate, and a full structural estimation is necessary. Using Segal and Cover (1989) scores as a measure of judicial preferences is also a reasonable approach in some circumstances (modeling aggregated votes in civil rights and civil liberties). However, some of the assumptions on which the measures are based, such as constant preferences, are questionable. References Baum, Lawrence. 1988. Measuring Policy Change in the United States Supreme Court. American Political Science Review 82(September):905 912. Clinton, Joshua D., Simon Jackman, and Douglas Rivers. 2004. The Statistical Analysis of Roll Call Data. American Political Science Review 98:355 370. Clinton, Joshua D., and Adam Meriowitz. 2004. Testing Explanations of Strategic Voting in Legislatures: A Reexamination of the Compromise of 1790. American Journal of Political Science 48:675 689. Epstein, Lee, and Carol Mershon. 1996. Measuring Political Preferences. American Journal of Political Science 40(February):261 294. Jackman, Simon. 2001. Multidimensional Analysis of Roll Call Data via Bayesian Simulation: Identification, Estimation, Inference and Model Checking. Political Analysis 9:227 241. Lynch, Michael S. 2005. Are They Asking the Right Questions? Assessing Interest Group Scores Using Item Response Theory. Presented at the 2005 Midwest Political Science Association Meeting. Martin, Andrew D., and Kevin M. Quinn. 2001. Bayesian Learning about Ideal Points of Supreme Court Justices, 1953-1999. Presented at the 2001 Political Methodology Summer Meeting. 2 It also is good practice to take into account measure uncertainly when using Martin-Quinn scores. The posterior standard deviations are available, and can be used as weights (although in our experience this matters very little to not-at-all for most models). This uncertainty can also be taken into account using various Monte Carlo methods, but they require developing specialized software. 5

Martin, Andrew D., and Kevin M. Quinn. 2002. Dynamic Ideal Point Estimation via Markov Chain Monte Carlo for the U.S. Supreme Court, 1953-1999. Political Analysis 10:134 153. Martin, Andrew D., Kevin M. Quinn, and Lee Epstein. 2005. The Median Justice on the United States Supreme Court. North Carolina Law Review 83(5):1275 1321. Poole, Keith T., and Howard Rosenthal. 1997. Congress: A Political-Economic History of Roll-Call Voting. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rohde, David W., and Harold J. Spaeth. 1976. Supreme Court Decision Making. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman. Schubert, Glendon. 1974. The Judicial Mind Revisited: Psychometric Analysis of Supreme Court Ideology. London: Oxford University Press. Segal, Jeffrey A., and Albert D. Cover. 1989. Ideological Values and the Votes of U.S. Supreme Court Justices. American Political Science Review 83:557 565. 6

Estimated Ideal Point 1938 1940 1942 1944 Term Black (1937 1970) Brandeis (1937 1938) Butler (1937 1938) Cardozo (1937 1937) Hughes (1937 1940) McReynolds (1937 1940) Reed (1937 1956) Roberts (1937 1944) Stone (1937 1945) Sutherland (1937 1937) Douglas (1938 1974) Frankfurter (1938 1961) Murphy (1939 1948) Byrnes (1941 1941) Jackson (1941 1953) Rutledge (1942 1948) Burton (1945 1957) Figure 1: Estimated ideal points for the dynamic ideal point model for the late-hughes and Stone Courts, 1937-1945. 7

Estimated Ideal Point 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 Term Black (1937 1970) Reed (1937 1956) Douglas (1938 1974) Frankfurter (1938 1961) Murphy (1939 1948) Jackson (1941 1953) Rutledge (1942 1948) Burton (1945 1957) Vinson (1946 1952) Clark (1949 1966) Minton (1949 1955) Figure 2: Estimated ideal points for the dynamic ideal point model for the Vinson Court, 1946-1952. 8

Estimated Ideal Point 1955 1960 1965 Term Black (1937 1970) Reed (1937 1956) Douglas (1938 1974) Frankfurter (1938 1961) Jackson (1941 1953) Burton (1945 1957) Clark (1949 1966) Minton (1949 1955) Warren (1953 1968) Harlan (1954 1970) Brennan (1956 1989) Whittaker (1956 1961) Stewart (1958 1980) White (1961 1992) Goldberg (1962 1964) Fortas (1965 1968) Marshall (1967 1990) Figure 3: Estimated ideal points for the dynamic ideal point model for the Warren Court, 1953-1968. 9

Estimated Ideal Point 1970 1975 1980 1985 Term Black (1937 1970) Douglas (1938 1974) Harlan (1954 1970) Brennan (1956 1989) Stewart (1958 1980) White (1961 1992) Marshall (1967 1990) Burger (1969 1985) Blackmun (1970 1993) Powell (1971 1986) Rehnquist (1971 2002) Stevens (1975 2002) O'Connor (1981 2002) Figure 4: Estimated ideal points for the dynamic ideal point model for the Burger Court, 1969-1985. 10

Estimated Ideal Point 1990 1995 2000 Term Brennan (1956 1989) White (1961 1992) Marshall (1967 1990) Blackmun (1970 1993) Powell (1971 1986) Rehnquist (1971 2002) Stevens (1975 2002) O'Connor (1981 2002) Scalia (1986 2002) Kennedy (1987 2002) Souter (1990 2002) Thomas (1991 2002) Ginsburg (1993 2002) Breyer (1994 2002) Figure 5: Estimated ideal points for the dynamic ideal point model for the Rehnquist Court, 1986-2002. 11

But1 [Rank] But2 [Rank] But3 [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] But4 [Rank] But5 [Rank] But6 [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] But7 [Rank] But8 [Rank] But9 [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] But10 [Rank] But11 [Rank] But12 [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] [Rank] Figure 6: Comparison of estimated ideal point ranks for the dynamic ideal point model with estimates deleting one issue at a time. 12

But1 But2 But3 But4 But5 But6 But7 6 2 0 2 4 But8 6 2 0 2 4 But9 6 2 0 2 4 But10 6 2 0 2 4 But11 But12 Figure 7: Comparison of estimated ideal points for the dynamic ideal point model with estimates deleting one issue at a time. 13

But1 1.0 0.5 0.0 0.5 But2 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But3 0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 But4 0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 But5 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But6 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But7 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But8 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But9 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But10 0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 But11 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 But12 1.0 0.0 0.5 1.0 Figure 8: Comparison of estimated Court median for the dynamic ideal point model with estimates deleting one issue at a time. 14

Schubert C Schubert E 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1950 1955 1960 1965 Spaeth Freedom 1950 1955 1960 1965 Spaeth Equality 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 Spaeth New Deal 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 Segal and Cover 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 Figure 9: Term-by-term correlations of dynamic ideal point estimates with Schubert (Schubert, 1974), Spaeth (Rohde and Spaeth, 1976), and Segal and Cover (Segal and Cover, 1989) measures. 15

Civil Liberties [Correlation] 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 M Q S C Economics [Correlation] 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 M Q S C 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 Term Term Figure 10: Term-by-term correlations of Martin and Quinn (M-Q) and Segal and Cover (S-C) measures with percent liberal decisions in civil liberties and economics cases. 16

Issue Area Percent Total Votes Attorneys 78.41 372 Criminal Procedure 77.67 9357 Civil Rights 77.33 6146 First Amendment 76.61 3632 Due Process 75.54 1680 Privacy 75.50 456 Unions 74.48 2243 Economic Activity 74.30 8952 Judicial Power 73.42 4039 Federalism 72.76 1596 Federal Taxation 71.85 2220 Table 1: Mean posterior percent votes classified, by issue area, 1937-2002. 17

CIVL Median 1.5 CIVR Median 1.5 1.0 0.5 0.0 0.5 CRIM Median ECON Median Figure 11: Comparison of estimated Court median for the dynamic ideal point model with single issue estimates for civil liberties (CIVL), civil rights (CIVR), criminal procedure (CRIM), and economics (ECON) cases. 18