CHALLENGING RACISM: ENDING HATE Dr. Richard Montague and Prof. Peter Shirlow
www.uniteagainsthate.org.uk Unite_NI UniteAgainstHate
CHALLENGING RACISM: ENDING HATE Dr. Richard Montague and Prof. Peter Shirlow WHAT ARE THE USUAL MYTHS ABOUT MIGRANTS BACKGROUND POPULATION EMPLOYMENT HOUSING BENEFITS ECONOMY HEALTHCARE EDUCATION CRIME SOCIAL COHESION CONCLUSION CONTACT SOURCES
WHAT ARE THE USUAL MYTHS ABOUT MIGRANTS? Generally, a migrant is someone from outside of the UK and Ireland who is here to seek or take up work. This document challenges the many myths about migrants that are damaging, false and unjust. We usually hear these myths expressed in the following ways: They re taking our jobs/houses/benefits; They re involved in crime; They re taking up places in our schools; They re putting pressure on the health system; They don t make an effort to fit in. To this end, we identify the following areas of concern for analysis: POPULATION; EMPLOYMENT; HOUSING; BENEFITS; ECONOMY; HEALTHCARE; EDUCATION; CRIME; SOCIAL COHESION. BACKGROUND Migrants are often on the receiving end of negative stereotyping and scaremongering. For example, in late 2013 sections of the British media presented stories that the UK was about to be flooded by a mass influx of Romanians and Bulgarians. The Sun newspaper hysterically claimed: a tidal wave of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants is threatening to swamp Britain and flood our overstretched jobs market.1 Such reporting came in the advent of work restrictions being removed and allowing citizens from the A2 countries (Bulgaria and Romania) access to the EU labour market by January 2014. The arrival of newcomers did not unravel as was suggested and there has been no noticeable negative impact on jobs or public services in the UK. In fact, recent European immigrants in the UK have paid 8.8 billion more in tax than they have consumed in public services.2 In Northern Ireland, migration also contributes to sustaining economic growth, filling labour shortages, bringing much needed skills and enriching our society through cultural diversity.3 Some perceptions echo slogans such as British jobs for British workers.4 Demanding the ring-fencing of jobs specifically for UK citizens would not only be an unlawful discriminatory exercise, it would also be counter-productive in terms of trade and investment from international businesses.5 It is not only political parties, politicians and the media which have reflected negative images of migrants. A 2010 study on public attitudes towards migrant workers in Northern Ireland highlighted: 70% of respondents felt that migrants put a strain on services (e.g. social housing, education, and healthcare); Almost half (48%) of those surveyed felt that migrant workers take jobs away from people born in Northern Ireland.6 Moreover, a 2014 Queen s University study of community workers who were challenging myths that aided hate crime in Belfast felt that community concerns were generally articulated around jobs and housing.7 In this way, racist hate crimes are often a crude way of defending resources coupled with notions of protecting community identity from the outsider. These opinions have underpinned certain racist attacks in Northern Ireland. Between 2013 and 2014 there has been a 43% increase in racially-motivated offences, with 70% of these occurring in Belfast.8 During the present reporting period, the PSNI has noted that racially motivated crimes in Northern Ireland have risen by more than 50%.9 In the context of a perceived competition for scarce resources like jobs and housing, this may provide fertile ground for racism. Therefore, the media, political parties, politicians and even our neighbours or work colleagues can fuel negative and incorrect perceptions about migrants. When these ideas take root, they can create an atmosphere of ethnic intolerance, resentment and hostility, often resulting in hate crimes. We need to challenge prejudices and continue to debunk myths about migrants. It is no coincidence that racist hate crimes tend to occur in areas of multiple deprivation where foreign nationals are blamed for economic and social ills. These are communities in Northern Ireland which have not felt the economic benefits of the peace process. But while socio-economic disadvantage is not a myth, perceptions about threats to resources like jobs and housing are forms of myth-making when we look at the facts. It must not be forgotten that such racist attitudes are not unique to communities of need. KEY FACTS Recent European immigrants in the UK have paid 8.8 billion more in tax than they have consumed in public services. In Northern Ireland, migration also contributes to sustaining economic growth, filling labour shortages, bringing much needed skills and enriching our society through cultural diversity. Between 2013 and 2014 there has been a 43% increase in racially-motivated offences, with 70% of these occurring in Belfast.
There s too many of them here
POPULATION There are concerns about high levels of immigration into Northern Ireland and of migrants subsequently being a drain on resources. The expansion of the European Union (EU) in 2004 welcomed 8 new member states known as the A8 countries: Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. This expansion enabled citizens to work freely within other EU member states and heralded a new period of migration with foreign nationals seeking employment across Europe. Migration into Northern Ireland reached its peak between 2006 and 2007. Since then internal migration flows have actually decreased.10 This indicates neither a flood nor a sustained upward rise. This decrease proves that migrants in most instances come in search of work as evidenced by a reduction in the number of people coming to live here during the recession. Only 2,100 extra newcomers arrived between 2008 and 2009 for instance.11 There is also some evidence to suggest that more people leave Northern Ireland than come to live here. For example, between 2010 and 2011 an estimated 3,200 more people left Northern Ireland than arrived 21,700 came and 24,900 left.12 Any sustained decline in the population base will damage the economy, lead to population aging and contribute to a reduced tax base needed to support welfare provision. An aging population and the failure to reproduce the population would also affect school closures and retail-based consumption. Citizens from EU countries account for the vast majority of migrants coming to live in Northern Ireland. Figures presented by the Northern Ireland Census in 201113 indicate the following: Eastern European migrants (the largest migrant group in NI) make up less than 2% of the Northern Irish population; Asian-born immigrants make up around 1% of the Northern Irish population; African-born immigrants account for only 0.3%. Table.1 Persons living in Northern Ireland in 2011, born outside UK and Republic of Ireland Place of Origin Total % share of Northern Ireland population EU 45331 2.5 Non EU countries in Europe 1876 0.1 Middle East and Asia 17293 0.9 The Americas and Caribbean 8068 0.4 Antarctica and Oceania 2468 0.1 Africa 5581 0.3 Total 80617 4.3 EASTERN EUROPEAN MIGRANTS (THE LARGEST MIGRANT GROUP IN NI) MAKE UP LESS THAN 2% OF THE NORTHERN IRISH POPULATION.
They re taking our jobs
EMPLOYMENT Non-UK and Ireland migrants constitute 4.3% of the population and 4% of the Northern Ireland workforce.14 There is no over-representation of these workers within the labour market. This challenges the most common myth surrounding migrants that they re taking our jobs. The notion that local people are being squeezed out of the labour market by foreign workers is, for some, a continuing area of concern. For example, a series of controversial posters, placed around Belfast in April 2014, called for local jobs for local people. The posters accused migrant workers of not paying tax or national insurance and claimed that they are on higher wages than local workers, who were being denied opportunities because of them.15 These claims are simply untrue. A study undertaken by University College London16 in 2013 highlighted the following: Between 1995 and 2011, immigrants from European Economic Area (EEA) countries made a net fiscal contribution of about 8.8 billion; Between 1995 and 2011, EEA immigrants contributed to the fiscal system, 4% more than they received in transfers and benefits, whereas locals payments into the system were just 93% of what they received. With regard to the claims of migrants getting higher wages and the view that migrant workers are being unfairly favoured over indigenous workers for local jobs; it is illegal in Northern Ireland for an employer to pay a migrant worker less than a local worker for doing the same job.17 Far from there being any sort of favouritism towards foreign nationals over locals, ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland experience inequalities in employment, education, housing, health and welfare.18 In fact, these issues are what the Stormont Executive s Racial Equality Strategy aims to redress. Many migrant workers come to Northern Ireland to take up job offers from companies or agencies that are unable to fill job vacancies locally. According to a recent study, migrants have filled vital skills gaps and labour shortages.19 Immigration does not produce unemployment; instead it actually creates more employment by growing the economy.20 KEY FACTS Non-UK and Ireland migrants constitute 4% of the Northern Ireland workforce. It is illegal in Northern Ireland for an employer to pay a migrant worker less than a local worker for doing the same job. Immigration does not produce unemployment; instead it actually creates more employment by growing the economy. ONLY 4% OF THE NORTHERN IRISH WORKFORCE IS MADE UP OF MIGRANT WORKERS
Local houses for locals only
HOUSING Migrants are often accused of taking houses. In June 2014, a controversial protest emerged in a housing estate in east Belfast proclaiming local houses for local people. This occurred when the Housing Executive allocated a property in the area to a Nigerian man. The protest was deemed blatantly racist by the local MP. 21 Arguably, demanding housing for locals only and accusing foreign nationals of taking houses are racist because it is based on a harmful mix of prejudice, misinformation, intimidation and discriminatory attitudes and behaviours. In fact, most migrants in Northern Ireland rent privately and do not claim social housing.22 For example: 1,671 migrant worker households applied for social housing in the one year period to 31st July 2013; Applications by immigrants have decreased by 12%; NI Housing Executive figures show that between July 2012 and July 2013, there were 1,032 migrant worker households out of 89,000 households; Between 2012 and 2013, 1.2% of social housing tenants were migrant workers;23 The population of economic migrants at 4.3% is actually under-represented within the social housing stock. The Northern Ireland Housing Executive s figures show that the majority of migrant nationalities, at 31st July 2013, living in social housing included: Polish (337), Lithuanian (209) and Portuguese (157).24 An estimated 77% of migrant worker households were families and only 23% single person households.25 Moreover, across Northern Ireland, only 254 migrant workers households were allocated social housing within the twelve months up to 31st July 2013.26 This is a minuscule portion of the 89,000 properties the Housing Executive currently manages. The fact is that the allocation of social housing is often misunderstood: it does not favour ethnic minorities or migrant workers. Instead, it is based on a distribution system of fairness and equality to suggest otherwise plays into prejudiced myths about migrants taking houses. KEY FACTS In fact most migrants in Northern Ireland rent privately and do not claim social housing. Only 2% of those who usually qualify for social housing are ethnic minorities. The majority of migrant nationalities at 31st July 2013 living in social housing included: Polish (337), Lithuanian (209) and Portuguese (157) However, in some cases, local people claim that ethnic minorities are given preference in social housing. This is simply a myth. After all, only 2% of those who usually qualify for social housing are ethnic minorities.27 The Northern Ireland Housing Executive 28 states clearly: Allocation policies do not discriminate on grounds of race or ethnicity. All applicants for social housing complete the same form... The Housing Executive will award you points based on your needs and your housing situation... People do not get any additional points based on race, nationality or ethnicity. Based on the Housing Executive s points system for housing allocation, those most likely to score higher on the points scale and therefore more likely to be granted a property sooner than others are vulnerable people.29 When someone applies for housing, a housing officer will fairly assess their claim to see how many points they are entitled to. For instance, vulnerable people are often people who have suffered intimidation or harassment; people who are homeless; pregnant women or people with dependent children; or people with a disability.30 In this way, migrant workers may be allocated housing depending on their individual circumstances meeting the housing criteria before local people and this in turn can create frustration and resentment. These feelings may be voiced to an extent, but they can never be an excuse for racist attitudes. Demanding housing for locals only and accusing foreign nationals of taking houses are racist because it is based on a harmful mix of prejudice, misinformation, intimidation and discriminatory attitudes and behaviours.
They just come here to get benefits They re all welfare scroungers
BENEFITS Another common myth is that migrants are involved in benefit tourism whereby foreign nationals allegedly come to take advantage of the welfare state in the UK. The truth is that people migrate to other countries in the pursuit of available jobs, not unemployment: work remains the most common reason for immigrating to the UK.31 In the backlash of media scaremongering over Romanian and Bulgaria migrants, the Government has actually placed severe restrictions on the access of European migrants to welfare benefits.32 For instance, from March 2014 European migrants (the largest migrant group here) will have to earn at least 149 a week for three months before they can access benefits such as Jobseeker s Allowance or other benefits.33 In fact, less than 5% of EU migrants claim Jobseeker s Allowance.34 Only 10% of European Union migrants claim other working-age benefits.35 Far from being welfare scroungers, data from 2012 shows the employment rate for men born in A8 countries as being 88% significantly higher than the 76% recorded for UK-born men.36 Later figures show that 81.5% of migrants in the UK are employed.37 Moreover, immigrants in the UK contribute more in taxes than they use in benefits and public services.38 The myth about welfare scroungers and benefit tourism is further debunked by the fact that, in the UK, recent Immigrants are actually 21% less likely than the established population to be receiving benefits.39 In terms of Housing claims, the Department of Work and Pensions (DWP) states that from 1 April 2014, European Economic Area (EEA) migrants will have restricted access to Housing Benefits. This will affect the three month residency requirement before claiming Jobseeker s Allowance and have timelimiting consequences for claims to JSA for EEA migrants to six months (unless they have a genuine prospect of work).40 Asylum seekers also have limited benefits. They do not have access to welfare payments such as Jobseeker s Allowance, which currently pays 72.40 a week (for people over 25). Instead, asylum seekers are given a welfare benefit of just 36.62 a week which is half of what the local population would get on Jobseeker s Allowance.41 KEY FACTS From March 2014 European migrants (the largest migrant group here) will have to earn at least 149 a week for three months before they can access benefits such as Jobseeker s Allowance or other benefits.. Less than 5% of EU migrants claim Jobseeker s Allowance. 81.5% of migrants in the UK are employed. Moreover, immigrants in the UK contribute more in taxes than they use in benefits and public services.
They re a burden on the economy
ECONOMY Views that migrants are a drain on the economy and public services have also been debunked by recent research. For example, University College London s 2013 study suggests that EEA migrants (i.e. those who arrived to the UK since 2000) have made a fiscal contribution of 22.1 billion and that the fiscal impact of non-eea migrants was 2.9 billion.42 Therefore, the net fiscal balance of overall immigration to the UK between 2001 and 2011 amounted to a positive net contribution of approximately 25 billion.43 Despite prejudiced sentiments around migrants being a burden on resources, immigrants from the European Economic Area (EEA) have contributed 8.8bn more than they have received in benefits. This compares with a drain on the nation s finances of 604.5bn by local UK citizens.44 Far from being a burden on society, ethnic minority enterprises in the UK contribute 13 billion a year to the British economy.45 Moreover, it is estimated that migrant workers actually contributed around 1.2 billion to the Northern Irish economy from 2004 to 2008.46 Even refugees, often thought of as a burden, are more highly skilled than the population of Britain: 23% of refugees have a skilled trade compared with 12% of the rest of the UK population and 22% of refugees are managers or senior officials compared with 15% of the rest of the UK population.47 KEY FACTS Migrants (i.e. those who arrived to the UK since 2000) have made a fiscal contribution of 22.1 billion and that the fiscal impact of non-eea migrants was 2.9 billion. Immigrants from the European Economic Area (EEA) have contributed 8.8bn more than they have received in benefits. Far from being a burden on society, ethnic minority enterprises in the UK contribute 13 billion a year to the British economy. Moreover, it is estimated that migrant workers actually contributed around 1.2 billion to the Northern Irish economy from 2004 to 2008. MIGRANT WORKERS CONTRIBUTED AROUND 1.2 BILLION TO THE NORTHERN IRISH ECONOMY FROM 2004 TO 2008.
They put too much pressure on the health service
HEALTHCARE There is a perception that newcomers to Northern Ireland are a burden on the National Health Service (NHS). However, migrants tend to be young and healthy and therefore less in need of medical care.48 Sections of the press like to scaremonger about the spiralling costs of so-called health tourism i.e. temporary migrants taking advantage of a free health service. However, the cost of temporary migrants using the Health Service amounts to around 0.01% ( 12m) of the 109 billion NHS budget.49 The Health Service has also benefitted from the skills and experience of highly-skilled doctors and nurses from India and the Philippines.50 In fact, the Chair of the Council of the Royal College of GPs, Dr Clare Gerada, states that you are much more likely to have an immigrant caring for you than sitting up in front of the emergency department.51 Migrants therefore make a vital contribution in accessing health care: around 30% of the doctors and 40% of the nurses working in the NHS were born abroad.52 Migrants do not put pressure on the Health Service. To the contrary, the Health Service could not function without the many doctors, nurses and ancillary staff from other countries.53 In terms of accessing healthcare in Northern Ireland, under current legislation only people who are ordinarily resident in Great Britain or the Channel Islands and who have been living legally in the UK for 12 months are entitled to receive free healthcare.54 The family and dependents of ordinarily resident migrants are entitled to free healthcare services like anyone else.55 However, according to Northern Ireland Strategic Migration Partnership (NISMP), there is currently a lack of official clarity on the rights and entitlements of migrant workers in accessing health care, with some feeling that the present rules on exemption are discriminatory.56 KEY FACTS Cost of temporary migrants using the Health Service amounts to around 0.01% ( 12m) of the 109 billion NHS budget. Migrants therefore make a vital contribution to the Health Service: around 30% of the doctors and 40% of the nurses working in the NHS were born abroad. Only people who are ordinarily resident in Great Britain or the Channel Islands and who have been living legally in the UK for 12 months are entitled to receive free healthcare. COST OF TEMPORARY MIGRANTS USING THE HEALTH SERVICE AMOUNTS TO AROUND 0.01% ( 12M) OF THE 109 BILLION NHS BUDGET.
They take up places in our schools
EDUCATION There have been some claims that migrant school children are having an adverse effect on the education system. Some suggest that migrant pupils either hold back the other pupils because they cannot speak English or that they are taking up places in schools. According to the Department of Education, there has been an increase in the number of school children without English as their first language. These children from migrant families are now recorded in the school census data as newcomer pupils. For example, the data shows that over 67% of newcomer pupils in the 2012/13 year were based in primary schools and the schools listed below had the highest intake of migrant children:57 Presentation Primary, Craigavon: 69% St Patrick s Primary, Dungannon: 58% Botanic Primary, Belfast: 46% At post-primary level, both St Patrick s College in Dungannon and Drumcree College in Portadown had the highest percentage of newcomer pupils at 30%. It is important to note that while newcomer children s first language may not be English, this does not mean that all these pupils cannot speak English nor will learn it quickly. A 2008 study on migration in Dungannon58 stated: For many new arrivals, and particularly for young people from A8 countries, the motivation to migrate centred on the desire to learn English and improve their educational opportunities. In some cases, there was a realisation that, for them to succeed in their own countries, being able to communicate in English would benefit their future employment opportunities. While Dungannon has had to adapt to newcomer pupils, some educators suggest that migrants enhance the learning experience for children because they can make schools a more diverse and culturally rich community.59 Moreover, the skills base of teachers and classroom assistants has developed as they respond to a more culturally rich teaching and learning environment based upon welcoming and settling newcomer children into our society.60 KEY FACTS 5.5% of nursery pupils were newcomer pupils; 3% of children attending primary schools were newcomer pupils; Only 2% of post-primary children were newcomer pupils. This also provides employment and new transferable skills for local educators and highlights further examples of the many positive benefits migrants bring to our society. Another positive effect of migration is that children from other countries have helped save some schools from closure61 particularly schools with declining attendance or low qualification output.62 School census figures show that newcomer numbers for the whole of Northern Ireland are indeed very small. For example, the school census shows that in total: 3% of children attending primary schools were newcomer pupils; 5.5% of nursery pupils were newcomer pupils; 1.7% of pupils at post-primary were newcomer pupils; Only 2% of post-primary children were newcomer pupils.63 ONLY 3% OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OF PUPILS ATTENDING SCHOOL IN NORTHERN IRELAND ARE ETHNIC MINORITIES.
Crime A further myth is that as immigrants come into a society, crime grows. This is based upon a false assumption that immigrants cross borders to engage in crime, develop criminal networks and undermine social cohesion and respect for law and order. There will always be examples of criminal elements in any population and, of course, some sections of the media relish crime stories that depict immigrants as a criminal class. Less common has been any analysis of the link between crime rates in electoral wards in Northern Ireland in which significant immigrant communities live. As shown in Table 2. (right) those wards in Belfast in which at least 10% of the population stated in the 2011 Census that their nationality was neither British nor Irish have generally experienced a fall in crime. In 2002 there were 19,287 recorded crimes within these wards. By 2013 the number of offences recorded within those wards fell to 14,636, an overall decline of 24.1%. Only one of the 12 wards witnessed a growth in recorded crime. Evidently in wards in which there has been an increase in those from non-irish or British national backgrounds, there is a completely opposite trend in terms of the link between immigration and crime as supposed by some. Thus, in places of high in-migration there is no link between rising crime levels and migration. In fact, evidence shows that crime has actually decreased in these areas with higher percentages of migrants. One feature of recorded crime that has changed in Northern Ireland due to immigration has been the persistence of incidents and offences recorded with a racist motivation. Between 2004 and 2013 there were 15,701 incidents and offences that included 9,070 incidents (907 per year) and 6631 offences (663 per year). Moreover, we do not have a statutory definition of hate crime. The PSNI has implemented the classification for racially motivated crime as commended by the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, namely: any crime, which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person. Given that there is an obligation to satisfy the evidential standard, not all cases relating to hate crimes are considered by the Public Prosecution Service to be aggravated by hostility. Therefore, the classification of hate crime is perception-based, even if there is evidence of an aggressive act.
CRIME Table.2 Change in Recorded Crime in Wards in Belfast in which more than 10% of the population stated in the 2011 Census that their nationality was neither British, Northern Irish or Irish (2002-2013) Ward Recorded crime - Offences - 2002 Recorded crime - Offences - 2013 % Change Ballynafeigh 976 482-50.6 Blackstaff 812 755-7.0 Bloomfield 919 732-20.3 Botanic 2821 2492-11.6 Duncairn 2338 1421-39.2 Island 1071 917-14.3 Ravenhill 745 391-47.5 Shaftesbury 6160 4758-22.7 Stranmillis 689 319-53.7 The Mount 765 916 +19.7 Windsor 1374 916-33.3 Woodstock 617 537-12.9 Total 19287 14636-24.1 Average 1607 1219.6-24.1 Source: Author s calculation from NISRA datasets. KEY FACTS There is no link between rising crime levels and migration. In fact, evidence shows that crime has actually decreased in these areas with higher percentages of migrants. Table.3 Incidents and Offences with a Racist Motivation 2004-2013 Incidents Recorded with a Racist Motive 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 813 936 1047 976 990 1038 842 696 750 982 Offences Recorded with a Racist Motive 634 746 861 757 771 712 531 458 470 691 Total per Year 1447 1682 1908 1733 1761 1750 1373 1154 1220 1673 Source: Author s calculation from NISRA datasets. According to the Human Rights and Racial Equality Benchmarking Report64, only 12 people have been convicted under hate crime legislation in Northern Ireland over the past 5 years. The same report stated that the clearance rate for race hate crimes are greatly disappointing with a mere 8.3% of reported cases being prosecuted between January and April 2014.
They don t make an effort to fit in
INTEGRATION AND SOCIAL COHESION There are prevalent negative stereotypes about migrant groups in terms of how they integrate into Northern Irish society. For example, Embrace NI65 helpfully sheds light on some of these stereotypes: They have loud parties ; They re aggressive and violent ; They re heavy drinkers ; They re disrespectful towards women. At times, the media exacerbates negative perceptions of migrants. Finger-pointing at migrants for behaviours that occur throughout society is hypocritical and only serves to perpetuate hostilities within society. Other views such as they all stand together in street corners and this intimidates people are arguably based upon prejudice and misunderstanding of foreign nationals. Concerns about migrants sticking together may be explained by the desire for safety within familiar and secure settings. In April 2014, a local news broadcast on the rise of racism in Northern Ireland asked: Are ethnic minorities doing enough to fit in? This is an alarming point to raise given the volume of racist attacks evidenced across the region. We cannot complain about some migrants apparently being reluctant to socialise when they are sometimes left frightened and intimated by an upsurge in racist hate crimes. Negative comments about migrants not making enough effort to fit in are arguably tantamount to blaming the victim for racism. KEY FACTS A 2008 study showed that in Dungannon, education became one of the key spaces of social interaction for new migrant groups. Newcomers therefore felt that education provided the opportunity to both mix and participate within local society. The report also claimed that children s involvement in education often acts as a positive catalyst encouraging parents own participation in the wider society. Hickson, M. et al. (2008) Immigration and Social Cohesion in the UK: The Rhythms and Realities of Everyday Life, York: Joseph Roundtree Foundation Despite negative perceptions of migrants among some or media claims about the hate capital of Europe, there is a willingness in Northern Ireland to accept minority groups. For instance, The Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey 2012 showed that: 83% of those surveyed would be willing to accept Eastern European migrants as residents living and working here; 88% would be willing to accept minority ethnic groups as residents living and working here. (However, this percentage did not include Irish Travellers, who were in fact the least welcomed minority group in Northern Ireland.) The 2012 survey67 also reported on the impact of immigration for cultural life in the region: 4% thought it was Very bad ; 17% said Bad ; 30% replied Neither good nor bad ; 39% answered Good ; 11% suggested Very good. Although the above views may not indicate a wholly positive view on the cultural contribution of ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, their positive role may yet help us transcend old sectarian barriers. With an increasingly diverse society, we might hope to move towards a more shared and equal society of us all rather than us and them. After all, the legacy of conflict continues to be a heavy burden, politically and financially. For example: A report in 2007 showed that sectarian divisions cost Northern Ireland 1.5 billion each year;68 Between 2012 to 2013, the Flag Protests and the ensuing disruption to public life in Belfast cost the local economy 50 million;69 Policing the Flag Protests cost 20 million;70 In 2013, protest and riot policing cost the PSNI over 3 million a month.71 This is in stark contrast with the generally positive contributions of migrants to society: Job creation; New skills and talents; Economic boost; Vibrancy in culture; Saving schools from closure.72 Sectarian conflict and division are the major burdens on our society not migrants or ethnic minorities.
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION CONCLUSION Racism is not only morally wrong - the views which attempt to justify it, in terms of threats to resources, are also factually wrong. People do have genuine concerns about scarce resources, particularly in times of recession. But we also have to look at the facts and not fall for anti-immigrant scaremongering or myths about migrants taking our jobs. It is important that we do not allow socio-economic concerns to manifest as prejudice. When such negative attitudes become acceptable in a given context, perpetrators of hate crime can feel that it is therefore OK to attack newcomers to Northern Ireland. Moreover, migration is not threatening our way of life. To the contrary, our own divisions in Northern Ireland continuously threaten political, economic and social stability. We must accept that Northern Ireland is a changing place. In this way, there is a stark choice to make between remaining mired in exclusion and division and embracing a more peaceful and prosperous society which is not only welcoming to newcomers but significantly benefits from them too. CONTACT US For further information please contact Professor Peter Shirlow AcSS Deputy Director Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation and Social Justice Queen s University Belfast E: p.shirlow@qub.ac.uk W: www.qub.ac.uk/isctsj Twitter: @ISCTSJ Eva Grosman Chief Executive Centre for Democracy and Peace Building E: eva.grosman@democracyandpeace.org W: www.democracyandpeace.org Twitter: @CDPB_NI This publication received support from Belfast Policing and Community Safety Partnership (PCSP). PCSP aims to build safer, shared and confident communities by: engaging and consulting to help improve policing and community safety working in partnership with local communities, partners and agencies monitoring our performance and being transparent about what we have achieved, and encouraging cooperation with, and inspiring confidence in, the justice system and, in particular the police.
SOURCES 1. www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/news/4637926/ Wave-of-Romanian-and-Bulgarian-immigrants-isthreatening-to-swamp-Britain.html 2. Kirkup, J. (2014) Immigration has positive impact says Office for Budget Responsibility, in The Telegraph, 14th January 2014. Available at: www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/ immigration/10570839/immigration-has-a-positiveimpact-says-office-for-budget-responsibility-head. html 3. DELNI (2009) The Economic, Labour Market and Skills Impact of migrant Workers in NI. Available at: www.delni.gov.uk/the_economic labour_ market_and_skills_impact_of_migrant_workers_in_ northern_ireland.pd 4. www.bnp.org.uk/news/british-jobs-must-be-britishworkers 5. Belfast Telegraph (2009) Sammy s UK citizens first jobs remark is criticised, 7th February 2009. Available at: www.highbeam.com/doc/1p2-19852033. html 6. DELNI (2010) Attitudes to Migrant Workers: Results from the Northern Ireland Ominbus Survey. Available at: www.delni.gov.uk/2010_report_-_ migrant_workers.pdf 7. Montague, R. (2014) Challenging Hate Crime in a Divided City: Racist and Sectarian Hate Crime in Belfast. Ph.D thesis, Queen s University Belfast 8. Public Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland (PPS) (2014) Statistical Bulletin: Cases Involving Hate Crime 2013/14. 1 April 2013 to 31 March 2014. Available at: www.ppsni.gov.uk/branches/ppsni/ PPSNI/Files/Documents/Stats%20and%20Research/ Statistical%20Bulletin%20on%20Cases%20 Involving%20Hate%20Crime%202013-14.pdf 9. BBC News NI (2014) The complex rise of Northern Ireland s racist hate crime, 11th September 2014. Available at: www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northernireland-29141406 10. Northern Ireland Research and Statistics Agency (NISRA) 2014 www.nisra.gov.uk/demography/ default.asp18.htm 11. EMBRACE NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 12. Ibid. 13. Northern Ireland Research and Statistics Agency (NISRA) (2011) 2011 Census. Available at: www.cso. ie/en/media/csoie/releasespublications/documents/ population/2011/cen2011irelandnorthernireland.pdf 14. Northern Ireland Research and Statistics Agency (NISRA) (2014) Monthly Labour Market Report, August 2014. Available at: www.detini.gov.uk/ labour_market_report_-_august_2014 final_-2. pdf?rev=0 15. Belfast Telegraph (2014) Take down these racist posters: Anna Lo, 8th April 2014. Available at: www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/ northern-ireland/take-down-these-racist-postersanna-lo-30163686.html 16. Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration (CReAM) (2013) The Fiscal Effects of Immigration to the UK. London: University College London. Available at: www.creammigration.org/publ_ uploads/cdp_22_13.pdf 17. ICTU (2011) I m Not a Racist, But Exposing the Common Myths which can fuel Racist Attitudes Towards Migrant Workers. Leaflet. Belfast: Irish Congress of Trade Unions Northern Ireland Committee 18. Williamson, C (2014) Stormont racism plan needs to be more robust, in Belfast Telegraph, 9th September 2014. Available at: www.belfasttelegraph. co.uk/news/local-national/northern-ireland/ stormont-racism-plan-needs-to-be-a-lot-morerobust-30571586.html 19. EMBRACE NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 20. ICTU (2011) I m Not a Racist, But Exposing the Common Myths which can fuel Racist Attitudes Towards Migrant Workers. Leaflet. Belfast: Irish Congress of Trade Unions Northern Ireland Committee 21. Mulgrew, J (2014) Nigerian man too afraid to move into east Belfast house after blatantly racist banners erected in Belfast Telegraph 18th June 2014. Available at: www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/localnational/northern-ireland/nigerian-man-too-afraidto-move-into-east-belfast-house-after-blatantlyracist-banners-erected-30365923.html 22. Housing Myths and Migrants leaflet. Belfast: NIHE 23. ibid 24. ibid 25. Northern Ireland Housing Executive (2014) Housing Myths and Migrants leaflet. Belfast: NIHE 26. Ibid. 27. Northern Ireland Housing Executive (2014) Black and ethnic minority worker mapping update, www.nihe.gov.uk/touch/black_and_minority_ ethnic_and_migrant_worker_mapping_update_ february_2014.pdf See also: BBC Radio 4 (2014) Racism in Northern Ireland. Aired on: Thursday 11th September 2014, 8pm. Available at: www.bbc.co.uk/ programmes/b04gc2yl 28. Northern Ireland Housing Executive (2014) Housing Myths and Migrants leaflet. Belfast: NIHE 29. Housing Rights Service (2014) Myths about Housing in Northern Ireland. Available at: www.housingrights. org.uk/news/myths-about-housing-northern-ireland 30. Ibid. 31. Office for National Statistics (2014) www.ons.gov. uk/ons/rel/migration1/migration-statistics-quarterlyreport/may-2014/msqr-may-2014.html 32. www.newstatesman.com/politics/2014/05/ romanian-and-bulgarian-stats-show-immigrationscaremongering 33. Embrace NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 34. Migration Observatory at University of Oxford (2014) Costs and Benefits : Benefits tourism, what does it mean? Available at: www.migrationobservatory. ox.ac.uk/sites/files/migobs/commentary-costs%20 and%20benefits_0.pdf 35. Ibid. 36. Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) (2013) In transition: Romanian and Bulgarian migration to the UK. Available at: www.ippr.org/assets/ media/images/media/files/publication/2013/12/intransition_rombulg_dec2013_11688.pdf 37. Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) (2014) a Fair Deal on Migration for the UK. Available at: www.ippr.org/assets/media/images/media/files/ publication/2014/03/fair-deal-on-migration_ Mar2013_11970.pdf 38. Finney, N. and Simpson, L. (2009) Sleepwalking to Segregation? Challenging Myths about Race and Migration. Bristol: Polity Press. Available at: www.ccsr.ac.uk/research/mrpd/documents/ SleepwalkingtosegregationCoverContentsSummary. pdf 39. Financial Times (2013) Immigration brings economic and fiscal gains to UK, reports show 5th November 2013. Available at: www.ft.com/ cms/s/0/9172b1f4-455d-11e3-b98b-00144feabdc0. html#axzz3bwsbyrru 40. Department for Work and Pension (DWP) (2014) Housing Benefit urgent bulletin, 26th March 2014. Available at: www.gov.uk/government/uploads/ system/uploads/attachment_data/file/298298/hbbulletin-u3-2014.pdf 41. Northern Ireland Housing Executive (2014) Housing Myths and Migrants leaflet. Belfast: NIHE 42. Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration (CReAM) (2013) The Fiscal Effects of Immigration to the UK. London: University College London. Available at: www.creammigration.org/publ_ uploads/cdp_22_13.pdf 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid. 45. London Chamber of Commerce and Industry (2003) www.londonchamber.co.uk/docimages/149.pdf 46. Russell, R. (2012) Migration in Northern Ireland: an update. Research information service, Belfast: Northern Ireland Assembly. Available at: www.niassembly.gov.uk/documents/raise/ Publications/2012/general/3112.pdf 47. www.ccsr.ac.uk/research/mrpd/documents/ SleepwalkingtosegregationCoverContentsSummary. pdf 48. Russell, R. (2012) Migration in Northern Ireland: an update. Research information service, Belfast: Northern Ireland Assembly. Available at: www.niassembly.gov.uk/documents/raise/ Publications/2012/general/3112.pdf 49. Eaton, G. (2013) Why Hunt s crack down on health tourism could cost more than it saves in The New Statesman, 3rd July 2013. Available at: www. newstatesman.com/politics/2013/07/why-huntscrackdown-health-tourism-could-cost-more-it-saves 50. Embrace NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 51. Hasan, M (2023) Without Immigrants our Country Wouldn t Function so let s give it a go for 24 hours in The Huffington Post, 22nd July 2013. Available at: www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/mehdi-hasan/ immigration-britain_b_3633860.html?utm_hp_ ref=fb&src=sp&comm_ref=false 52. Ibid. 53. Embrace NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 54. Provision of Health Services to Persons not Ordinarily Resident Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2005. See: www.legislation.gov.uk/nisr/2005/551/ pdfs/nisr_20050551_en.pdf 55. Northern Ireland Strategic Migration Partnership (NISMP) www.migrationni.org/pubic-services-andhousing#healthsocial 56. Ibid. 57. The Detail (2014) Dramatic Increase in Newcomer Pupils Attending NI s Schools, 3rd Feburary 2014. Available at: www.thedetail.tv/issues/304/ newcomer-pupils/dramatic-increase-in-newcomerpupils-attending-nis-schools 58. Hickman, M. et al. (2008) Immigration and Social Cohesion in the UK: The Rhythms and Realities of Everyday Life, York: Joseph Roundtree Foundation. Available at: www.jrf.org.uk/sites/files/jrf/2230- deprivation-cohesion-immigration.pdf 59. The Detail (2014) Dramatic Increase in Newcomer Pupils Attending NI s Schools, 3rd Feburary 2014. Available at: www.thedetail.tv/issues/304/ newcomer-pupils/dramatic-increase-in-newcomerpupils-attending-nis-schools 60. Ibid. 61. Embrace NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 62. Embrace NI (webpage) The Pros and Cons of Migration. Available at: www.embraceni.org/ migration/the-pros-and-cons-of-migration/ 63. Department of Education Northern Ireland (DENI) Newcomer pupils 2001/02 2013/14. Available at: www.deni.gov.uk/index/facts-and-figures-new/ education-statistics/32_statistics_and_researchnumbersofschoolsandpupils_pg/32_statistics_and_ research-northernirelandsummarydata_pg.htm 64. Available at: www.nicem.org.uk/wp-content/ uploads/2014/06/second-annual-human-rights- and-racial-equality-benchmarking-report-2013_14- Executive-Summary-.pdf 65. Embrace NI (2014) Embracing Diversity: Information Update 2014. Belfast: OFMDFM 66. Devine, P. (2012) Summary report on attitudes to minority ethnic people, the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILTS). Available at: www.ark. ac.uk/publications/occasional/meg12.pdf 67. Ibid 68. www.cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/segregat/docs/ deloitte0407.pdf 69. www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-24144378 70. www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-21706714 71. www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-23966384 72. www.embraceni.org/migration/the-pros-and-consof-migration/
www.uniteagainsthate.org.uk Unite_NI UniteAgainstHate