Eritrea: An International Catch-22. The request of the state of Eritrea to rejoin the Intergovernmental Authority on

Similar documents
COMMUNIQUE OF THE 18 TH EXTRA-ORDINARY SESSION OF THE IGAD ASSEMBLY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT ON THE ACTIVITIES IN SUDAN, SOMALIA AND ERITREA

Ethiopia s Foreign Policy: Regional Integration and International Priorities

The Saga of the SEMG and Eritrea Saturday, 14 October :08 - Last Updated Saturday, 14 October :15

South Sudan JANUARY 2018

Eritrea. Suppression of Free Expression

Rewarding Eritrea's belligerency isn't a solution

SOMALIA CONFERENCE, LONDON, 7 MAY 2013: COMMUNIQUE

Somalia s Prospect. Africa Briefing Report Brussels 2 July 2010

Somali refugees arriving at UNHCR s transit center in Ethiopia. Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Kenya Somalia Uganda. 58 UNHCR Global Appeal

TURKEY- HORN OF AFRICA ISTANBUL MEETING

Somalia. Somalia is the world s prototypical failed state: 3.8

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA

OCHA Regional Office for Central and East Africa Displaced Populations Report January June 2008, ISSUE 3

EAST AND HORN OF AFRICA

Preliminary Remarks by. Mr. Yemane Ghebreab Political Adviser to the President of the State of Eritrea. Before the

Ethiopian Oromo refugees face bribes, harassment in Kenya

Republic of South Sudan South Sudan Human Rights Commission (SSHRC) Presentation by Lawrence Korbandy, Chairperson SSHRC, Geneva, 24.9.

7206/16 MC/ml 1 DG D 1B RESTREINT UE/EU RESTRICTED

A millstone for Afar human rights fight in Eritrea

Ethiopia and the United States: Some Key Issues

Delegations will find attached the Council conclusions on the Horn of Africa/Red Sea as adopted at the 3628th meeting of the Council on 25 June 2018.

Ethiopia and Eritrea: Cease-fire and human rights

Overview of UNHCR s operations in Africa

Ethiopia s Foreign Policy: Regional Integration and International Priorities

CONCEPT NOTE IGAD High Level Ministerial Roundtable Discussion on Remittances as a Tool for Financing Development and Meeting Food Security.

Delegations will find attached the Council conclusions on Ethiopia as adopted at the 3652nd meeting of the Council on 19 November 2018.

Members: Angola... Mr. Lucas China... Mr. Xu Zhongsheng Egypt... Mr. Aboulatta France... Mr. Delattre Japan... Mr. Yoshikawa Malaysia... Mr.

COMMUNIQUE OF THE 26 th EXTRAORDINARY SESSION OF THE IGAD ASSEMBLY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT ON THE SITUATION IN SOUTH SUDAN

NOTE. The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict

MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

IGAD ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION TO THE PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN UGANDA PRELIMINARY REPORT

Sudan. Main objectives. Working environment. Recent developments. Total requirements: USD 13,045,950

The Politics of Tigray- Tigrinya

Ethiopia and Its Regional Diplomacy: Ethiopia s Dominant Interpretation of the IGAD

Newsletter Embassy of Ethiopia, Brussels

New Dynamics in the Horn

Adopted by the Security Council at its 6266th meeting, on 28 January 2010

Horn of Africa and Southern Africa Luca Puddu

An Emerging Diplomatic Row between Uganda and South Sudan

MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

OPENING STATEMENT H.E. FESTUS G. MOGAE CHAIRMAN OF JMEC DURING THE PLENARY MEETING OF THE JOINT MONITORING & EVALUATION COMMISSION

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL MEDIA BRIEFING

The Changing Nature of Eritrea s Opposition Politics

Eritrea s Regional Role and Foreign Policy: Past, Present and Future Perspectives

APLC/MSP.14/2015/WP.7

NAIROBI (REGIONAL) COVERING: Djibouti, Kenya, United Republic of Tanzania

A Comprehensive Agreement for the Two Sudans: Is It Possible?

The African Union s African Mission

SEP A New Paradigm for an armed struggle in Ethiopia and Eritrea

REPORT ON THE ACTIVITIES OF THE PRC SUB-COMMITTEE ON REFUGEES, RETURNEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS: JANUARY JULY 2010

WEEKLY REVIEW. March 4, The Question of Ugandan Troops in South Sudan. Abraham A. Awolich

Despite the fact that several of the countries in

Youth, Peace and Security: Social Policy and Conflict Prevention in Africa Concept Note

i. measures for an accelerated implementation of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos;

IGAD SPECIAL SUMMIT ON DURABLE SOLUTIONS FOR SOMALI REFUGEES AND REINTEGRATION OF RETURNEES IN SOMALIA

DECISIONS AND DECLARATIONS

UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, P.O. Box: 3243 Tel.: (251-11) Fax: (251-11)

Update on UNHCR s operations in Africa

Adopted by the Security Council at its 6068th meeting, on 16 January 2009

ARMED NON-STATE ACTORS IN AFRICA AND THE BAN ON ANTI-PERSONNEL LANDMINES 1

INSTRUCTOR VERSION. Persecution and displacement: Sheltering LGBTI refugees (Nairobi, Kenya)

United Nations Reforms

WANTED: A PEACE STRATEGY FOR THE SUDANS

Madam Chairwoman, Prime Minister, Distinguished Commissioners, especially Commissioner Chergui, Ambassadors, Ladies and gentlemen,

EUROPEAN UNION EMERGENCY TRUST FUND HORN OF AFRICA WINDOW

SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY HON. MWAI KIBAKI, C.G.H., M.P

DEEPENING DEMOCRACY PROGRAMME. Summary Report of ISS Public Seminar UGANDA: ANALYSIS OF THE 2011 ELECTIONS AND ITS IMPLICATIONS

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ETHIOPIA AND THE GOVERNMENT OF THE STATE OF ERITREA

Insights on Peace & Security Council South Sudan. Media and Research Services. InsightDartDate

IOM Special Liaison Office, Addis Ababa Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 3 December 2011

Ethiopia. Main objectives. Planning figures. Total requirements: USD 13,679,942

Dealing with the fast-changing environment in the eastern DRC. The split in the CNDP

ACP-EU JOINT PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY

UNIÃO AFRICANA P. O. Box 3243, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel.: (251-11) Fax: (251-11)

STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR SMAIL CHERGUI, COMMSSIONER FOR PEACE AND SECURITY, AT THE HIGH LEVEL MEETING ON THE LORD S RESISTANCE ARMY

AGREEMENT ESTABLISHING THE INTER-GOVERNMENTAL AUTHORITY ON DEVELOPMENT (IGAD) ASSEMBLY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT

MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION

Committee: Special Political and Decolonization Committee Issue: The Question of South Sudan Student Officer: Alkmini Laiou Position: Chair

Security Council The question of Somalia and the spread of terrorism into Africa. Sarp Çelikel

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, P.O. Box: 3243 Tel.: (251-11) Fax: (251-11)

STATEHENT DURING. THE GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 71sT SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

The Necessity of Aseb Port to Ethiopia

UNIÃO AFRICANA P.O. Box: 3243, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Tel.: (251-11) Fax: (251-11)

T H E I N T E R N A T I O N A L L Y O N M O D E L U N I T E D N A T I O N S R E S E A R C H R E P O R T

Abiy Ahmed: Ethiopia's prime minister/2018 February. Abiy Ahmed is a clever and astute politician astonishing development in the region/2018 July

The need of good governance, inspired us to say enough to the cruel man in Asmara

OPENING REMARKS BRO. FRANCIS ATWOLI, MBS THE PRESIDENT OF TRADE UNION FEDERATION OF EASTERN AFRICA, TUFEA DURING

UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, P.O. Box: 3243 Tel.: (251 11) Fax: (251 11) union.

UNIÃO AFRICANA P. O. Box 3243, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel.: (251-11) Fax: (251-11)

Adopted by the Security Council at its 7396th meeting, on 3 March 2015

DECISIONS, DECLARATIONS AND RESOLUTION

Joint Communiqué between Japan and Ethiopia on the Occasion of the State Visit of Prime Minister Abe to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Conflict Early Warning. Mechanism (CEWARN)

Letter dated 14 October 2013 from the Permanent Representative of Rwanda to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council

Human Trafficking and Smuggling in the Horn of Africa: Patterns, Dynamics, and Criminal Networks

Outline of Presentation

ERITREA HUMAN RIGHTS DEVELOPMENTS

REPORT OF THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE COMMISSION ON THE SITUATION IN SOMALIA

Michela Wrong wrote the following:

66TH EXTRAORDINARY MEETING OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS OF IGAD STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR SMAÏL CHERGUI COMMISSIONER FOR PEACE AND SECURITY

Transcription:

Eritrea: An International Catch-22 By Meles Alem The request of the state of Eritrea to rejoin the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the recent visit of President Isaias Afeworki Africa s Ivan the Terrible to Kampala, the Ugandan capital, have been topping the headlines for the past few days. Both have boggled the minds of many analysts. Speculations were rife regarding the visit and the motive of Eritrea to reactivate its IGAD membership with immediate effect. Many asked, why now? Those who are familiar with the twisting strategy of Asmara, however, were not surprised by the move. Conspiracy Four years after suspending itself from IGAD, Eritrea abruptly decided to reactivate its membership. Eritrea withdrew from the regional block under the pretext of Ethiopia s action in Somalia in 2006 and support of member states when sanctions were imposed. By the same token, their secretive and recursive leader paid a three-day rare visit, by invitation, to Uganda. Kiflu Hussein, Ethiopian Human rights defender, said the Eritrean ruler has knocked the door of his Ugandan counterpart. Of course, the official word is that he was here at the 1

invitation of President Yueri Museveni, he added. These successive events have raised eyebrows about the motives and its details. In a letter written by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Eritrea to IGAD, Eritrea claimed that it wanted to rejoin because there is need for peace and stability in the region and Eritrea should contribute its part. The independence of South Sudan and their current humanitarian situation were also put forth as well as multiple more raison d'êtres. With regards to the visit of President Isaias, it aimed at supporting efforts at stabilizing the Horn of Africa that is ploughed by inter and intra-state clashes. When taken at face value, these are commendable imitations. But past experiences show that the rogue regime in Asmara does not comprehend the words peace and stability. It is a war profiteer government engaged in harbouring and sponsoring terrorist groups and so called liberation fronts. Many observers termed the visit as a notable attempt aimed at mending fences with neighbours in the East and Horn of Africa. Some analysts consider the visit as a vigorous fight-back to avoid expected Security Council sanctions on the Red Sea State. The Kenyan Citizen Television pigeonholed it as a charming diplomatic exercise. On the other hand, some analysts attached the move to Museveni s ambition of becoming a major regional player. And the South African Institute for Security 2

Studies said the visit may also be connected with the Museven s design for regional leadership and personal prestige: Museveni considers himself as one of the key regional, if not continental, political figures and would want to shape events in the region and beyond, it said. But, in the eyes of many regional observers, these arguments do not hold water. I simply don t buy the idea that there is a change of policy in Asmara. Not least of all because there is no sense of optimism. According to many observers, Isaias is intimidated by the call from IGAD member states for tougher sanctions on Eritrea for its destabilizing role in the sub-region. The visit is, therefore, meant to neutralize the sanctions and weaken the unity of IGAD states. The track record of Eritrea shows that Isaias succumbs to pressure easily when severe consequences are threatened. A case in point is the regime s acceptance of the peaceful resolution of the Ethio-Eritrea conflict after the Ethiopian army crossed into the hinterland of the Red Sea State. Dan Connel, journalist and professor on African Politics in Summons College, said that Eritrean President called former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to inform him about his acceptance of the peaceful resolution of the border dispute after persistent rebuttal. Likewise, Eritrean authorities swallowed their pride and asked to renew their membership, and he paid a visit with his own request. Kiflu said that the regime in Asmara has been more isolated by the international community ; that they have ganged up against it. Eritrea can t afford 3

to ignore this fact, he concludes. Eritrea has learned that the upcoming sanction will be biting. Why Sanctions? In December 2009, the UN Security Council imposed an arms embargo, severe travel restrictions and a total asset freeze on top Eritrean political and military leaders over their support for Al-Qaeda s East Africn proxy, Al-Shabaab. Eritrea has denied accusations that it is fuelling the conflict in Somalia by channelling funds and training terrorists. Nevertheless, the facts on the ground and UN Monitoring Reports, which indicate otherwise, speak for themselves. A recent United Nations Monitoring Group report on Somalia and Eritrea confirmed that Eritrea is behind the July 2010 Kampala bombings that claimed the lives of 80 people (including Eritrean refugees) and left scores injured. In early 2011, Eritrea conspired to bomb targets in and around Addis Ababa at the time of the 16th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union. And if that barbaric plan was executed it would have causes innumerable civilian casualties and disrupt the African Union Summit. During the course of current mandate, the Monitoring Group has also obtained documentary evidence of Eritrean payment to a number of individuals with links to Al-Shabaab. The documents obtained were received directly from the Embassy of 4

Eritrea in Nairobi, the report indicated. To the amazement of many, Eritrea has also attempted to sabotage the newly independent African country, South Sudan, by supporting dissident groups led by General George Athor and others. The Monitoring Group go on to accuse Eritrea of serving as a safe haven for so called liberation movements in the region as a platform for operation, deployment and training. As a result, in the past few weeks, IGAD asked that United Nations Security Council for more sanctions against international companies, preventing investment in the mining sector and gold imports from Eritrea. A two percent tax levied on Eritreans living in the diaspora, excluding remittance is also included in the proposal. This is necessitated, the request claims, by Asmara s continuous role in destabilizing activities. Wrong Argument for Wrong Cause The leadership in Asmara has made it a habit of behaving like a bully in the region because it has a problem with Ethiopia. As for Ethiopia, the government has unconditionally accepted the Ethio-Eritrean Boundary Commission s decision long ago and requested Eritrea to sit back for its implementation. But it seems that the Eritrean government is less interested in resolving the problem than talking about resolving the problem. Probably because the regime in Asmara has already gone 5

too far in oppressing its citizens that it cannot simply survive with out putting Ethiopian as an enemy. In short, if the Ethio-Eritrea quagmire manages to get some sort of a solution, the Eritrean government will quickly become accountable for a host of domestic tragedies. It is unimaginable to have a country that functions without a constitution, opposition parties, private media, parliament and election. Unfortunately, that has been the case in Eritrea since gaining independence in the early 1990s. Even the Failed State Somalia has a parliament and election, among others. So a government that is not accountable to its people and failed the nation so miserably could not be expected to suddenly contribute genuinely to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. The way out Rumours suggest President Isaias is tactically exerting relentless efforts to unlock Eritrea from its international isolation. The request to rejoin IGAD, and the visit to Kampala, is part and parcel of that tactic. Time will tell if this effort bears fruit. However, either way, Eritrea is left with dwindling options. Without a solution, it has to chose between the support terrorist groups and disgruntled elements of the international community and face further marginalization or attempt to play a less lucrative, more constructive role in the East African peace process. 6

Speaking in Kampala Isaias pledged to support efforts aimed at stabilizing the East African region that has faced decades of war. Be that as it may, the international community should not allow Eritrea to undermine stability in the region any more. It is time to issue a stern warning to the Eritrean government and cure it from its addiction to subversive activities. Otherwise, more sanctions are the only option on a country that must reap what it sowed. The surgical sanction never affects the wellbeing of Eritreans. As Eritrea stands tall among terrorist groups, it deserves unwavering punitive measures. Therefore, Eritrea has to race against time, while the world is counting the days to impose more sanctions. Ed s Note: The writer is a political analyst. He can be reached at melesalem@yahoo.com. 7