Session 4A: Pauleen Cass: From East Clare to Eastern Australia: The Parish Priest, the Middle Men and the Emigrants. Like many family historians my research was thwarted by an ancestor who came from that well-known species, the swimmer, one with the rather common description of Mary O Brien from Co Clare. While it is frustrating to search futilely among so many names for that elusive ancestor the search sometimes takes on a life of its own and generates insights into migration from a particular region. Such is the case with my research into the group of men, women and children who left East Clare in the 1850s and 1860s. My project aims to identify immigrants from East Clare to Australia, predominantly to Queensland and New South Wales. For this project East Clare has been defined as covering the Baronies of Tulla Lower and Upper, an area roughly centred on the village of Broadford (see map below). The database currently includes nearly 1200 names of East Clare immigrants to the colony of NSW derived from the Assisted Immigrants Board Lists for New South Wales 1 and the Immigration Deposit Journals (IDJs). 2 Anyone who listed a place of origin in the defined region, or for whom the IDJ referred to a townland or village in the area, has been included in the database. The area circled centres on the town of Broadford in the Barony of Tulla Lower. The radius of the circle is approx 8 miles. Map reproduced with the permission of the Clare County Library. Those familiar with the IDJs will recognize this source as the bureaucratic mechanism by which many residents of the colonies deposited funds to bring out networks of friends and family thereby establishing the chain migration which is so typical of Irish migration patterns. The vast majority of remittance deposits were made by depositors who remitted funds for a small number (<5) of immigrants, with supplementary funds sometimes being provided for close family members to cover the additional costs of the voyage. The initial search of the IDJs focused on any reference to Broadford or the Parish of Kilseily in an attempt to find a reference relevant to my own ancestor, Mary O Brien from that area. The search was extended to 1865 as many references were found which mentioned Broadford or Kilseily, either as the home place of the potential emigrant or referring to the Parish Priest, Father John Burke. 1
It quickly became clear that a small group of men were playing a key role in the chain migration process, apparently supported by the Kilseily Parish Priest, Fr John Burke. The focus of this activity occurred in the years overlapping the American Civil War, the early 1860s a time when it might reasonably be supposed that the USA would wane as a potential emigration destination, and other destinations look more attractive. The statistics reflect this and the early 1860s show a drop in US immigration and a peak in Australian immigration. At the same time County Clare was once again in the grip of an economic depression with crop failures threatening the livelihood of its residents. Father Burke, who had lived through the Famine years with his parishioners, would have been concerned that such terrible times not be revisited, and would welcome any opportunity to provide alternatives for his flock. This task would have been made easier by three factors. Firstly, the representatives of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commission (CLEC) frequently used regional men of influence including the clergy to facilitate interest in emigration from the region. Secondly, the parish priest was required to certify the intending emigrant s baptism and marriage details. Thirdly, he would often be nominated as the local contact in the IDJs. Hence there was a neat overlap of interests with the parish priest firmly in the middle. Although there is no mention in the Diocesan history of Fr Burke s active pastoral role in emigration, oral history records that he was known to assist people to emigrate. 3 The activity of the middle men working with Fr Burke stands out quite starkly against the small scale back-drop of family-related deposits, where individuals rarely sponsored more than four or five people. As the following table shows, James Madden was the primary middle-man in the remittance process followed by Patrick Fox, Cornelius Moroney and John Sheridan. James Doheny s deposits focused on nominees from the Parish of Trough and a number of these failed to actually emigrate. Surname First name Total 1862 1863 1864 1865 Madden James 79 11 60 7 1 Fox Patrick 19 19 Moroney Cornelius 19 4 15 Sheridan John 18 4 3 11 Doheny James 12 12 Larkin Patrick 10 10 TOTAL NOMINATIONS 157 29 109 18 1 Many of the early East Clare emigrants to Australia were illiterate as schooling was not readily accessible to those living in rural townlands until the 1840s. 4 Others would lack confidence in dealing with a bureaucratic process like the remittance deposits. It is therefore possible that these less literate colonial sponsors sought help from the middle men to organize the paperwork for family migration on their behalf. This hypothesis is given credence by a deposit on 30 June 1857 when James Madden paid four pounds on behalf of Michael Burke. 5 Madden s involvement in the remittance scheme may have been a pragmatic one. His address is shown on the shipping lists as York St, Sydney and Post Office directories confirm that he was the publican of the The Enniskillener hotel at 107 York St, a central location for those who needed his help. It is not apparent why the other men were involved in this intermediary role and although Fox, Larkin and Moroney are local Kilseily parish names, Sheridan and Doheny are not. It could be argued that these interventions manipulated a colonial 2
immigration system which was designed to bring out family networks. However there does not appear to be any suggestion that the intervention accrued any personal benefit to either the priest or the middle men. Both appear to have acted as intermediaries facilitating the migration of would-be emigrants enthusiastic for a new life in Australia. The IDJs also expand our knowledge of remittance passengers and their background. They generally make reference to the ship on which the nominee ultimately sailed, facilitating a comparison with the nominal data in the Board Lists. The marriage of the two sources complements the demographic data from each. This correlation can clarify ambiguous aspects on one source eg it can illuminate place of birth rather than current residence. The immigrant s response to the question of place of origin can vary dramatically and the two sources provide verification where pronunciation and spellings would otherwise result in uncertainty. For example, Daniel Keleher was documented as a city policeman from Co Cork on his arrival in 1864, and his father was also living in Cork. However when Patrick Fox deposited his remittance in 1863 Daniel is shown as living at Clungaheen in the Parish of Kilseily, with Fr John Burke as his referee. Similarly Pat Watson, a labourer who arrived on the St Hilda in 1865, came from Roscommon and his parents were still living in Athlone. Once again, the depositor stated him as residing in Broadford, with the parish priest as the contact person. Despite these anomalies, 55% of those who came out with the assistance of the middle men defined their place of origin within the Parish of Kilseily. The majority of the remaining emigrants came from East Clare parishes (26%) and the nearest large town, Limerick (11%). Marital composition of emigrants assisted by middle men 69% 13% 18% Child Married Single Given that these migrants were dependent on assistance from the middle men, it might be supposed that they were less likely to have family or close friends in the colonies who were willing to sponsor their migration. One of the questions asked by the Board members on arrival was whether the immigrant had relatives in the colony. A question which was not addressed, though, was whether the immigrants travelled alone or with a family member, irrespective of their own marital status. While this would have provided historians with insights into migration trends, it was not a consideration for the Board or the government of the day. As part of the East Clare study, shipping data was analyzed to determine whether family members could be identified on board ship eg couples, husbands travelling with wives and children, and identifiable siblings. This category was called travel status and used for comparison with marital status. Only 27% of the middle men group had no relations in the colony or emigrating with them. Relations on board Relations in the colony Total Yes No Yes 48 9 39 No 75 42 33 Consistent with general Irish migration trends, single people formed a significant proportion of the total group (69%). 6 Typically the gender balance was relatively even for single Irish emigrants but in this sample women outnumbered men (59%) perhaps demonstrating a proactive approach to their long-term future. When marital status and travel status are compared, the graph clearly shows that many of the singles in the middle men sample travelled alone, with women having only a slightly higher tendency to be accompanied by a family member - 3
the yellow bars in the graph below illustrate those with no family on board or in the colonies. Among the married people, families predominated with couples representing only 18% of this group. Of course this analysis reflects only the formal family relationships which can be identified in the Board Lists. Travel status: % per category 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Comparison of marital and travel status Female Male Female Male Female Male child child married married single single Marital composition by gender The linkage of the IDJs and the Board Lists highlights that while the emigrants may have lacked family on board or in the colony, they were certainly not short of friends and neighbours. This sample of 123 immigrants who arrived after being sponsored by the middle men, travelled predominantly on four ships: Sandringham (25), Hotspur (23), John Temperly (18) and Peerless (15). The John Vanner and Severn carried seven of these immigrants apiece and the remaining 28 people were scattered across eleven ships. 7 Consideration should be given to parental influence, a factor which Fitzpatrick believes is a key factor in the migration decision. This group of potential emigrants may have looked at the broader family good, but it seems they also made the best decision for themselves, considering which country would offer them the best fit with their long-term aspirations and skills, as has been suggested by a variety of historians. Certainly they appear to be undeterred by whether their parents were still alive when they left Clare: nearly 60% left one or both parents at home when they emigrated. It may be that they left partly because other family members inherited the family farm or because there was no money for a dowry. Further research into the sibling order of those who left might broaden our understanding but in this the researcher is limited by the commencement date of parish registers. Wills occasionally reveal that where a child has emigrated they may have been provided for prior to departure. Alternatively they may only stand to inherit a share of the family estate should they return to Ireland, whereas if they remained in the foreign land they commonly received no further benefit, other than a parental blessing. Robin Haines has indicated that Australia received exactly the sort of immigrants it required in terms of the economic development of the colonies. 8 Can the same be said for this group or were they driven to seek sponsorship, lacking any other way of coming to Australia? Literacy and occupation are two ready ways of estimating their suitability to their new environment. single family couple Gender Total Both Read Neither # % # % # % Female 72 22 30.6 19 26.4 31 43.1 Male 51 36 70.6 5 9.8 10 19.6 Total 123 58 47.2 24 19.5 41 33.3 The percentage of these immigrants who could neither read nor write might not surprise Irish researchers but in comparison with the overall East Clare group, the women were actually more illiterate than their regional peers who emigrated: 43% compared to an average 36%. Conversely their literacy levels were significantly better than the 1861 census average for Tulla Lower region (60.14% female illiteracy). The percentages of those who could read and write remained almost the same between the East Clare sample and the middle men group and higher than the Tulla average by over 10%. In contrast the male immigrants in the 4
middle men sample were more literate: 71% compared to 57%. The discrepancy between male and female literacy rates is also reflected in the Irish census data for 1861 in which men s literacy was 39.9% and women s 20.3%. 9 In summary while the illiteracy rates look poor by modern standards, this group were actually significantly above the overall Tulla standards. The occupational categories show a scattering of emigrants who laid claim to more skilled labour: a baker, a tailor and two seamstresses. However for the majority of the group the distributions are quite predictable: 86% of the men registered as labourers and 96% of the women as servants of differing kinds. While the women who listed their occupation as housemaid were likely to have had some formal training in the houses of the local gentry it is safe to assume that most would have been more suited to work on small colonial farms rather than in the grand urban houses of Sydney. When one considers their long-term family prospects working on self-sufficient farms requiring heavy labour and practical farm skills, they were indeed entirely suitable to their new environment. Fitzpatrick believes that emigration was a young person s game and this sample confirms his view. 10 Young immigrants predominated with over 75% being aged between 16 and 30. A cluster of 6% fell in the 36 to 40 range and 6% were small children under five. Overall the evidence suggests that the immigrants were willing to shape their own future by pursuing remittance support and completing the bureaucratic processes needed to start their new life. They chose the country and situation which best suited their skills and family networks and were willing to pursue new opportunities when they arose. More research is needed to ascertain the individual stories of their successes and failures. In conclusion let me return to that elusive ancestor who prompted my research project. Mary O Brien and her sister Bridget emigrated around 1852-1855 (I never did find them!) and though they are both said to have started out in Queensland, Bridget married and pursued her new life far from her sister near the Victorian border. 11 Some ten years later their younger sister Kate also migrated to Sydney where she married a Clare man. Two decades later the children of another sister, one of the three who remained in Ireland, migrated to Sydney where they lived in close proximity to their aunts and cousins. Over forty years after Mary O Brien had arrived in Moreton Bay, her youngest daughter also joined this extended family network in Sydney. The power of oral history in Irish research was the only key to unravel the family history with or without that shipping information! The O Brien family s experience illustrates the chain migration story of so many Irish emigrants, with each generation launching another cycle of immigrants Pauleen Cass PO Box 341, NIGHTCLIFF, NT 0814, Australia cassmob@yahoo.com.au I would be very pleased to hear from descendants of any East Clare people in Australia. 5
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY State Records of Assisted immigrants Sydney, 1848-1866, and Moreton Bay, New South Wales 1848-59. NSW Archives Kit, CGS 5316, Microfilms 2136-37. State Records of Persons on Bounty ships to Sydney, Newcastle Moreton Bay, New South Wales 1848-66, NSW Archives Kit, CGS 5317, Reels 2460-2483. State Records of Immigration Deposit Journals 1853-1866. NSW Archives Kit, New South Wales CGS 5264, Microfilms 2668A; 26770-26772. State Records of Immigration Correspondence Received. CGS 5239, Letter New South Wales 57/2001, 9/6213 (ship Golcondra). Cass, P Grassroots Queenslanders: the Kunkel Story. Self published, Darwin, 2003. Clare Library Clare Library website at http://www.clarelibrary.ie/ In particular for locations in Clare: http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/places/places.htm and 1901 Census for each electoral district Enhanced British British Parliamentary Papers: 1861 census data for Ireland. Parliamentary Papers http://www.eppi.ac.uk Census data at: http://www.bopcris.ac.uk/eppi_censusdata.html Fitzpatrick, D Oceans of Consolation: Personal accounts of Irish migration to Australia. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1994. Haines, R (1) Emigration and the labouring poor: Australian recruitment in Britain and Ireland, 1831-1860. Macmillan Press, Hampshire, 1997. Haines, R (2) Life and death in the Age of Sail: the passage to Australia. UNSW Press, Sydney, 2003. Haines, R Indigent misfits or shrewd operators? Government-assisted emigrants from the United Kingdom to Australia, 1831-1860. Population Studies. Vol 48, No 2 (Jul 1994), pp223-247. Kennedy, L; Ell, Mapping the Great Irish Famine: A survey of the Famine PS; Crawford, decades. Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1999. EM; & Clarkson, LA Murphy, I The Diocese of Killaloe 1800-1850. Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1992 O Brien, P Broadford. County Clare 1830-1850: A study of a rural community. Unpublished MA (History and Local Studies), University of Limerick, 1999. Ó Murchadha The Bad Times in Clare: Emigration and Aftermath. The Other Clare: Annual Journal of the Shannon Archeological and Historical Society. Vol 27, 2003. From Family History to Community History. CUP, Cambridge 1994. Pryce, W T R (ed) Reid, R Aspects of Irish assisted emigration to New South Wales, 1848-1870. Unpublished PhD thesis, ANU, 1992. 6
1 State Records of New South Wales (SRNSW) Assisted immigrants Sydney, 1848-1866, and Moreton Bay, 1848-59. NSW Archives Kit, CGS 5316, Microfilms 2136-37 and State Records of New South Wales (SRNSW) Persons on Bounty ships to Sydney, Newcastle Moreton Bay, 1848-66, NSW Archives Kit, CGS 5317, Reels 2460-2483. 2 State Records of New South Wales (SRNSW) Immigration Deposit Journals 1853-1866. NSW Archives Kit, CGS 5264, Microfilms 2668A; 26770-26772. 3 Pat Ryan quoted in O Brien, P. Broadford. County Clare 1830-1850: A study of a rural community. Unpublished MA (History and Local Studies), University of Limerick, 1999, p21. 4 Although the national education system was legislated in 1831, access to schooling remained limited for residents in distant townlands. For general information on education in Clare visit the excellent Clare Library website at http://www.clarelibrary.ie/eolas/coclare/history/education2.htm 5 SRNSW. CGS 5239, Immigration Letters Received, Letter 57/2001, 9/6213 (ship Golcondra). 6 This is not significantly different from the overall East Clare sample for the period 1848-1865 which showed 64.9% single immigrants. 7 SRNSW. Persons on Bounty ships to Sydney, Newcastle Moreton Bay, 1848-66, microfilm reels 2475; 2481-2483. 8 Haines, R. Emigration and the labouring poor: Australian recruitment in Britain and Ireland, 1831-1860. Macmillan Press, Hampshire, 1997. 9 British Parliamentary Papers, census of Ireland 1861, Enumeration statistics; http://www.eppie.ac.uk/stats/1861 10 Fitzpatrick, D. Oceans of Consolation: Personal accounts of Irish migration to Australia. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1994, p517. 11 Mary O Brien married a German, George Kunkel, in Ipswich, Queensland in 1857. They spent much of their life together in Murphy s Creek near Toowoomba. Her sister Bridget O Brien married an Englishman, John Widdup, and they lived in Urana in southern NSW. Sister Kate O Brien married Pat Hogan, possibly from the same area of Clare. Their Garvey cousins migration to Australia in 1881 was sponsored by an unknown connection, Margaret O Brien. The Garvey girls then brought out their brother two years later. Their youngest sister arrived in 1923, a chain migration sequence lasting at least seventy years. 7